Human Colonization of the Americas: Timing, Technology and Process E

Quaternary Science Reviews 20 (2001) 277}299

Human colonization of the Americas: timing, technology and process E. James Dixon! " * ! Department of Anthropology, Denver Museum of Natural History, 2001 Colorado Blvd., Denver, CO 80205-5798, USA " Institute of Arctic and Alpine Research, University of Colorado at Boulder, 1560 30th street, Canpus Box 450, Boulder, CO 80304, USA

Abstract

Geological and archeological research indicates that humans "rst colonized the Americas with the use of watercraft along the southern coast of the Bering Land Bridge and the western coast of the Americas. Early dates from a number of archeological sites in the Americas indicate human colonization of the Americas began prior to ca. 13,000 BP. A review of archeological sites in eastern Beringia identi"es several distinctive cultural traditions which had developed by 11,000}10,000 BP. Geological, biological, linguistic evidence, and dated human skeletal remains all suggest human occupation of the Americas prior to ca. 11,500 BP. Glacial geology indicates colonization could have begun ca. 14,000}13,000 BP along the western coasts of the Americas and ended about 5000 BP with deglaciation of the Canadian eastern Arctic and coastal Greenland. The use of watercraft and coastal navigation prior to 11,000 BP are inferentially demonstrated. A model for early coastal and subsequent inland colonization of the Americas along large ecological zones best "ts current geologic and archeological data. ( 2000 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

1. Origins the Wisconsin glaciation. Research dating late Pleis- tocene deglaciation indicates that terrestrial connections Humans evolved in the Old World, beginning in Africa between eastern Beringia and areas south of the North and subsequently colonizing Eurasia, Australia, and the American continental glaciers were not reestablished un- Americas. Many archeologists believe that the "rst hu- til about 11,000 BP (Jackson et al., 1997). This precludes mans to enter the Americas came from northeast Asia via a mid-continental route for human entry until ca. the Bering Land Bridge sometime ca. 12,000 years ago 11,000 BP. about the end of the Wisconsin glaciation, the last glacial stage of the Pleistocene Epoch in North America. How- ever, this is not the only possible time for humans to have 2. Beringia and the ice-free corridor reached the New World. Some archeologists (Simpson et al., 1986; Irving et al., 1986; Carter, 1952, 1957 and The Bering Land Bridge has been a cornerstone in others) believe humans may have come to the Americas American paleontology and archeology for hundreds of 200,000}150,000 years ago during earlier glacial stages years. In addition to explaining the exchange of plants when the Bering Land Bridge formed as a result of lower and large terrestrial mammals between Asia and North sea levels (Hopkins, 1973). However, other researchers America, it is presumed that hunters of large terrestrial are of the opinion that humans "rst arrived in the Amer- mammals probably "rst entered North America icas within the ca. 50,000 years ago during the Happy from Asia via the Land Bridge. The traditional explana- Interval (Hopkins, 1979, 1982), and more likely within tion is that humans then moved south through central the last 14,000 years (Hrdlic\ ka, 1928; Haynes, 1969; Grif- western Canada sometime about 11,500 BP, either "n, 1979). Reliably dated human skeletal remains have through a hypothetical ice-free corridor or after the not been found in the Americas which are older than continental glaciers melted (Fig. 1). According to 12,000 BP. This supports other evidence suggesting that this theory, the pattern of Old World mammoth hunting humans "rst arrived in the Americas toward the end of was transposed to North America near the end of the last ice age by peoples using Clovis, or Clovis-like technology. * Tel.: 001-303-370-8261; fax: 001-303-331-6492. There is little evidence to support the traditional para- E-mail address: [email protected] (E. James Dixon). digm of mammoth hunters `expandinga from the Asian

vides a minimum limiting date for human colonization. Some archeologists believe that the Clovis complex represents the tangible remains of America's "rst colonists. However, numerous archeological sites have been reported from North and South America that some archeologists believe predate Clovis and the deglaciation of central northern North America. North American archeologists have established proto- cols to test the validity of Pleistocene archeological remains in the Americas (Haynes, 1967; Jennings, 1974; Gri$n, 1979; Stanford, 1979). Some of the more important or better known North American sites include Meadowcroft Rock Shelter in Pennsylvania (Adovasio et al., 1977, 1978, 1980), the Dutton and Selby sites in Colorado (Stanford, 1979, 1983; Graham, 1981), the Manis Mastadon site (Gustafson et al., 1979), and Val- sequillo in southeastern Mexico (Irwin-Williams, 1967, 1969, 1978). South American sites include Pedra Furada in northeast Brazil (Guidon and Delibrias, 1986; Delibrias et al., 1988; Parenti et al., 1990) Tiama-Tiama in northern Venezuela (Rouse and Cruxent, 1966; Cruxent and Ochsenius, 1979; Bryan, 1979; Bryan and Gruhn, 1979) and Monte Verde in southern Chile (Dil- Fig. 1. Map depicting the traditional Beringian-midcontinental human lehay, 1989, 1997). While the age or the cultural origin of route for human colonization of the Americas (modi"ed from Dixon all these sites are controversial, Monte Verde is accepted 1999). as a pre-Clovis site. Monte Verde, located in south-central Chile, is a camp- site re#ecting a wide range of human activity including residential structures and exceptionally well-preserved steppe into Beringia and southward through what is now organic remains including bone, wood and other mater- interior Canada into more southern regions of the Amer- ials. The site has been scienti"cally excavated under the icas. The only places from which there is "rm evidence for direction of Dillehay and his fellow researchers (Dillehay, mammoth hunting is on both sides of Beringia, not 1997). A series of eight stratigraphic units (labeled Beringia itself (Haynes, 1991, pp. 208}213). However, youngest to oldest, MV-1 through MV-8) have been blood residues preserved on Northern Paleoindian pro- described and dated by seven concordant C determina- jectile points suggests that mammoth may have been tions. Artifacts and other evidence of human occupation hunted in eastern Beringia possibly as late as 10,500 BP have been recovered from MV-7, which is capped by (Dixon, 1993; Loy and Dixon, 1998). a layer of peat that sealed and preserved the archeologi- North American glacial chronology establishes max- cal materials. imum and minimum limiting dates for human coloniz- Dillehay (1984, 1986, 1997; Collins and Dillehay, 1986) ation of North America. Deglaciation along the reports the remains of at least 12 dwellings, presumably northwest coast of North America was su$ciently ad- covered with animal skins, containing shallow clay-lined vanced to enable human settlement by at least 13,000 BP. braziers. Large `communala hearths were found with the However, the interior Bering Land Bridge/mid Conti- remains of edible seeds, nuts, fruits, and berries, and nental route was not deglaciated before ca. 11,000 BP. wood artifacts have been recovered including mortars, Extreme northeastern North America was not de- wooden hafts containing stone #akes, digging sticks, glaciated until ca. 5000 BP, thus providing the last op- a pointed lance or spear, and vast amounts of worked portunity for large-scale colonization sometime shortly wood. Although there are a few well-made bifacially thereafter (Fig. 8). #aked stone tools, most of the lithic industry consists of individual #akes, split pebbles and other stones exhibit- ing little modi"cation from their natural states. There are 3. Oldest archeological sites in the Americas many nearly spherical forms, a few of which are grooved and were possibly used as bola weights and/or stones for There is no professional consensus on the time humans slings. Although no human remains were recovered, foot "rst colonized the Americas. There is widespread concur- prints of a child or small adolescent were preserved on rence that the Clovis complex (11,500}11,000 BP) pro- the surface of MV-7. No geologic or other noncultural E.J. Dixon / Quaternary Science Reviews 20 (2001) 277}299 279 processes have been identi"ed to suggest this suite of (Oakley, 1963). Charcoal from the stratigraphic unit con- evidence could have been produced by any mechanism taining the human remains was C dated to other than human occupation. Monte Verde meets, 10,400$200 BP (L-568A) and 10,000$200 (L-650) or exceeds, the criteria establishing pre-Clovis validity (Orr, 1962, p. 419). Although the human bone originally for archeological sites in the Americas (Meltzer et al., submitted was considered unsuitable for C analysis 1997). (Morris, cited in Erlandson, 1994, p. 186), Berger and Two hearth-like features suggest the possibility that Protsh (1989, p. 59) were able to obtain a C determina- there may be an even earlier occupation at the site. They tion of 10,080$810 BP from a long bone of Arlington were discovered stratigraphically below unit MV-7, Man. Controversy over the age of the human remains has about 70 m north of the main occupation (Dillehay and focused on the large standard deviation associated with Collins, 1988; Dillehay, 1997). Two C determinations this date and the fact that there was only one C deter- from these features are 33,370$530 (Beta-6754) and mination. To address the controversy, additional AMS '33,020 (Beta-7825). Scattered about them were 26 C determinations were run by Johnson and Sta!ord naturally fractured stones, which appear to have been (1997, pers. comm.) resulting in an AMS C date of used by people. In the absence of other evidence, the 10,970$80 (CAMS-16810) on collagen from the human investigators are not certain that these features present bone and another AMS C determination of unequivocal evidence of human occupation. 11,490$70 on Peromyscus sp. bone collagen directly associated with the human remains. Arlington Man also provides the earliest evidence for the use of watercraft in 4. Human remains North America because Santa Rosa Island was not connected to mainland North America during the last ice age Unlike the Old World, the New World lacks human (Erlandson, 1994, p. 183). remains anatomically similar to very early human forms The Anzick rock shelter located in Montana was acci- such as Homo erectus, Homo sapiens neanderthalensis,or dentally discovered in 1968 (Jones and Bonnichsen, even Archaic Homo sapiens. Human remains found in the 1994). The site and context of the artifacts and human New World appear to be completely modern humans, remains were largely destroyed by construction activities Homo sapiens. The only possible evidence to the contrary before they were examined by trained scientists. The is the inconclusive identi"cation of a human supraorbital burial(s) contained two individuals and an assemblage of ridge from the Chapala Basin, Mexico, which has been more than 100 stone and bone artifacts. Both individuals compared to the supraorbital ridge from Old World are described as `subadultsa (Wilke et al., 1991). Two examples of Homo erectus. However, Solorzano (1990; very small pieces of human crania, one from each indi- Haley and Solorzano, 1991) cautions that this identi"ca- vidual, were directly dated by the AMS method. One was tion has been made on a small fragment of bone. Other bleached white and the other stained with hematite researchers suggest that this bone may not be human, but (ochre). The bleached crania dated 8600$90 BP and the rather derived from the fragmentary remains of another ochre-stained bone dated 10,680$50 BP (Sta!ord, 1990, element from a di!erent species. Another report of pre p. 121; 1994, p. 49}51). More recently a second CAMS Homo sapiens from the New World is a curious article date of 11,550$60 (CAMS-35912) has been obtained on and illustration of an archaic human calvarium (skull gelatin from the ochre-stained crania (Sta!ord, pers. cap) by Bryan (1978, pp. 318}321) which, since his de- comm., 1997). It is di$cult to explain the di!erence in scription, has disappeared. these two dates, and resolution of this problem will The three oldest sets of reliably dated human remains require additional dating. from north America are from Fishbone Cave, in western Direct AMS dating of human bone provides unequivo- Nevada; Arlington Springs on Santa Rosa Island, cal proof and limiting dates for humans in the Americas. California; and the Anzick site, Montana. Radiocarbon The oldest human remains from Anzick, Fishbone Cave, dates of 11,555$500 BP (no lab C cited) and 10,900$ and Arlington Springs appear to be between ca. 300 BP (L-245) BP were reported from Fishbone Cave by 11,500}11,000 BP. This indicates that by this time human Orr (1956, p. 3) for level 4. This level contains the partial population density had achieved a level su$cient to remains of a human skeleton consisting of the burned assure the survival and discovery of fossil remains over remains of a left foot, a clavicle, and a "bula. a broad geographic areas and from di!erent depositional Two human femora, a humerus and an unidenti"ed environments. Prior to ca. 11,000}11,500 BP the North bone were found about 37.5 ft (11 m) below the surface American human population may have been extremely on Santa Rosa Island (Orr, 1962, p. 418). Based on the small or geographically restricted. Toth (1991, p. 55) has size of the femora, Orr suggested they were the remains of suggested that if we assume a model for the colonization an adult male. These remains have become known as of the Americas as ever increasing population over time, Arlington Man. Chemical analysis demonstrated that the the odds of documenting the very earliest evidence of bone was fossilized suggesting considerable antiquity human occupation are very slim. 280 E.J. Dixon / Quaternary Science Reviews 20 (2001) 277}299

5. Biological and linguistic evidence Na-Dene populations were founded by two separate migrations. However, research by Horai et al. (1996) draws Linguistics and biological anthropology demonstrate the conclusion that the four haplogroups are evidence of that Native Americans most likely came to the Americas four respective ancestral populations that migrated to the from northeast Asia. Turner (1983) has studied the denti- Americas gradually in di!erent `wavesa. On the other tion of Native Americans and northeast Asians. Based on hand, Merriwether et al. (1995) reason that because all about 20 dental traits, such as the shape of tooth crowns four founding lineages are found in all Native American and the number of tooth roots, he has de"ned an overall populations, the concept of a single migration with all dental pattern which he calls `Sinodontya. This distinc- four lineages being derived from the original founding tive dental pattern is shared among Native Americans population is probable. Other researchers (Bailliet et al., and people from northeast Asia. However, Sinodonty is 1994; Lorenz and Smith, 1996) report evidence sugges- not found in people who originated in southern Asia, ting there may have been at least one more halplogroup Africa, or Europe. Another less complex dental pattern, in Native American populations prior to contact with called Sundadonty, is shared among peoples of Southeast Europeans. Although the conclusions drawn from this Asia and occurs in some early Native American skeletons research are controversial, mtDNA research raises seri- including Kennewick Man (Chatters, 1997). Turner ous challenges to the `three wavea migration model (1992, p. 6) concludes that because there has been less based on the analysis of contemporary languages and dental evolution in the Americas, the New World has prehistoric dental traits. been occupied for less time than Asia, and that wide- Archeologists have long recognized the di$culty in spread Sinodonty demonstrates a northeast Asian origin identifying genetic, ethnic, and linguistic `signaturesa in for Native Americans. However, Merriwether et al. (1996) the archeological record. Although much work remains identify Mongolia as a more likely point of origin for to be done, it is clear that to establish migration of New World founding populations based on their analysis people, it is necessary to document a culture in one of the mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) of Native Mon- region and subsequently document it in another. To do golians. this, it is necessary to identify material traits that can be Turner (1983, 1985, 1992) recognizes three subdivisions reliably attributed to a speci"c culture. The early archeol- of Sinodonty based on the dental characteristics, and ogy of eastern Beringia and North America is so poorly proposes that colonization of the Americas occurred in understood, that this is impossible to do except at gross three distinct migrations. The "rst were ancestors of the levels of comparison. peoples of South America and southern North America. The second were ancestors of Native Americans residing in interior Alaska and along the Northwest Coast. The 6. Colonization processes third were the Aleut-Eskimo who occupy the coastal fringes of Alaska. Some genetic research may support There is no need to think of human migration as Turner's `three wavea model (Williams et al., 1985). a speci"c event. Humans may have populated the Amer- The dental evidence appears to correspond with lin- icas in small numbers, or migratory `dribblesa, over long guistic data compiled by Greenberg (Greenberg et al., periods of time (Meltzer, 1989). Some migrations may 1986; Greenberg, 1987, 1997). By applying a process have been successful, and others may not have been. called `mass comparisona, he lumped Native American Some of these small groups of early migrants could have languages into three groups called Amerind, Na-Dene been genetically swamped by later groups, exterminated and Eskimo-Aleut. The linguistic data appear to corre- by warfare or by the introduction of disease, too small to late well with the dental evidence. It suggests that the "rst be viable, or unable to adapt to new environments. arrivals to settle the Americas were the ancestors of the If the earliest immigrants were few in number, had Amerinds, the second `wavea were the ancestors of the technology derived from perishable organic material, and Na-Dene and the last to emigrate to the New World were survived for only a short time, the evidence of their the Eskimo-Aleut (Greenberg et al., 1987). passing would be extremely di$cult to detect in the The analysis of nuclear, and mitochondrial DNA has archeological record. This would be even more di$cult if led to alternative conclusions. In analyzing mtDNA from these early peoples lacked what archeologists consider to Native Americans, Schurr et al. (1990) recognized four be diagnostic artifact types, such as #uted stone projectile basic mtDNA lineages, or haplogroups, which they points. There would be no genetic or linguistic evidence labeled A}D. The fact that only four lineages could be in extant populations if the colonists did not survive, and identi"ed suggests that the founding population(s) may there may not exist a continuous archeological record have been very small. All four lineages occur in all Native extending from the Pleistocene to later well-documented American populations, but it is not clear how this in- North American archeological sites. It is possible that formation can be interpreted properly. Based on mtDNA there were sporadic colonization events that are not analysis, Torroni et al. (1992) conclude that Amerind and connected to subsequent development of New World E.J. Dixon / Quaternary Science Reviews 20 (2001) 277}299 281 archeology. Tracing the migration of speci"c groups of on the work of Birdsell (1957), who derived his statistics people is extremely di$cult in the archeological record. from his research of human population expansion on Some researchers believe that ecological disequilib- Pitcarin * a remote Paci"c island that was uninhabited rium may result in human dispersals and that initial until 1790, when it was colonized by nine mutineers from contact between humans and select species may HMS Bounty and 19 Polynesians. While these data may cause their extinction. Paul S. Martin (1967, 1973, 1974) be correct and useful in the contexts of the ecology of has advanced the `overkill hypothesisa which postulates small islands, Beaton (1991a) suggests it is not applicable that the "rst human hunters to enter the Americas for Australia, a large land mass of continental proportion were responsible for the extinction of approximately similar to the Americas. It may be inappropriate to 70 genera. According to this scenario, as humans extrapolate the human environmental impact from small moved into the Americas, they encountered large Paci"c islands to continental land masses. mammals that had developed no e!ective means of Furthermore, it is necessary to emphasize that the evading intelligent and sophisticated human predators, scale of investigative resolution "t the scale of the prob- and humans quickly hunted these large mammals to lem (Beaton, 1991a, p. 220). In other words, when at- extinction. tempting to address human colonization of continents, Kelley and Todd (1988; Kelly, 1996) have advanced such as the initial peopling of the Americas or Australia, a variation of Martin's model. They suggest that the "rst it is more useful to look at large, or macro, environmental Paleoindians were technologically based foragers. Unlike zones. Such large environmental zones, or biomes, in- modern foragers who are geographically based and gen- clude regions such as coastlines, rather than smaller erally con"ned by neighboring foraging groups, the ear- ecological areas such as estuaries or headlands. These liest human groups in North America may have relied macroenvironmental regions, or biomes, are what Be- more on knowledge of animal behavior and technology aton (1991a) calls `megapatchesa, which are large envir- rather than knowledge of geography. This may have onmental zones or areas such as coasts, forests, deserts, enabled them to move from region to region exploiting and mountains. various species, some of which may have been preferred. The major physiographic and ecological regions of the Such a subsistence strategy could result in comparatively Americas tend to be oriented linearly from north}south. rapid human `migrationa and the extinction of select For example, the western cordillera of North America species. form a huge mountainous `spinea extending from Alaska Aquatic metaphors such as `wavesa, `tricklesa, to Arizona, the plains extend from Alberta, Canada to `dribblesa, and `drifta are frequently used to describe the northern Mexico, and the western coastal coniferous peopling of the Americas. However, these `termsa tell us forest stretches from Alaska to California. little, if anything, about the actual processes of human The bow wave model proposed by Mosimann and colonization. Currently there exist very few models for Martin (1973) is illustrated in Fig. 2. It is characterized by the peopling of the Americas. Mosimann and Martin bow-shaped lines, or `wavesa, symbolizing the sequential (1975) demonstrated that humans could have colonized advance of the human population at approximately the both North America and South America in approxim- same latitude. By comparison, the ecological zone model ately 1000 years and concurrently killed o! the large illustrated in Fig. 8 is characterized by more vertical lines Pleistocene mammals. Some scientists counter that dra- that parallel the major environmental zones, such as the matic change in climate caused the extinction of ice age coast and the western Cordillera. mammals, while others suggest that a combination of Linear north-to-south colonization could have also both climatic change and human predators were the occurred along ecotones, which are zones of transition cause. between two or more biomes. These transitional environ- Wormington (1983, p. 192) believed that human colon- ments may have been the `megapatch of choicea, pos- ization of the Americas took much longer than the model sibly being more productive than either of the adjacent proposed by Mosimann and Martin. In her view, early biomes and possibly permitting people access to re- hunters and gatherers needed more time to develop fam- sources in adjacent biomes. On a very large (continental) iliarity with their environment and its resources, and level of analysis the coastal zone could be regarded as an once they had gained this knowledge they were reluctant ecotone, where the resources of both the marine and to move. She regarded environmental change and popu- terrestrial biomes are available. lation pressure as the causal mechanisms for human In relatively linear environmental zones such as river groups to move. This type of model requires a much systems or coastal margins, colonization might be ex- greater amount of time for humans to colonize the pected to be rapid, possibly resulting in high-velocity American continents than that advocated by Mosimann settlement in conjunction with the use of watercraft. and Martin (1975). In other types of ecological settings, colonization may In their attempt to model the human colonization of have occurred at a much slower rate. With colonization the Americas, Mosimann and Martin (1975) rely heavily occurring along major environmental zones, it may be 282 E.J. Dixon / Quaternary Science Reviews 20 (2001) 277}299

Fig. 2. The hypothetical `Bow Wavea model for the human colonization of the Americas from North to South (modi"ed from Mosimann and Martin, 1975, and reproduced from Dixon 1999, p. 36 with permission of University of New Mexico Press).

reasonable to assume that di!erent environmental re- derived from Asia and has its technological roots in the gions of the Americas were colonized at di!erent times. late Upper Paleolithic microblade industries of Eurasia. For example, coastal zones may have been inhabited The hallmark of this tradition is microblade technology. long before the interior plains or deserts. The American Paleoarctic tradition is subdivided here into three regional variants: (1) the "rst retains the original name, the American Paleoarctic tradition, (2) the 7. Early archeology of eastern Beringia Denali complex, and (3) the Northwest Coast Micro- blade tradition. Three archeological traditions and two complexes The third major cultural development in eastern Beri- have been identi"ed in eastern Beringia and the Paci"c ngia is the Northern Paleoindian tradition (ca. Northwest. The earliest is the Nenana complex (older 10,500}8500 BP), believed to be a northern manifestation than 11,600}10,500 BP), discovered at several sites in of the Paleoindian tradition of western North America. Interior Alaska. Archeologists have not ascertained the The American Paleoarctic tradition, the Northern origins of the Nenana complex. Paleoindian tradition, and Denali complex are co- The second major cultural development is called the traditions. Co-traditions existed when people living American Paleoarctic tradition (10,500}8,000 BP). It is in adjacent regions practiced di!erent ways of life E.J. Dixon / Quaternary Science Reviews 20 (2001) 277}299 283 and made di!erent types of tools during the same period I at the Dry Creek site, the Walker Road site and the of time. Each of these traditions is reviewed brie#yto Moose Creek site. Another Nenana complex site in demonstrate how they support a coastal colonization the Teklanika River valley has been dated to 11,340$ model. 150 BP and contains the same types of artifacts (Phippen, 1988). Radiocarbon dates from Components I at the Walker 8. Nenana complex (ca. '11,600}10,500 BP) Road and Dry Creek sites range between ca. 11,800 and 11,000 BP, averaging ca. 11,300 BP (Powers and The Nenana complex (greater than 11,600 BP} Ho!ecker, 1990, p. 278). Nenana complex sites are found 10,500 BP) is de"ned on the basis of stone artifacts which near the bottom of thick sections of windblown sedi- date to the same time period found in Alaska's Nenana ments that began to accumulate during the early Birch River valley (Powers and Ho!ecker, 1990). Field research interval (ca. 14,000 BP). in the upper Tanana River Valley in the early 1990s The earliest "rmly dated archeological remains as- discovered similar artifact assemblages (Fig. 3). Nenana cribed to the Nenana complex come from sites located in complex peoples may have been con"ned to interior Alaska's Tanana River Valley: the Broken Mammoth, Alaska prior to melting of Brooks Range glaciers Mead, and Swan Point sites. Extensive excavations have (Hamilton and Goebel, 1999). Artifact types that de"ne not been conducted at the Mead site. The oldest paleosol the Nenana complex are: (1) triangular and `teardrop- identi"ed at the site is dated to ca. 11,600 BP, from which shapeda projectile points and knives, (2) straight- or a cylindrical ivory object, a scraper, a few biface frag- concave- based lanceolate projectile points, (3) perfor- ments and waste #akes, and possibly a small projectile ators, (4) end and side scrapers, (5) burins, (6) hammer point fragment were recovered. and anvil stones, (7) unifacial knives and scrapers. Flakes, The Broken Mammoth site has yielded more informa- small stone wedges (piece esquille'e), and lithic debitage tion. This site is important because it is well strati"ed, are also associated with these sites. These diagnostic contains four major periods of cultural occupation, and types of stone artifacts have been found at Component exhibits concurrent C determinations. It is possibly

Fig. 3. Map depicting the location of important archeological sites and site components ascribed to the Nenana complex (modi"ed from Dixon, 1993 and reproduced with permission of University of New Mexico Press). 284 E.J. Dixon / Quaternary Science Reviews 20 (2001) 277}299 the oldest reliably dated site in Alaska. A series of The relationship between the Nenana complex and nine C determinations indicate Cultural Zone IV was somewhat earlier Tanana Valley sites is not well under- occupied between ca. 11,700}11,000 BP. Cultural re- stood. Preliminary data suggest that both groups of sites mains from Zone IV include waste #akes, a quartz `chop- share a number of common traits, and may be regional per/scraper/planea, retouched #akes, biface thinning and temporal variants of a larger tradition or complex. #akes, scrap fossil ivory, and a cache of tools made of With the notable exception of Swan Point, all lack fossil ivory consisting of two cigar shaped `pointsa and evidence of microblade technology. All contain small a possible handle (Yesner, 1996). triangular bifacially #aked projectile points, some of At Swan Point the oldest cultural level (ca. 11,660 BP) which have concave bases and are basally thinned, and contains worked mammoth tusk fragments (probably many sites contain distinctive pointed ovate `Chindadna scavenged `fossila ivory dated to 12,060$70 (NSRL- bifaces. 2001, CAMS-17045)), microblades, microblade core Except for the few gastroliths, the original evidence preparation #akes, blades, split quartz pebble chop- from Dry Creek suggested that Nenana complex peoples per/planes, dihedral burins, and red ochre. The next were big game hunters primarily hunting elk and sheep. oldest occupation, dated by one C determination to However, additional data from the Broken Mammoth 10,230$80 BP, (BETA-56666, CAMS-4251) (Holmes et site demonstrates a more generalized opportunistic al., 1996), lacks microblades and contains small lan- gathering economy which included harvesting waterfowl, ceolate points with convex/straight bases, thin triangular gathering eggs, and hunting and/or trapping small points, gravers made on broken points and quartz pebble mammals. Large mammal hunting, particularly for choppers or hammers. Although the ca. 11,660 year old bison, elk and sheep, was important. Proboscidean component appears anomalous based on the presence of remains (mammoth or mastodon ivory) resulted from a microblade technology, the later occupation dating to collecting fossil ivory rather than mammoth or mastodon ca. 10,230 BP is consistent in its artifact assemblage with hunting. other Nenana complex sites. Trace element analysis indicates that obsidian from the Swan Point is an anomaly because it appears to have Wrangell Mountains occurs in the lowest levels at Bro- a microblade industry more than a thousand years earlier ken Mammoth and Walker Road sites. Obsidian from than anywhere else in Interior Alaska, even earlier than the Batza Tena source on the south side of the Brooks similar assemblages from western Beringia. The Denali Range also occurs in Tanana valley Nenana complex complex at Swan Point is dated by two C samples. One sites. These discoveries demonstrate that a widespread was from mammoth ivory dating to 12,060$70 trade network was already in place in interior Alaska (CAMS-17045) which was probably older scavenged probably as early as ca. 11,700 BP (Hamilton and ivory (Holmes et al., 1996, p. 323). The other dates, Goebel, in press). 11,660$70 BP (BETA-56667. CAMS-4252) and All sites ascribed to the Nenana complex were small 11,660$60 BP (BETA-71372, CAMS-12389), were run camps generally located on blu!s with panoramic views. on willow and poplar charcoal derived from a cultural They appear to have been occupied by small groups of hearth associated with the microblades (Holmes et al., people for brief periods of time. No human remains or 1996, p. 321). Goebel and Hamilton (1999) suggest that evidence of structures have yet been found and "res the microblades may have been mixed with older char- appear to have been built directly on the surface of the coal immediately after the deposition of a pebbly col- ground with little or no preparation of the area. Charcoal luvial layer and immediately before the overlying loess is generally scattered and relatively scarce for dating began to accumulate. The older dates could also result purposes. Minute unidenti"able calcined bone fragments from other factors such as burning older `fossila wood. have been recovered frequently from these hearths, sug- Swan Point is still in the early stages of investigation and gesting bone was burned as fuel, for ritual purposes, or to additional research is required to resolve the age of the keep camps clean. Red ochre has been reported asso- early microblade component and its relationship to the ciated with several Nenana complex occupations (Goebel Nenana complex. and Powers, 1989; Phippen, 1988, p. 118; Powers and The Healy Lake Village Site contains distinctive `tear Ho!ecker, 1990, p. 281, Holmes et al., 1996). dropa-shaped bifaces, called `Chindadna points, found in Most sites were probably open-air camps probably the lower levels (Cook, 1969, 1996). Chindadn points are using skin tents or temporary tent-like structures. Al- generally small and occasionally ground on one lateral though no structural remains were discovered, the spatial edge, suggesting they were dulled for hafting and used as distribution of more than 130 artifacts around a circular knives. This distinctive artifact occurs in Nenana com- clay-lined hearth at the Walker Road site were inter- plex type sites, and other sites in the Tanana valley. preted to be the location of a circular tent about 5 m in Component I of the Owl Ridge site also has been as- diameter (Goebel and Powers, 1989; Powers et al., 1990). cribed to the Nenana complex and radiocarbon dated to The full range of the Nenana complex settlement pattern 11,340$150 BP (Beta-11209) (Phippen, 1988). and subsistence cycle is still poorly understood. E.J. Dixon / Quaternary Science Reviews 20 (2001) 277}299 285

microblade cores, microblades, blades and blade cores, core bifaces, antler arrow points slotted to receive microblades, grooved stone abraders, and waste #akes. The geographic distribution includes the coastal margins of Bering and Chukchi Seas, the Arctic Ocean, and adjacent terrestrial environments. It extends south roughly to the limit of winter sea ice. Economically, it probably had two aspects, (1) marine mammal hunting, including winter sea ice hunting and (2) exploitation of adjacent non-coastal regions to "sh and hunt for terrestrial mammals. When moving inland from the coast, it is di$cult to identify where economies based solely on interior environments begin and coastal economic practices are abandoned. Perhaps these di!erent economies are best viewed as gradational, with greater and greater reliance placed on non-marine resources as one moves away from the coast toward the interior. The archeological record is obscured along Bering and Chukchi Sea coasts because of Holocene sea level rise. However, the persistence of the American Paleoarctic tradition is suggested along the Bering Sea coast. For example, Anderson (1986, p. 313) suggests that the Lower Bench site at Cape Krusenstern may be a transitional microblade assemblage between the American Paleoar- ctic tradition and the later Arctic Small Tool tradition. Shortly after sea level stabilized, there is widespread recognition of the Arctic Small Tool tradition along the Bering and Chukchi Sea coast. In regions where tectonic uplift or isostatic rebound have outpaced sea level rise, such as Anangula Island, it is clear from the location of Fig. 4. Map depicting the location of important archeological sites and the sites adjacent to the sea that they were adapted to site components ascribed to the American Paleoarctic tradition (modi- "ed from Dixon, 1993 and reproduced with permission of University of a marine economy. New Mexico Press). A single C determination from Locality I at the Gallagher Flint Station may suggest that American 9. American Paleoarctic tradition (ca. 10,500}7000 BP) Paleoarctic populations may have been in place in interior areas adjacent to the coast possibly as early as ca. Anderson (1970, p. 69) "rst de"ned the American 10,500 (Dixon, 1975). On the Alaska Peninsula, Paleoar- Paleoarctic tradition to include the Akmak and Band ctic tradition occupations are documented from the 8 assemblages from the Onion Portage site, the early lowest levels of the Ugashik Narrows site and at Kvichak microblades from the Trail Creek Caves, and various Bay (Dumond, 1977; Dumond et al., 1976; Henn, 1978). undated assemblages from the Brooks Range character- Five radiocarbon determinations indicate that these as- ized by wedged-shaped microblade cores, microblades, semblages range between ca. 9000 and 7000 BP. The and other artifact types. Since that time the American Ugashik Narrows site, located along a river with a major Paleoarctic tradition has been used to lump a wide variety salmon run, where large mammals such as caribou and of early microblade and microcore assemblages which are moose may easily cross the river, suggests that "shing widely dispersed throughout eastern Beringia (Fig. 4). and large-mammal hunting were important economic Because so many regional variants and di!erent eco- activities. nomic systems have been subsumed under the American Paleoarctic tradition, the term has lost much of its de- scriptive utility and is no longer very useful as a tradition 10. The Denali complex (10,500}8000 BP) in classic de"nition of the term. It has been divided into three basic units: (1) the American Paleoarctic tradition, Throughout Interior Alaska and the Yukon Territory, (2) the Denali complex, and (3) the Northwest Coast a number of archeological sites have been documented Microblade tradition (Dixon, in press). date between ca. 10,500 and 8000 BP and contain bifacial The diagnostic lithic artifacts associated with the biconvex knives, end scrapers, large blades and blade- American Paleoarctic tradition include wedge-shaped like #akes, prepared microblade cores, core tablets, 286 E.J. Dixon / Quaternary Science Reviews 20 (2001) 277}299 microblades, burins, burin spalls, worked #akes, and names, including the Early Coast Microblade complex retouched #akes. This suite of artifacts was de"ned by (Fladmark, 1975), the Microblade tradition (Carlson, West (1967, 1974) as the Denali complex. Since that time 1979, 1981), Early Coast and North Coast Microblade the list of associated lithic traits has been increased to complex (Fladmark, 1982), the Marine Paleoarctic tradi- include large blade cores, straight and convex based tion (Davis, 1989), and the Maritime Paleoarctic tradi- projectile points with constricting sides, elongate bifaces, tion (Jordan, 1992). Rather than add to this confusing spokeshaves, and abraders. The term Denali complex is nomenclature, this presentation simply uses the term retained here because it has priority in the literature and is Northwest Coast Microblade tradition, which is in keep- applied to a restricted region (interior regions of eastern ing with Fladmark (1975) and descriptively includes both Beringia lacking a coastal/marine economic component). the geographic area and hallmark technological trait, the Component II at Dry Creek suggests that the Denali shared use of microblade technology. These sites extend complex "rst appears in interior Alaska ca. 10,690$250 from the Kodiak Archipelago southeastward along the based on the overall site stratigraphy and C dating Paci"c Rim through Southeast Alaska, British Colum- (Powers and Ho!ecker, 1989). Component II at nearby bia, Washington, Oregon and the northern Great Basin Panguingue Creek has several C determinations (Dumond, 1962). bracketing this occupation between 8500 and 7500 BP A marine economy is indicated for most sites by faunal (Powers and Maxwell, 1986; Goebel and Bigelow, 1996). remains, ecological settings and isotope analysis of hu- West (1996, pp. 375}380; West and others, 1996, man remains from Prince of Wales Island (Dixon et al., pp. 381}408) reports numerous sites from glacial terrain 1997). The northern geographic limit of this tradition is in the Tangle Lakes region of the southcentral Alaska di$cult to ascertain, but could extend to the south side of Range which contain typical Denali complex assem- the Alaska Peninsula where there is no winter pack ice. blages. All are relatively shallow sites (less than 50 cm Marine subsistence in the Northwest Coast Microblade deep) primarily situated on the top of glacial features, tradition is adapted to year round open water, rugged some of which appear to have reliable radiocarbon deter- forested coasts characterized by fjords, islands, and rocky minations dating Denali complex occupations between headlands, calving glaciers, major salmon runs, salt water ca. 10,500 and 8000 BP. Numerous other sites containing "shing and intertidal shell "sh resources. Denali complex occupations have been reported It has not been determined when this tradition "rst throughout the interior, including the Healy Lake Village appeared along the Northwest Coast. Rising sea level site (Cook, 1969; Cook and Mckennan, 1970). In the inundated most coastal areas older than ca. 9500 BP. upper Susitna River drainage, Dixon and Smith (1990) Preserved sites include Beluga Point ca. 7000}8000 BP identi"ed six sites which they ascribed to the Denali (Reger, 1996, p. 434). Craig Point, 7790$620 BP (Jordan, complex based on typological traits, stratigraphic posi- 1992), Component III, Ground Hog Bay 2, 10,180$800 tion within a series of regional tephras, and radiocarbon and 9130$130 BP (Ackerman et al., 1979; Ackerman, dating. The Campus Site is now considered to be late 1996a, b). Hidden Falls, Component I, ca. 9000 BP (Davis, Holocene in age based on a reevaluation of the site and 1989, p. 194), Locality 1 at the Chuck Lake, Locality 1, ca. associated artifacts by Mobly (1991). 8200 BP (Ackerman et al., 1985), Rice Creek, ca. 9000 BP Numerous Denali complex sites have been reported (Ackerman, 1996a, b, p. 127 and 130), and the Thorne from a variety of ecological settings throughout interior River site ca. 7500 BP (Holmes, 1988; Holmes et al., 1989). eastern Beringia. The ecological setting of interior sites Obsidian from Hidden Falls and Ground Hog Bay is from indicate an economy which included large mammal Sumez Island (adjacent to Prince of Wales in the Alexan- hunting and freshwater aquatic resources. Faunal re- der Archipelago) and Mt. Edziza (upper Sitkine River, mains from Component II at Dry Creek include bison northern British Columbia) (Nelson, 1976, cited in Acker- and sheep. Many of the sites in the Alaska Range and man, 1996a, b). This early trade in obsidian required the Susitna River drainage are ideally situated for caribou use of water craft (Ackerman, 1992; Davis, 1989; Erlan- hunting. Although data are sketchy, most sites are dson et al., 1992), and implies that the area must have been relatively small, lacking evidence of structures or other occupied earlier in order to discover these obsidian sour- features which might be indicative of permanent or ces and develop trade networks. semi-permanent settlements. Organic artifacts are rare PET-408 is located on the northern end of Prince of and little is known about these residents of the interior. Wales Island, southeast Alaska. Human skeletal remains from this site have been C dated to ca. 9800 BP. (Dixon et al., 1997). Isotopic values for the human bone indicate 11. The Northwest Coast Microblade Tradition a diet based primarily on marine resources and dC (ca. 10,500}(7000 BP) values for the human bone are similar to those obtained for ringed seal, sea otter, and marine "sh. These data This tradition was "rst called the Early Boreal tradi- indicate a diet based primarily on sea foods and that the tion (Borden, 1969, 1975), and later given a variety of marine carbon reservoir has a!ected the accuracy of the E.J. Dixon / Quaternary Science Reviews 20 (2001) 277}299 287

C determinations. In the Queen Charlotte Islands to the use of watercraft is inferentially demonstrated by the the south, a ca. 600 year Cdi!erence in the regional widespread trade in obsidian, "shing for o!-shore bot- marine and atmospheric carbon cycles has been tom "sh, marine mammal hunting, and the location of documented by comparison of C determinations on sites on islands and other settings accessible from the sea. wood and shell (Fedje, McSporran and Mason, 1996, p. 118). This suggests that the dates on the human remains from PET-408 should be corrected by subtracting 12. Northern Paleoindian tradition (ca. 10,500-8000 BP) ca. 600 C years. Presuming this correction factor can be applied to Prince of Wales Island, the corrected age for Fluted projectile points and related lanceolate forms the human is ca. 9200 BP. have been found throughout eastern Beringia (Fig. 5). The human remains from PET-408 are probably con- The #uted projectile points from eastern Beringia have temporaneous with a microblade bearing cultural hor- come from sites which either have not been dated or for izon at the site which has been dated by C wood which the dating is ambiguous. Most scholars have as- charcoal to ca. 9200 BP (Dixon et al., 1997). This demon- sumed a historical relationship between Paleoindian pro- strates a maritime adaptation by microblade using jectile points from eastern Beringia and those from the peoples along the northwest coast by ca. 9200 BP. An southern Plains of western North America based on their individual bone tool, possibly an awl or punch, manufac- morphological similarity. Fluted projectile points have tured from terrestrial mammal bone from 49-PET-408 been found primarily in the northern areas of Beringia has been AMS dated to 10,300$50 BP (CAMS-42381). along the north and south sides of the Brooks Range. This C determination and other evidence suggest that A few examples are also reported from regions in central PET-408 was occupied during the late Pleistocene. interior Alaska. Fedje and Josenhans (pers. comm., 1998) recovered Numerous sites containing #uted projectile points a basalt blade-like #ake from the continental shelf of from eastern Beringia are part of the larger North Ameri- British Columbia. Based on local sea level rise at the end can Paleoindian tradition usually associated with the of the Pleistocene, this locale would probably have been western United States (Dixon, 1993, pp. 15}23). By in- covered by rising sea level about or shortly before cluding the northern examples within the larger Paleoin- 10,000 BP, thus suggesting the site may have been occu- dian tradition the underlying assumption is made that pied ca. 10,300 BP (Josenhans et al., 1997). Although the peoples who made and used these tools in eastern these data and the ca. 10,300 BP date on a bone tool from Beringia were part of a larger population of peoples who PET-4089 are preliminary, they suggest humans occu- shared a similar way of life and economic system. This pied the northwest coast of North America at the end of assumption is supported by the fact that most of the the last ice age when sea level was lower and the conti- northern sites appear to be situated in locales best suited nental margins of western North America were exposed for big game hunting, a strong economic focus of as dry land. Paleoindians to the south. In coastal British Columbia, Fladmark (1982) de"ned There are three hypotheses which address the relation- an early Holocene cultural complex contemporaneous ships between the northern and southern Paleoindian with early southeast Alaska sites (Carlson, 1990, 1996; assemblages (Clark, 1984a, b): (1) northern Paleoindian Fladmark, 1990; Stryd and Rousseau, 1996; Fedje et al., artifacts were left by the "rst humans to reach Alaska and 1996; and others). Despite the more extensive research in later moved southward, (2) #uted projectile points de- British Columbia, there are few sites reported which can veloped in the more southern regions of North America be demonstrated to be older than 10,000 BP (Hobler, and spread northward into eastern Beringia, or (3) #uted 1978; Fladmark, 1979). Hobler (1978) reports #akes and points were independently invented in eastern Beringia #ake cores from intertidal sites in the Queen Charlotte thousands of years after those to the south. This techno- Islands which are presumed to have been deposited prior logy could also have developed rapidly from the Nenana to sea level rise ca. 10,000 BP. The earliest cultural com- complex as it spread south (Goebel et al., 1991). While ponent at the Skoglund's Landing site is ca. some Paleoindian sites are known to contain large blades 8500}9000 BP (Fladmark, 1979). Fedje et al. (1996) re- and blade like #akes, Paleoindian tradition peoples did port early Holocene C determinations of ca. 9200 BP not manufacture microblades or use side blade insets. for Arrow Creek 2. Comparative analysis using cumulative percentage Collectively, these sites demonstrate widespread curves and cluster analysis demonstrates a close relation- occupation by maritime adapted humans in Southeast ship between the Nenana and Clovis complexes sugges- Alaska and British Columbia beginning sometime prior ting two explanations for the similarities: (1) (following to 10,000 BP. Lithic artifacts include blocky and wedge- Haynes, 1987 and others) that humans crossed the Bering shaped microblade cores, microblades, utilized, notched Land Bridge sometime between 12,000 and 13,000 BP and waste #akes, #ake cores, rare bifaces, scrapers, and rapidly moved south `through the Ice-Free Corri- gravers, and choppers. Obsidian was traded widely and dora and that both Clovis and the Nenana complexes 288 E.J. Dixon / Quaternary Science Reviews 20 (2001) 277}299

Fig. 5. Map depicting the location of important archeological sites and site components ascribed to the Northern Paleoindian tradition (reproduced from Dixon, 1999 with permission of University of New Mexico Press).

were derived from this migration, or (2) that both com- The Mesa site has 14 radiocarbon determinations plexes are technologically derived from an earlier migra- ranging between ca. 11,660 and 9730 BP, derived from 15 tion which hypothetically took place before the `closing hearths at the site (Kunz and Reanier, 1996). Only two of the Ice-Free Corridora ca. 22,000}25,000 BP (Goebel dates (derived from the same `splita charcoal sample) et al., 1991). exceed 11,000 BP. They appear to be statistical outlyers, It is also possible that the Nenana and Clovis com- possibly resulting from burning fossil wood (Hamilton plexes are inland adaptations derived from an earlier and Goebel, in press). All the remaining dates cluster migration along the western coast of the Americas near around 10,000 BP, suggesting this is an accurate date the end of the Pleistocene ca. 13,500 BP (Dixon, 1993). for the Mesa occupation. The projectile points are This hypothesis is strengthened by evidence indicating typologically similar to Agate Basin projectile points that Clovis peoples may have used the coast. Several from the high plains (Frison and Stanford, 1982). The two Clovis or Clovis-like sites have been reported near or pre-11,000 BP dates and the geographic location of the adjacent to the west coast of North America. The Richie site have led some researchers to suggest that Mesa Roberts Clovis cache near Wenatchee, Washington is less `culturea may be ancestral to Agate Basin sites from than 150 km from the ocean. Clovis points have been more southern areas of North America (Kunz et al., 1994, reported from a coastal site in Mendocino County, Cali- 1995; Kunz and Shelley, 1994; Kunz and Reanier, 1996). fornia (Simons et al., 1985) and on the coast near Santa The Putu site has two localities which frequently have Barbara (Erlandson et al., 1987; Erlandson and Moss, been treated as separate sites, the Putu and Bedwell sites 1996). Because sea level was lower at the time these sites (Alexander, 1974, 1987; Morlan, 1977; Dumond, 1980; were occupied their distance from the coast would have Clark and Clark, 1983; Clark, 1984a, b, 1991; Kunz and been somewhat greater than it is today. Reanier, 1994). The lower component at the Putu locality E.J. Dixon / Quaternary Science Reviews 20 (2001) 277}299 289 contains #uted projectile points. A single radiocarbon Two exceptionally well-preserved bone projectile date of 11,470$500 was originally believed to date the points recovered from Pit 1-G, on Goldstream Creek #uted points, but reevaluation by Reanier (1995, 1996) were reported by Rainey (1939, p. 393). Two AMS demonstrates that two other dates, 8450$130 and C radiocarbon determinations indicate they were prob- 8810$60, probably more accurately date the lower ably manufactured ca. 8500 BP. These specimens were component. Reanier (1995, 1996) obtained an AMS not slotted to receive microblade insets and they are C date on charcoal collected during the original exca- probably atlatl dart points (Dixon, 1999). vation of the Bedwell locality which dated to 10,490$70 Sites and site components ascribed to the Northern (Beta 69895, CAMS-11032). Based on comparison of the Paleoindian tradition all contain projectile points similar projectile points with similar specimens from the Mesa to Paleoindian sites elsewhere in North America. All lack site, Reanier suggests this C determination may date evidence of a microblade industry. Several sites, includ- the Bedwell occupation. ing Carlo Creek and Eroadaway, suggest that the North- Spein Mountain extends the range of the North- ern Paleoindian tradition persisted for a considerable ern Paleoindian tradition to Southwestern Alaska length of time in eastern Beringia. Although some of (Ackerman, 1996a, b), and is dated to 10,050$90 these sites might represent a continuum from the Nenana (BETA-64471, CAMS-8281). The site lacks microblades complex in Alaska's interior (Dixon, 1993), it is equally or evidence of microblade technology and contains bi- plausible that they are later regional manifestations of facially #aked lanceolate projectile points with constrict- the Northern Paleoindian tradition, possibly incorporat- ing bases and other artifact types attributable to the ing both Nenana complex and Northern Paleoindian Northern Paleoindian tradition that are similar to arti- tradition technological traits. facts from the Mesa Site and Bedwell sites (Ackerman, Because the earliest reliable C determinations for 1996a, b, p. 460). the Northern Paleoindian tradition are no older than There are a number of isolated surface "nds typologi- ca. 10,500 BP, the Paleoindian tradition is younger in cally characteristic of Northern Paleoindian tradition eastern Beringia than in more southern areas of North projectile points that have been found throughout America. It appears that Paleoindian projectile point Alaska and the Yukon Territory. In addition, Northern types derived from the northern Plains may have arrived Paleoindian sites have been excavated in central interior in eastern Beringia beginning ca. 10,500 BP, following Alaska which date between 10,500 and 8500 BP. These partition of the continental ice. This interpretation are Component I at the Carlo Creek site dating to ca. is supported by the discovery of a Clovis component 8500 BP (Bowers, 1980), the Jay Creek Ridge site occu- at Charlie Lake Cave in northeastern British Columbia pied ca. 9500 BP based on six C AMS determinations dated to ca. 10,550 BP (Fladmark et al., 1986; Driver, (Dixon, 1993, pp. 85}87), the Eroadaway site (Holmes, 1996; Driver et al., 1996), and at Vermilion Lake in 1988), the Eroadaway site dated to 8640$170 BP Ban! National Park in Alberta, Canada (Fedje et al., (WSU-3683) (Holmes, 1988, p. 3), and Component II at 1995). At Vermilion Lake, Fedje et al. (1995) have the Owl Ridge site dated by four C determinations documented an assemblage ascribed to the `Late Fluted between 7500 and 9500 BP (Phippen, 1988). Yesner et al. Point traditiona possibly dating as early as 10,800 BP (1992) report occupations dating ca. 7500 BP from the based on C determinations from other typologically Broken Mammoth and Mead sites which also lack evid- similar sites. ence of microblade technology but which contain bifacial Northern Paleoindian projectile points do not exhibit stone tools. Although component II dating ca. 8600 and the full typological array of Paleoindian projectile 7000 BP at Panguingue Creek (Powers and Ho!ecker, points from the more southern regions of North America. 1989, p. 276, Powers and Maxwell, 1986) has been as- While most of the early #uted types exhibit multiple cribed to the American Paleoarctic tradition, this com- #utes, concave bases and edge grinding, among the ponent does not contain microblade technology but does northern assemblages large Clovis points are rare and contain bifacial tools. classic Folsom points have not been found. Later AseriesoffourC determinations suggests that Cul- lanceolate forms resemble tapering stemmed forms tural Zone III at the Broken Mammoth site was occupied similar to Agate Basin and Hell Gap points. These ca. 10,300 BP. Zone III contains waste #akes, point frag- di!erences led some archeologists (Wormington, 1968; ments, two small `trianguloida basally ground projectile Dixon, 1976) to propose the south to north spread points, large biface and point fragments, quartz hammer of Paleoindian technology based on the fact that the stones, and a small eyed bone needle (Holmes and Yesner, northern examples looked typologically later than the 1992b; Yesner et al., 1993; Yesner, 1996; Hamilton and those found on the western plains. Dixon (1976) sugges- Goebel, in press). At the Swan Point site, cultural compon- ted the south to north spread of this technology may ent III dated to 10,230$80 BP (Beta-56666, CAMS-4252) have occurred ca. 10,000 BP, but more contemporary contains strait and convex-based small lanceolate projec- data suggest it may have been earlier, probably ca. tile points as well as thin triangular points. 10,500 BP. 290 E.J. Dixon / Quaternary Science Reviews 20 (2001) 277}299

13. Archeological summary

The earliest archeology of eastern Beringia is ascribed to the Nenana complex, characterized by triangular bifacial projectile points and ovate knives. Widespread trade in obsidian was already established indicating occupation of Alaska prior to that time. The occurrence of `scavenged fossil ivorya at several sites implies that mammoth or mastodon remains were being scavenged by ca. 11,600 BP. No mammoth or mastodon kill sites have been found in eastern Beringia, although controversial blood residue analysis of #uted projectile points suggests that mammoth may have persisted until ca. 10,500 BP in some areas of eastern Beringia (Dixon, 1993; Loy and Dixon, 1998). The Nenana complex begins sometime prior to 11,600 BP and persists until ca. 10,500 at which time it becomes di$cult to distinguish from the Northern Paleoindian tradition in interior Alaska. This suggests a possible `blendinga of technological traits of the Nenana complex and Northern Paleoindian tradition. Although not entirely conclusive, it appears that the Fig. 6. The process of producing a composite projectile point with Nenana complex did not manufacture microblades. The microblade insets. (a) microblade removal from a microblade core (view Northern Paleoindian tradition existed in regions of east- from core platform), (b) microblade, proximal, medial and distal seg- ern Beringia as a co-tradition with the American ments, (c) medial fragment inset into an organic projectile point (modi- "ed from Dixon, 1999, reproduced with permission of University of Paleoarctic tradition between ca. 10,500}8000 BP. This New Mexico Press). tradition spread northward into eastern Beringia from the northern Plains. Distinctive microblade technologies were introduced 14. Weapon systems into eastern Beringia sometime around 10,500 BP and are contemporaneous with the Northern Paleoindian The width of the projectile point at the place where it is tradition. The Denali complex represents an inland ad- hafted helps to de"ne the size of the shaft to which it was aptation by microblade using peoples. The American attached. This along with the size and weight of Nenana, Paleoarctic and Northwest Coast Microblade traditions Clovis, and later Paleoindian projectile points suggests are found in near coastal areas suggesting subsistence that they were attached to atlatl darts and not used to tip activities related to coastal and adjacent inland re- arrows. These projectile points are conceptually very sources. Trade in obsidian, site locations, and faunal di!erent than composite projectile points manufactured remains inferentially demonstrate the use of watercraft by setting microblades in organic points. The American prior to 10,000 BP along the Northwest Coast. Paleoarctic tradition used thin parallel sided stone This analysis does not support the traditional Bering microblades struck from specially prepared stone cores Land Bridge theory of human migration to the Americas, to create cutting edges. The microblades were inset along which postulates that hunters of large terrestrial mammal longitudinal grooves incised in bone, antler, or ivory using Clovis-like projectile points crossed the Bering projectile points to form razor-sharp cutting edges along Land Bridge and descended from Beringia to the Plains the margins of projectile points manufactured from or- of North America ca. 11,500 BP. Archeological research ganic materials (Fig. 6). demonstrates that pre-Clovis sites exist at Monte Verde, The bifacial stone and composite projectile point manu- in eastern Beringia, and probably at other sites through- facturing techniques are fundamentally di!erent ap- out the Americas. The northern movement of the proaches to producing the same type of artifact, the Paleoindian tradition ca. 10,500 BP demonstrates that projectile point (Dixon, 1993). These two contrasting con- humans were south of the continental glaciers prior to ceptual approaches to the manufacture of weapon systems deglaciation ca. 11,000 BP and that the Clovis complex is suggest that other profound di!erences in technological an independent New World cultural development. Tech- and social concepts existed between these peoples. nological similarities between the contemporaneous The manufacture of microblades and composite pro- Nenana and Clovis complexes may result from the fact jectile points are geographically restricted to Eurasia, that both are derived from a common cultural prede- Alaska and northwest Canada. The vast region of in- cessor. terior Alaska and adjacent Canada was a transitional E.J. Dixon / Quaternary Science Reviews 20 (2001) 277}299 291 area between more Eurasian oriented microblade tradi- from the Americas tend to display craniofacial features tions and non-microblade bifacial traditions of North which are more similar to southern Asian and European America. The boundaries between these technological populations. traditions shifted repeatedly over time and consequently They were followed by a second population bearing some archeological sites provide a sequence of non- greater resemblance to contemporary northern Asians microblade/microblade technologies when viewed at and Native Americans. Although rapid evolutionary a single geographic locale. change could explain the di!erences between the earlier (older than ca. 8000 BP) and later Native American populations, they more likely represent two distinct 15. Colonization events populations. The older group has been described as being more `Caucasoida in appearance and they resemble the From a technological perspective, there appear to be Ainu of northern Japan. If these comparisons are accu- two major colonizing events in the Americas. The "rst rate, then both early technological evidence and physical was an early migration by the ancestors of the anthropological data might suggest a possible point of Clovis/Nenana complexes sometime before ca. 11,500 BP origin for the earliest Americans in the maritime regions and possibly as early as ca. 13,500 BP. These people use of northeast Asia. atlatl darts tipped with bifacially #aked stone end blades lashed to harpoon-like heads seated on bone foreshafts. They did not manufacture microblades and did not use 16. Coastal migration the bow and arrow. The atlatl remained the primary weapon system in South America and temperate and Prior to the early 1970s, it had been assumed that the southern regions of North America until Archaic times. Cordilleran ice extended westward to the margins of the The second colonization event was by peoples bearing continental shelf thus creating a barrier to human migra- the American Paleoarctic tradition ca. 10,500 BP. Al- tion (Coulter et al., 1965; Nasmith, 1970; Prest, 1969). though they probably used the atlatl, they also introduc- More recent geologic and paleoecologic studies docu- ed the bow and arrow. This included the complex ment deglaciation and the existence of ice-free areas technique of manufacturing composite projectile points throughout major coastal areas of British Columbia by which were characterized by insetting razor sharp stone ca. 13,000 BP (Blaise et al., 1990; Bobrowsky et al., 1990). microblades along the sides of bone and antler projectile It is now clear that areas of continental shelf and o!- points. shore islands were not covered by ice during and toward Although both populations required e!ective projec- the end of the last glacial. Vast areas along the coast may tile points essential in hunter/gather societies, each de- have been deglaciated beginning about 16,000 BP. Ex- veloped unique approaches to manufacturing them. cept for a 400-km coastal area between southwest British Nenana/Clovis peoples relied primarily on reducing Columbia and Washington State, the Northwest Coast a lithic core by #aking away excess rock to create a #aked of North America was largely free of ice by ca. 16,000 stone projectile point, or biface. American Paleoarctic years ago (Mann and Peteet, 1995). The exposed conti- peoples engaged in a complex technological sequence of nental shelf and o!-shore islands were available as a mi- `buildinga projectile points by inserting microblades in gration route between 13,500 and 9500 BP (Josenhans et slots carved along the sides of cylindrical bone or antler al., 1995, 1997), possibly enabling people to colonize projectile points. These conceptually complex and di!er- ice-free regions along the continental shelf exposed by ent approaches successfully solved the same problem, lower sea level. suggesting that the di!erences result from learned be- Because of the misleading early geologic interpreta- havior passed from generation to generation. Other tions, the region has not been subject to research equiva- profound di!erences may have existed between these two lent to that which has occurred in non-coastal eastern groups, possibly including biological and linguistic traits, Beringia, but signi"cant advances are now being made. as well as technological and social concepts. The remains of large omnivores, such as black and brown The limited physical anthropological data also imply bears, and other land animals, including caribou, have two distinct human groups emigrated to the Americas. been found in Southeast Alaska dating between 12,500 Steele and Powell (1992) have concluded that the human and 10,000 BP (Heaton, 1995, 1996; Heaton and Grady, cranial and facial characteristics from the Americas that 1993; Heaton et al., 1996) demonstrating that su$cient are over 8500 BP are distinctively di!erent than later subsistence resources were available to support humans Native Americans. Distinguishing features identi"ed by (Dixon, 1995). The Northwest Coast Microblade physical anthropologists for these very early New World tradition is documented as early as 10,000 BP in British peoples are: longer, more narrow faces; and smaller more Columbia and Southeast Alaska. Archeological sites narrow nasal apertures (Steele and Powell, 1992; Chat- ascribed to this tradition share the use of microblades, ters, 1997; Jantz and Owsley, 1997). These early remains and exhibit a marine economy documented by limited 292 E.J. Dixon / Quaternary Science Reviews 20 (2001) 277}299

Fig. 7. Map depicting the hypothetical coastal migration hypothesis (reproduced from Dixon, 1999 with permission of University of New Mexico Press).

faunal remains and isotopic analysis of human remains Fig. 8 schematically portrays how colonization may have (Dixon et al., 1997), and the ecological setting of the sites occurred along major environmental zones at arbitrary (Fig. 7). 500 year intervals beginning at ca. 13,000 BP. Extreme northeast North America and Greenland were not su$- ciently deglaciated to permit colonization until about 17. The model 5000 BP. This alternative model proposes that initial human The model for human colonization of the Americas colonization of the Americas may have begun ca. suggested by the most current data are coastal migration 14,000}13,500 BP along the southern margin of the Beri- with inland movement and settlement within broad en- ng Land Bridge and then southward along the Paci"c vironmental zones, or megapatches that extend from Coast of the Americas. With the use of watercraft, the north to south throughout the Americas. Migration human population moved rapidly southward along the probably occurred in many directions at the same time. coastal}intertidal Paci"c biome, or `megapatcha. Even For example, some people may have been moving more though evidence of this early migration may be obscured rapidly southward along the Paci"c Coast of the Amer- by rising sea level at the end of the last ice age, evidence icas while others were colonizing more slowly eastward might be expected to be found in adjacent areas of the from the coast to the interior of the continents. interior, such as Monte Verde. Although it would have This model is drastically di!erent than the traditional been somewhat further from the sea at the time it was Beringian crossing and subsequent unidirectional `mi- occupied than it is today, Monte Verde is located along grationa from north to south, cross-cutting environ- a river drainage only 15 km northeast of the Paci"c mental zones and a wide array of physical obstacles. Ocean. If this model is correct, the Paci"c Coast of the Colonization along large environmental zones is more Americas could have been occupied thousands of years consistent with New World archeological data and en- before the continental ice in North America melted. ables seemingly con#icting evidence to be reconciled into Coastal environments provide many ecological advant- a single rational model for colonization of the Americas. ages for generalized foragers, an economic adaptation E.J. Dixon / Quaternary Science Reviews 20 (2001) 277}299 293

Fig. 8. Schematic illustration of how New World colonization may have occurred along major environmental zones at arbitrary 500 year intervals. Extreme northeast North America and Greenland were not su$ciently deglaciated to permit colonization until ca. 5000 BP (reproduced from Dixon, 1999 with permission of University of New Mexico Press).

best suited for colonizing populations. For example, in- predictable runs of anadromous "sh concentrated hu- tertidal resources, such as shell"sh, may be harvested by man populations in speci"c locales such as sheltered children and the elderly and simply eaten raw. On the bays, inlets, estuaries, and salmon spawning streams. other hand, hunters specializing in large terrestrial mam- Temperate coastal technological adaptations rely mal hunting are more dependent on a few strong adults heavily on readily available materials such as drift wood, to bring down large mammals. Large mammal hunting marine mammal products, beach cobbles, and shell, also requires greater territorial movement and presents which in many cases may have been already partially greater di$culty for human groups which realistically modi"ed by noncultural processes. In such an environ- include the elderly, the very young, pregnant women, and ment, reliance on sophisticated lithic technologies was the in"rm. Current data from the some of earliest sites in probably not as important as in other environments. For the Americas including the Aubery (Ferring, 1989, 1990, example, preshaped and prepolished sling and bola 1995), Horn Shelter in Texas (Forrester, 1985; Redder, stones, the only lithic material required for two e!ective, 1985; Young, 1985; Young et al., 1987), a Clovis age deadly weapons, can be easily and e$ciently collected rockshelter near the California}Oregon border (Beaton, from noncultural beach deposits. Monte Verde provides 1991b), Lewisville (Stanford, pers. comm.), and numerous a rare glimpse into this type of technological adaptation. other sites, indicate subsistence traditions based on At Monte Verde people produced and used few bifacially foraging rather than specialized large mammal hunting. #aked stone tools and relied heavily on simple #akes and Local abundance of marine and intertidal resources and organic materials. 294 E.J. Dixon / Quaternary Science Reviews 20 (2001) 277}299

From an original and theoretical maritime subsistence strategy, several adaptive trajectories were possible as humans expanded across the landscape. Survival may have been best assured by the continuation of a pattern of general foraging, which could be adjusted or modi"ed based on availability of resources and increasing knowledge of local geography and biological patterns. For example, along the west coast people may have continued their ancient adaptation to shell"sh gathering, "shing, and marine mammal hunting. In interior regions of southern California, Arizona and Mexico the pattern of general foraging may have led to an increasing emphasis on harvesting and processing plant products and seed grinding. On the Plains general foraging persisted throughout the Paleoindian period, but people empha- sized and re"ned large mammal hunting, particularly communal mass kills. Although the initial colonization along the continental margins of the Americas may have occurred rather quickly, subsequent colonization of interior environments probably occurred more slowly. People probably "rst moved inland from the coast along rivers. As population increased and people adapted to interior environments, colonization probably continued to progress Fig. 9. Line drawing comparing the (a) detachable Clovis end blade, along environmental zones. dart head, and foreshaft atlatl dart assembly (Stanford, 1996) and the (b) Given this scenario, the western plains of North Amer- detachable marine mammal hunting end blade, harpoon head and foreshaft assembly used in marine mammal hunting (reproduced from ica may have been among the last to be settled as well as Dixon, 1999 with the permission of University of New Mexico Press). one of the least hospitable environmental regions of the continent. Separated from the Paci"c coast by the vast Cordillera, adaptation to intervening mountainous regions may have occurred slowly. Classic Clovis sites, The characteristics of dental wear in the oldest human such as Blackwater Draw and Murray Springs, contain- remains from the Americas are virtually identical to ing evidence of spectacular mammoth predation, may be those of generalized foragers. This demonstrates that representative of a rather unique cultural, technological these early diets included a broad array of foods and and ecological adaptation during late Pleistocene. In large amounts of plant "ber. other words, the spectacular and well publicized Clovis kill sites may be the least typical and the least useful sites for interpreting the peopling of the Americas and early 18. Technology New World adaptations. Although Clovis is often associated with mammoth The lithic technology found at Monte Verde is charac- hunting, other data demonstrate that Clovis people may terized by the selection and use of naturally occurring have placed greater emphasis on generalized gathering. stone and minimal modi"cation of stones and other Only 12 sites have been documented in North America useful items found in the natural environment. This where Clovis points have been found in association with type of technological system probably originates from a mammoth remains (Haynes, 1991, pp. 197}197, 206). generalized coastal economy which might have only A more realistic portrayal of Clovis economics occasional and comparatively rare need for bifacial pro- suggests that mammoth kill sites occur in marginal jectile points to serve as harpoon end blades or possibly habitats that may have been some of the last to be knives. colonized. Although these sites may provide the earliest An intriguing connection between coastal migrations evidence of human occupation in the western interior and mammoth hunting may lay in understanding the of North America, this region may have been among Clovis weapon system. It is characterized by the atlatl, or the last to be colonized. spear thrower, used to propel a short light weight spear, Analysis of Paleoindian dentition (Powell and Steel, or dart. The dart is tipped with bifacially #aked stone 1994) supports the hypothesis that Clovis and other early Clovis projectile point believed to be mounted in a split- New World cultures have their adaptive roots as general- shaft harpoon-like haft, that is attached to a bone ized foragers rather than specialized big game hunters. foreshaft (Stanford, 1996). The end blade, harpoon, and E.J. Dixon / Quaternary Science Reviews 20 (2001) 277}299 295 foreshaft assembly used for marine mammal hunting is the "rst beginning possibly by ca. 13,500 BP using essentially the same as the Paleoindian foreshaft, the atlatl and the second about 10,500 BP introduc- dart head and Clovis projectile point assembly suggested ing the bow and arrow. However, the relationships, by Stanford (1997) (Fig. 9). This suggests that the if any, between the two human physical types and Clovis weapon system may have its origins in coastal the two major technological traditions are not marine mammal hunting technology that was sub- clear. sequently adapted to hunting large terrestrial mammals. The diagnostic trait of basal thinning and #uting early Although it is imperative that New World archeol- Paleoindian projectile points may be derived from thinn- ogists keep their minds open to earlier human colonizing the base of stone projectile points to make them "t ation of the Americas, the very limited data from the easily into slotted harpoon heads designed for marine lower level at Monte Verde and controversial discoveries mammal hunting. This type of end blade assembly persis- at other sites suggesting human occupation as early as ted until historic times among maritime hunters in north- 30,000}35,000 BP, are not adequate to demonstrate an western North America and northeast Asia. earlier colonization event. A stronger suite of evidence will be required to convince most scientists, and most will be reluctant to accept a third and much earlier 19. Conclusions (ca. 30,000 BP) human migration to the Americas without additional evidence. ` a The initial colonization of the Americas used water- The coastal corridor provided the environmental craft and occurred about 13,500 BP. This hypothesis is avenue essential for the initial human entry to the Amer- supported by the following: icas. The coast formed part of a continuous northern marine}intertidal ecosystem extending between north- (1) The earliest deglaciated route was coastal. The de- east Asia and northwestern North America. It would glaciated west coast of North America was "rst have facilitated coastal navigation and provided similar available for colonization by ca. 13,500. The interior subsistence resources in a continuous ecological zone route was blocked by the continental glaciers until linking the two hemispheres. Old world adaptations about 11,000 when a deglaciation corridor de- could have enabled rapid colonization without develop- veloped between Beringia and the southern areas of ing new technologies or subsistence strategies. North America ca. 11,000 BP. The intellectual dominance of the interior Beringian (2) Monte Verde, and other sites, predate the opening of model for the colonization of the Americas by Eurasian the mid-continental route indicating peoples were large land mammal hunters has resulted in little arche- south of the continental glaciers prior to deglaciation ological research directed toward New World coloniz- ca. 11,000 BP. ation along the coastal regions of northeast Asia and (3) Reliably dated human remains "rst appear in North the western coasts of the Americas. The concept of American between 11,000 and 11,500 BP, providing humans "rst entering the Americas via a Bering Land limiting minimum dates for human occupation and Bridge is almost 500 years old and was advanced and suggesting human colonization occurred earlier. strengthened when science lacked the archeological (4) By about 11,000}12,000 BP regional cultural ad- and geologic evidence available today (de Acosta, 1604; aptation was well under way in North America, Dawson, 1894; Johnston, 1933; Spinden, 1933 and suggesting an earlier migration. others). Viewed in light of the coastal colonization (5) The Paleoindian tradition spread from south to hypothesis, the Bering Land Bridge played an important, north ca. 10,500 BP, indicating that people were but di!erent, role in the peopling of the Americas. south of the continental ice prior to deglaciation, ca. The Bering Land Bridge was essential for human coloniz- 11,000 BP. ation because it provided an uninterrupted marine} (6) Paleoindian subsistence data indicate an economic intertidal environment that facilitated inter-coastal system rooted in general foraging, not specialized big navigation connecting Eurasia and North America along game hunting. its southern margin. (7) The New World's "rst weapon system, the fore- Archeological evidence necessary to evaluate the shaft/harpoon/end-blade atlatl dart assembly, may coastal migration hypothesis is di$cult to "nd because trace its origins to coastal marine mammal hunting, rising sea level at the close of the Pleistocene inundated rather than large terrestrial mammal hunting. much of the continental shelf. If the coastal migration (8) Evidence from other regions of the world demon- hypothesis is to be fully evaluated, the late Pleistocene strate that humans had watercraft and the ability to coastal archeology of western North America requires navigate near-shore ocean waters prior to 14,000 BP. research equivalent to that which has traditionally fo- (9) Technological and physical anthropological evid- cused on the late Pleistocene/early Holocene archeology ence suggests at least two major colonizing events, of mid-continental North America. 296 E.J. Dixon / Quaternary Science Reviews 20 (2001) 277}299

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