Navigating Through a Rape Culture: a Regression Gauging

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NAVIGATING THROUGH A RAPE CULTURE: A REGRESSION GAUGING

PERCEIVED NECESSITY FOR BYSTANDER INTERVENTION

A Thesis

Presented to the faculty of the Department of Sociology

California State University, Sacramento

Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Sociology

Alicia Eileen Barros Souza

SUMMMER 2017

NAVIGATING THROUGH A RAPE CULTURE: A REGRESSION GAUGING PERCEIVED NECESSITY FOR BYSTANDER INTERVENTION

A Thesis

Alicia Eileen Barros Souza

Approved by:

______, Committee Chair Ellen Berg

______, Second Reader Todd Migliaccio

______Date

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Student: Alicia Eileen Barros Souza

I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University format manual, and that this thesis is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to be awarded for this thesis.

______, Graduate Coordinator ______Manuel Barajas Date

Department of Sociology

Abstract

NAVIGATING THROUGH A RAPE CULTURE: A REGRESSION GAUGING PERCEIVED NECESSITY FOR BYSTANDER INTERVENTION

Alicia Eileen Barros Souza

Utilizing secondary data from the study, Rape Prevention through Bystander Education at a Northeastern State University, 2002-2004, the present study examined if rape myth acceptance is a predictor of perceived necessity for bystander intervention controlling for race, religious affiliation, sex, year in school, and income level. Other independent variables examined are previous sexual assault/rape or sexual harassment training and knowing a sexual assault victim. Using RW Connell’s interpretations of the theory of hegemonic masculinity, paired with Foucault’s theory of the Panopticon, this study examines the sociological effects of rape culture and rape myth acceptance on feelings towards victims and perceived necessity for intervention. This study further analyzes the deeper social psychological effects of the internalization of rape culture using Identity theory and Social structure and personality theories. Results indicated that having a higher level of rape myth acceptance led to significantly lower perceived necessity for

intervention. Results also indicated that being male predicted lower perceived necessity for bystander intervention.

______, Committee Chair Ellen Berg

______Date

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

It is with my deepest gratitude that I extend a most heartfelt thanks to my thesis chair, Professor Ellen Berg of the Department of Sociology at California State University,

Sacramento. It is her guidance and support over the past two years that have made this thesis possible. She had confidence in my ability as a writer and a scholar, always offering encouragement, and helpful insight when my thoughts and ideas were difficult to gather.

I would also like to acknowledge Professor Todd Migliaccio of the Department of

Sociology at California State University, Sacramento as the second reader of this thesis, and I am gratefully indebted to him for his valuable and insightful comments on this thesis.

I also express great appreciation for Professor Manuel Barajas, Graduate

Coordinator for the Department of Sociology at California State University, Sacramento, whose wisdom and desire to see his students succeed not only helped guide me through my time at Sacramento State but also helped to ensure that I completed this program with whatever resources I needed.

I would also like to thank my cohort colleagues, with whom I have had the pleasure of learning and growing with throughout the course of this program. They offered meaningful dialogue and invoked important conversations, improving the overall

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quality of our lectures. Their insight, ideas and experiences have helped shape not only my thesis, but my thoughts moving forward.

My genuine appreciation goes out to my husband; his patience and belief in me and all that I am has given me the confidence to make it through this program and push myself along the way. I will forever be grateful for the sacrifices he has made in order to allow me to continue my education.

Finally, I must express my very profound gratitude to my parents, siblings, and friends for providing me with unfailing support and continuous encouragement throughout my years of study and through the process of researching and writing this thesis. This accomplishment would not have been possible without them.

Thank you all.

Alicia Eileen Barros Souza

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

Acknowledgements ...... vii

List of Tables ...... xi

Chapter

1. INTRODUCTION ...... 1

Purpose ...... 3

Socialization and Hegemonic Masculinity ...... 4

Panopticism and Hegemony: Creating a Rape Culture ...... 10

Internalizing Victim-Blaming and Rape Myths ...... 13

Current Study ...... 17

2. REVIEW OF LITERATURE ...... 22

Prevalence of Rape and a Changing Definition ...... 22

Rape Myths in Society and the Media ...... 24

Current Research ...... 29

3. METHODS AND DATA ANALYSIS ...... 31

Data ...... 31

Dependent Variable ...... 33

Independent Variables ...... 33

Control Variables ...... 34

Method of Analysis ...... 34

4. RESULTS ...... 36

Sample...... 36

Univariate Statistics ...... 36

Multivariate Statistics ...... 37

5. DISCUSSION ...... 41

Limitations ...... 44

Future Research Implications ...... 45

Conclusions ...... 47

Appendix A. Rape Myth Acceptance Index Questions ...... 50

Work Cited ...... 52

LIST OF TABLES

Tables Page

1. Univariate Statistics for Rape Myth Acceptance ...... 39

2. Univariate Statistics For Likelihood To Intervene...... 39

3. Ordinary Least Square Regression Model ...... 40

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Chapter 1: Introduction

Sexual assault has proven to be a pervasive social problem, as 1 in 5 women and 1 in 71 men reported that they had experienced sexual assault at some point in their lifetime, according to the Center for Disease Control and Prevention (2013). American culture has trivialized and normalized sexual assault through societal rhetoric, creating what is known as a rape culture, laden with false beliefs, stereotypes, and rape myths.

This pervasive and entrenched rhetoric, centered around the hyper-sexualization and objectification of women, leads to victim blaming and research suggests may lead people to turn a blind-eye to instances of sexual assault (Loughnan et al. 2013). Rape culture, as defined by Emilie Buchwald, in Transforming a Rape Culture is:

a complex set of beliefs that encourage male sexual aggression and support

violence against women. It is a society where violence is seen as sexy and

sexuality as violent. In a rape culture, women perceive a continuum of threatened

violence that ranges from sexual remarks to sexual touching to rape itself. A rape

culture condones physical and emotional terrorism against women as the

norm…in a rape culture both men and women assume that sexual violence is a

fact of life, inevitable (xi).

Rape myths include a variety of different false beliefs and create a culture in which even victims blame themselves for rape and justify male aggression (Buchwald,

Fletcher and Roth 2005). Rape culture is present in jokes, TV, music, advertising, legal jargon, laws, words and imagery, that make violence against women and sexual coercion

normal to virtually all members of society, including victims (Buchwald, Fletcher and

Roth 2005).

Rape myths are attitudes or beliefs that are most often false, yet widely and persistently held. These beliefs serve to deny justice to female victims and justify male sexual aggression (Ryan 2011). Rape myths can be defined as prejudicial, stereotypical, or false beliefs about rape, rape victims or rape perpetrators (O'Hara 2012). These beliefs in turn create a climate hostile toward victims of rape or sexual assault (Burt 1980).

This rape culture has been shown to be associated with self-reported instances of male sexual aggression (Franiuk, Seefelt and Vandello 2008). Further research indicates that there is a relationship between viewing media such as hyper-sexualized music videos containing female artists and rape myth acceptance (Burgess and Burpo 2012).

Recent research shows that media consumers are regularly exposed to rape myths on television and in newspaper headlines and articles. Findings indicate that the myths most frequently endorsed by the media are those that imply that the victim is lying or that the victim is somehow responsible for the assault committed against her (Franiuk, Seefelt and Vandello 2008). This is alarming for a society that thrives on technology. Music, movies, and television are available in the palm of a hand and the tap of an index finger.

A recent study published by The Kaiser Family Foundation in 2010 found that on average adolescents between the ages of 8-18 are exposed to 7 hours and 38 minutes of total media a day. According to recent research, on the victimization of college women, women are most vulnerable to being the victims of sexual assault during their freshman year in college, and even more so in the first few weeks (Peterson and Muehlenhard

2004). At this point in their lives women are surrounded by media and peers who are bombarded by the messages and meanings of rape culture every day.

Various studies have examined what rape myths are and how to define them

(Brown and Horvath 2009; Burt 1980; Edwards et al. 2011; Franiuk, Seefelt and

Vandello 2008; Pearson 2000; Suarez and Gadalla 2010). Several other studies have sought to explain the causes of rape culture by examining the influence and proliferation of rape culture through various types of media (Burgess and Burpo 2012; Cunningham

2011; Franiuk, Seefelt and Vandello 2008; O'Hara 2012; St Lawrence and Joyner 1991).

There have even been studies done into the function that rape culture and myths have for women in a societal context (Cowan 2000; Peterson and Muehlenhard 2004). In all the research found however, whether or not rape myth acceptance has a direct effect on real world situations of bystander intervention, has not been examined to the same extent.

Purpose

Bystanders are the social audience of crimes. Their presence and actions can affect not only whether or not violence occurs, but the extent to which violence occurs as well (Hart and Miethe 2008). According to data from the National Crime

Victimization Survey, bystanders were present during two-thirds of all violent victimizations between 1993 and 1999. Bystanders were present at 70% of assaults, 52% of robberies, and 29% of rapes or sexual assaults (Hart and Miethe 2008). Bystander presence was most frequent in cases of physical assaults (68%) but less likely in robberies (49%) and sexual assaults (28%) (Hart and Miethe 2008).

Hart and Miethe (2008) also reviewed situational models involving bystanders and violent crime, in order to determine whether or not bystanders helped or hurt during violent crimes. They found that when bystanders are present during sexual assault or rape, bystanders are far more likely to help than hurt in situations without a dangerous weapon. Further research suggests that behaviors like helping or intervening may be better explained by situational variables or attitudes closely linked to the behaviors, such as an individual’s belief in rape myths (Bennett, Banyard and Garnhart 2014). Other researchers (Malovich and Stake 1990; Popovich and et al. 1992; Quinn 2002) suggest that the more socialized one is to believe in traditional gender roles the more likely it is for both men and women to dismiss sexually harassing ideas as acceptable or unchangeable.

The present study uses data from Rape Prevention Through Bystander Education at a Northeastern State University, 2002-2004 (ICPSR 4367), a study conducted at a northeastern state university in the United States with 389 participants (Banyard, Plante and Moynihan 2008), and seeks to answer the question, “Does rape myth acceptance affect perceived necessity to intervene during an instance of sexual assault?” The research also examines the effect that previous sexual assault training and knowing a victim have on perceived necessity to intervene.

Socialization and Hegemonic Masculinity

In order to explain how individuals in society form their beliefs about sexual assault, it is necessary to explain the process of socialization and how it relates to the

concept of hegemony. Through mediums such as the family, religion, education, media and peer groups, people are taught to abide by societally-constructed ideals and a gendered social order (Lorber 2012). Socialization creates expectations about behavior and interactions. Gender roles are constructed and maintained through the process of socialization and by our gendered practices (Lorber 2012). Understanding socialization is crucial to identifying the ways this process applies to the subject of sexual assault.

Through the process of socialization, individuals in society are taught to adhere to hegemonic masculinity. Drawing from Gramsci, Connell (1987:194) defines hegemony to be, “A social ascendency achieved in a play of social forces that extends beyond the contests of brute power into the organization of cultural life and private practices.” Hegemony is the idea that some members of society ascend above other members through an organization of cultural life (Sanday 1996). Hegemony is not gained through violence or militaristic interventions but rather through the social processes themselves (Connell 1987). Sexual violence is both a product of these social processes and a means by which hegemony is produced within the social structure. The performance of sexually aggressive behavior acts as a medium in which members of society become part of the hegemonic system.

Connell (1987) further explains that in our society hegemony represents the heterosexual white male. This is the epitome of hegemonic masculinity. Hegemonic masculinity is constructed in opposition to those who do not fit the mold. Without these lower members of society to be pitted against, hegemonic masculinity would have no means of projection. Subordinate masculinities (i.e. Homosexuals) and women are

posited in opposition within the structure. Hegemonic masculinity is characterized by violence and competition. It is centered around being manly, and rejecting all things feminine. Femininity serves to make women compliant members of the social order.

They are to be obedient, not questioning the societal constructions and institutionalized discriminations that plague society (Connell 1987). As Quinn (2002) further explains, the more one has internalized these traditional gender roles and performances, the more likely it is that both men and women view sexually harassing behaviors as permissible and normal acts of social interaction. As it pertains to bystander intervention, this suggests that men and women that have internalized traditional gender roles may lack the ability to recognize sexual assault as such because of their preconceived ideas about sexuality and gender.

Society’s collective belief in hegemony and rape culture forms a general knowledge regarding sex and sexual behavior. This knowledge is controlled by gender role expectations, rape myths, and sexual scripts. Foucault (1977) explains that knowledge and power are one and the same. They are equal counterparts in society.

When hegemony defines our understanding about sex and gender, power is also controlled by those that most epitomize the hegemonic ideal.

Foucault (1977) further elucidates that Power is something that is felt in all areas of daily life and societal interactions. Power is not only about dominance and subjugation, but also about internalization and control. Power is the force that makes us stop at parking lot stop signs, or change out of our pajamas before going to the store. It is the force that decides how we interact with each other. Power controls sexuality through

hegemony, gender roles and societal expectations. Sex itself is a realm saturated by power. When we as a society believe in the constructed standards of gender and sexuality, men are given power during sex. The fact that our understanding of gender as a society is largely influenced and shaped by hegemony leads to differences between men and women in terms of power over their own sexual identity. We overtly recognize sexuality as being part of the male identity, often seen by peers as a requirement for masculinity. Conversely, female sexuality is often viewed negatively, or perceived as a product to be consumed (Quinn 2002). This divergence in sexuality on a societal level creates a hostile environment for women, one in which they are viewed as objects by men who see them as means to an end - a way to achieve social ascendency within a hegemonic masculine culture.

In Gender and Power, Connell (1987) further explains that rape is not a product of individual deviance like it is presented in the media, but rather a manifestation of power inequalities and male supremacy ideologies embedded in an act of person-to- person violence. This relation of power functions as a social structure, forming social practice. Rape is a manifestation of such power relations. This act of person-to-person violence is a product of the power of masculine culture and hegemonic ideals. Sanday

(1996) suggests that sexist attitudes and male dominance not only characterize masculine cultures but permit and encourage sexual assault. Sexual violence is just one way in which men assert their dominance and power over women. This display of such dominance acts as a performance in which men prove their manhood. Power is essential to the dichotomy of male and female and the separation of the two in relation to sexuality

Connell (1987) analyzes this dichotomy of male and female. Biologically, there are differences among the two, but in our society, we hold these two identifications as the ultimate decider of gender roles and sexuality. Each gender is constructed by society to perform in different ways. The category of “man” is characterized by aggression, violence, and sexual performance (Lorber 2012). Society constructs the category of

“woman” is to be weak, held to beauty standards, and critiqued for having even the slightest “manly” qualities. Women are also held to the standard of being pure, meek and obedient (Lorber 2012). This societal difference among the sexes creates an environment in which members of society view women as objects for consumption, and tools to prove one’s masculinity. This virulent social structure encourages men to be sexually aggressive in order to perform and prove their manliness to other men.

Connell (1987) argues further that this gender construction makes women property of men. Power is a form of authority; if masculinity is associated with power then it is also associated with authority. Although one could argue that exceptions do exist, it is clear that men operate in society under an authority given to them by their gender roles.

It is evident when looking at institutions and practices of social life that there is a very clear pattern of masculine power and male dominance. Gender roles are concentrated around “core” power structures. These structured roles are laden with capitalistic implications and have everything to do with the oppressive nature of an industrialized capitalist society.

Connell (1987) lists four “core” components in the power structure of gender. “(a) the hierarchies and work-forces of institutionalized violence – military and paramilitary forces, police, prison systems; (b) the hierarchy and labor force of heavy industry (for example steel and oil companies) and the hierarchy of high-technology industry

(computers, aerospace); (c) the planning and control machinery of the central state; and

(d) the working-class milieu that emphasize physical toughness and men’s association with machinery” (Connell 1987:109).

In other words, Connell (1987) explains, masculinity manifests frequently within a capitalistic society. Women are not typically present in the leadership roles and policy making positions within the hierarchy of “institutionalized violence”- military members, police officers, and prison guards- industries such as oil, steel, computers and aerospace, and the “planning and control of the central state”- the presidency and other high executive positions. This gender-hierarchy laid out by the elite is adhered to by the working class (Connell 1987).

Connell (1987) clarifies that these ideas tie together a complex of masculinity, authority and technical violence though their relationship with the working class. The hierarchy and dominance of masculinity within the institutions most idealized in a capitalistic society create an imbalance of power among all members of society, based on their gender. The ideals of the corporate elite and militarized standards of masculinity are observed by the middle class who abides by the gender-based hierarchy they have internalized (Connell 1987). These standards are present in situations of sexual assault, which lead to victim-blaming and false beliefs such as rape myth and sexual scripts.

Drawing from Connell (1987), Quinn (2002) found that sexual harassment such as girl-watching, functions as a deliberate exhibition of power and hegemony. Men who participate in girl-watching and other forms of harassment such as cat-calling seem to want everyone around to observe their display of masculinity and power. Their gaze as men demonstrates their right to sexually evaluate women, and therefore their sexual power. This research also found that while girl-watching is a display of masculinity and power, those performing need to be careful not to perform too much or seem too interested, because to do so would be to admit that women actually do have power in a sexual sense.

Panopticism and Hegemony: Creating a Rape Culture

Similar to the concept of hegemony, in Discipline and Punish, Michel Foucault

(1977) offers the idea of Panopticism. The “Panopticon” by definition was an architectural prison design created by the social philosopher, Jeremy Bentham. Named after a watchful giant from Greek mythology, Panoptes, the Panopticon describes a prison institution whose structure consists of a single tower from where all prisoners can be observed without knowing they are being observed. The point of this design was for the prisoners to think they were constantly being watched in order to get them to follow the clearly designed rules.

The idea of the Panopticon, according to Foucault (1977), was meant to carry over into greater society. In doing so, it eliminated the need for a prince to rule; the people would rule themselves, creating a self-disciplined society. This meant that members of society felt as if they were being watched by others, forced to abide by the

rules of the social order. It is the social discipline of society, keeping its members in line, following its rules without ever questioning its motives or mechanisms (Foucault 1977).

Panopticism is the assurance that the socialization and hegemonic masculine standards of society are being adhered to (Foucault 1977). Panopticism can be demonstrated by adherence to gender roles. Members of society conform to the standards of hegemony and masculinity. By constantly feeling as though they are being watched, they adhere to the clearly defined gender roles, perpetuating gender standards and patterns of accepted behavior (Foucault 1977). The belief in these roles leads to gender expectations and pressure to conform. The societal belief in rape myths means that people, in general, hold the victim responsible for the crime. This stems from the adherence to sexual scripts, gender roles and structures of power. The overwhelming belief in rape myths held by members of society is another way in which Panopticism’s hold on society is demonstrated in sexual assault.

While Foucault’s Panopticon relies on the notion that people are being watch by some invisible force and are therefore being forced to conform to the greater societal ideal, Connell’s theory of hegemony centers around the feeling of being judged by other members of society for not correctly displaying their masculinity. For example, in

Quinn’s (2002) article discussing the concept of “girl-watching”, a term for a form of sexual harassment involving men assessing women, more often than not, in the presence of other men, found that masculinity is reproduced through performance in social situations, such as girl-watching.

Likewise, others (Butler 1990; Carlson 2008; Quinn 2002) have asserted that masculinity is not a fixed identity but rather a constant performance influenced by the hegemonic values of masculinity. Butler’s (1990) theory focuses on the idea that gender is performed repeatedly in order to maintain one’s masculine identity. This performance is often seen as being judged by other men. In other words, men are constantly performing their masculinity in order to prove that they are “man-enough” to other men in their social situations. In the case of sexual harassment and assault, this may mean going along with or participating in acts of sexual violence or harassment (Carlson 2008;

Quinn 2002).

Quinn (2002) also concluded that harassment in the form of girl-watching, is an act performed by men for men. Women’s acknowledgement is irrelevant to the men participating. Men perform such acts in order to display their masculinity for other men and to be judged accordingly. Girl-watching is a common way for men to establish intimate relationships with each other. This type of ritual is even shared between fathers and sons. Thus, it seems that sexual harassment and, as it relates to this study, participating in, going along with or not intervening during sexual assault is likely a result of displaying one’s masculinity for other men. As research suggests, men in society are constantly having to (re)produce masculinity while being judged by their peers

(Butler 1990; Carlson 2008; Quinn 2002). This display of masculinity often centers around sexual aggression and violence (Connell 1987). In the case of sexual assault it is likely that going along or participating in the act are seen as the “manly” thing to do and

therefore the desired act to be performed. Not going along or even preventing or interevening can be seen as effeminate or “gay” (Carlson 2008).

Theories such as hegemony and the Panopticon describe the socialization of society on a macro-scale. Social psychology, specifically Social Structure and Personality theory offers a theory about what the internalization of macro-level social ideas such as rape myths can do on an individual level.

Internalizing Victim-Blaming and Rape Myths

Social structure and personality, commonly known as SSP, is a perspective within social psychology, which concentrates on the relationship between macro-social systems or processes and individual feelings, attitudes, and behaviors (McLeod and Lively 2003).

One of the most investigated areas within social structure and personality research involves the ideas of action, choice and agency. SSP researchers tend to aim their focus towards the individual characteristics associated with one’s status and the social environment when predicting behavior (McLeod and Lively 2003).

Researchers have found that men and women who have a higher acceptance of rape myths are less likely to have empathy for the victim and more likely to engage in victim blaming (Loughnan et al. 2013). Further research suggests that beliefs in rape myths are negatively related to students’ intentions to intervene as bystanders (McMahon

2010). Men and women both tend to believe that when a woman “puts herself in harm’s way” by drinking too much alcohol, or other risky behaviors, perceived suffering is low and the victim is seen as “unworthy” of intervention (Bennett, Banyard and Garnhart

2014; Burn 2009)

Specifically, for women, rape myths serve the purpose of denying the legitimacy of survivors of sexual assault by suggesting that only other women are the victims of rape and that they are somehow to blame for this assault (Kahlor and Morrison 2007). By believing that women who are raped are responsible for their assault, women are able to maintain the idea they can control the threat of rape by perceiving themselves as different from these women (Bohner et al. 1998). These findings combined indicate that women seek to distance themselves from other women within the social group, who have been sexually assaulted. These women seek to justify these assaults by implying the women were not exercising precautions properly. These precautions, such as not drinking too much, not going to parties alone, and others, have been taught to women through the socialization process. Women come to believe that part of being a woman is knowing how to not become the victim of sexual assault. This legitimized victim blaming suggests elements of social structure and personality. The macro-level socialization of women affects the behavior women feel they should or should not display in certain social contexts, in order to not become the victims of sexual violence.

Social structure seems to not only have an effect on women’s perceptions of sexual assault, but it also affects men’s expectations and reactions to sexual assault.

Research indicated that men who perceive women as flirting or ‘leading them on’ are more likely to engage in sexual coercion (Edwards and Vogel 2015). This research also suggests that men who live in close quarters with one another engage in similar thinking patterns (Edwards and Vogel 2015). The thinking patterns of male- only and male- dominated groups relies heavily on macro-structural ideas about masculinity, which are

consistent with the hegemonic ideals of our patriarchal society (Kiesling 2001). Among the ideals associated with masculinity in these social groups is heavy drinking, peer pressure to engage in sexual activity and aggression. Research suggests that not all fraternity groups engage in sexual aggression, but it is more common in ones that support heavy drinking and hostile environments for women (Kingree and Thompson 2013). This is consistent with idea that upon entering a university, students seek new relationships by joining social groups that provide opportunities to behave according to highly salient identities held before entrance to the university (Stryker and Burke 2000). In this case the highly salient identity is masculinity.

Some fraternities use other means of defining masculinity, such as community service work. Members of fraternities and other service groups that emphasize community service were more likely to intervene in a case of an emergency, and for these individuals intervention was made more probable when group norms that reinforced action were made salient in discussion. It was also found that for these members, the number of bystanders present increased the likelihood of helping (Horowitz 1971). For groups emphasizing community service, group membership defines helping as the moral thing to do. Members tend to adhere to this standard, because it reinforces the idea that masculinity is related to service. These findings indicate members of social groups adhere to the standards of masculinity held by the group when dealing with emergencies, which are a reflection of the larger social structure. These findings indicate social structure has a heavy influence on group membership and the adherence to group rules. These group

rules tend to fall in line with macro-level social structure, suggesting social structure plays a key role in in-group processes as SSP researchers have theorized.

The psychological principle of SSP suggests social group expectations reflect larger structural norms, which in turn affect individual behavior within a specific environment (McLeod and Lively 2003). In other words, society shapes the self, and the self in turn shapes social behaviors of individuals (Stryker and Burke 2000). Male- only social groups such as fraternities and athletic teams tend to value beliefs consistent with macro-level socialization processes (Kiesling 2001). These values often uphold binge drinking, promiscuous sexual activity and aggressive behaviors as a response to the hegemonic masculine standards upheld on the macro-level (Kiesling 2001). Members of these social groups are likely to uphold the societal norms upheld by the group.

Studies have found Greek involvement is positively correlated with risky behavior. This correlation is even greater when looking at male Greek members alone

(Capone et al. 2007). This is consistent with the idea that members within male dominated social groups tend to adhere to social group norms which are consistent with macro-level socialization. This macro-level socialization stems largely from hegemonic masculine standards, which have been found to be key factors in in-group ideologies among male-only groups (Kiesling 2001).

Literature focusing on sexual assault on college campuses found perpetrators of sexual assault were often members of male social groups such as fraternities and athletic teams. Research found that within 50 group rape incidents reported to university authorities, 60% were perpetrated by fraternity members (Ehrhart 1985). This is likely

due to the perceived rules and boundaries of the social group, which emphasize partying and a hostile environment towards women (Kingree and Thompson 2013). These fraternities are more likely to have members who would engage in sexual aggression

(Humphrey and Kahn 2000). These hostile environments are unlikely to foster bystander intervention due to social group identification and socialization processes.

These findings indicate that during instances of sexual assault perpetrated by groups, male bystanders are unlikely to intervene if they feel the other men in the room are likely to question their masculinity. This research implies that when men are faced with situations involving gang-rape, they would not intervene due to an influence of macro- level masculinity socialization on the in-group behaviors (Carlson 2008). These men are committed to their role as a fraternity brother, and this role is highly salient to them in these situations. It is suggested that even if these men have other social roles that would implicate them in helping, it is unlikely they will violate the norms of the group, as they are more likely to devote their efforts towards satisfying group norms.

Current Study

Society’s belief in hegemonic masculine standards, which produce gender hierarchies, and in turn false beliefs about victims, ensures that power remains held by with those who adhere the most closely with the idealized standards of hegemony. Rape myths and sexual scripts emphasize that the victim should take precautions in order to not become a victim in the first place. Once she has violated those precautions she is no longer innocent. All power lies in the hands of the rapist, who according to the beliefs of society is not responsible for the crime he has just committed.

In our society hegemonic masculinity determines who has power in sexual roles and creates expectations about those roles. By constantly feeling as though they are being watched and judged for their actions, members of society adhere to these clearly defined gender roles perpetuating gender standards and patterns of accepted behavior. The belief in these roles leads to gender expectations and pressure to subscribe to the beliefs of society. The general societal belief in rape myths means that people tend to hold the victim responsible for the crime in one way or another. This belief stems from the adherence to sexual scripts, gender roles and the structures of power.

Tying socialization, hegemonic masculinity and Panopticism together gives us an understanding of the social forces that create the ideas that society holds onto about sexual assault. We are socialized to believe that gender and sex should work a certain way. These beliefs are centered on hegemonic masculinity. Hegemonic masculinity is enforced through Panopticism. These forces increase the likelihood of individuals adhering to masculine standards and gender roles, blaming the victim, placing guilt on provocative clothing and behavior, and ignoring the cyclical process of socialization that is responsible. In actuality, every member of society is to blame for adhering to the standards of masculinity and the false beliefs about victims that we are socialized to believe.

When the influence of the larger social structure on individual behaviors and attitudes is examined, several different suggestions to understanding why bystanders do not intervene during instances of sexual assault are determined. Research suggests male- only social groups uphold masculine ideals which are represented by macro-structural

hegemonic beliefs (Kiesling 2001). Individuals uphold larger macro-group ideals, which shape individual behaviors (Stryker and Burke 2000). Membership in the male dominated groups encourages group behavior dependent upon violence and masculinity, and discourages those who speak out against group acts. Men feel as though they must adhere to masculine standards of their in-group and are reluctant to do anything that would make them be viewed as less masculine by the group or by society as a whole, including speaking out during sexual assaults (Carlson 2008).

The present study draws from several theories. The theoretical framework of hegemonic masculinity laid out by Connell (1987) and further explained by Quinn (2002) is used to explain the complex system of violence and masculinity that contributes to overwhelming sexual violence within our society. Hegemony is also used to explain the overwhelming need for actors in society to perform their masculinity for those around them. Men in particular perform acts for other men in order to assert their masculinity and not be judged as effeminate. This study also draws from Foucault (1977) and his work on the Panopticon, to further drive the point that individuals feel watched and judged and therefore must perform their gender. This study analyzes the way that society watches and governs itself into adhering to standards of masculinity and the system of hegemonic violence, which includes rape myth acceptance and victim blaming. The current study goes on to further analyze the effects of rape culture by examining the ways that rape myths are internalized. Using social structure and personality as well as identity theory, research indicates members of social groups adhere to the standards of masculinity held by the group when dealing with emergencies, such as situations where

bystander intervention is needed. This internalization is a reflection of the larger social structure, which is constructed by hegemonic masculinity.

There is a theoretical limitation regarding the Panopticon present in the literature reviewed for this study. The Panopticon and the idea of hegemony can be problematic when used together. Since the Panopticon is a force that we know exists, that we ourselves enact around us, that it is at odds with the idea of hegemony. Hegemony by definition is something that we don’t know exists, an invisible force which shapes our ideas and actions. We therefore have internalized it without realizing there is any force controlling our actions. This is fundamentally different from the Panopticon, which is dependent upon the idea that people believe they are constantly being watched. For the current study, I have chosen to draw from both theories. It is beneficial here to utilize both theoretical ideas to demonstrate that hegemony takes some of the core ideas of the

Panopticon such as monitoring and socialization. Hegemony further expands these ideas in a way that they more accurately fit the manner in which society monitors itself and adheres to masculine standards of behavior, specifically when analyzing the topic of sexual assault.

The present study seeks to examine the macro-level effects of masculine ideals on the beliefs of the individual and what the repercussions of those belief could be and asks the question “Does rape myth acceptance affect the perceived necessity to intervene during an instance of sexual assault?” This research also attempts to analyze the effect that previous sexual assault training or knowing a victim of sexual assault might have on

perceived necessity to intervene. Race, income, religious affiliation, year in school, and sex are controlled as well. The next chapter highlights past literature on definitions of rape and rape culture as well as the past work supporting the value of these controls.

Chapter 2: Review of Literature

Prevalence of Rape and a Changing Definition

According to the American Center for Disease Control and Prevention, one in every five women reported being the victim of rape at some point in her lifetime. The

Rape, Abuse, & Incest National Network states 237,868 Americans are sexually assaulted in the United States each year. While these numbers indicate sexual violence is somewhat common in today’s society, recent studies have found that about 50% of community men and women polled believed women lied about sexual assault (Burt 1980; Edwards et al.

2011; Kahlor and Morrison 2007). Research conducted by Kahlor and Morrison (2007) found the average percentage of rapes people believe are false is 19% (Kahlor and

Morrison 2007). While these studies and others have indicated that a majority of individuals surveyed believe victims of sexual assault are making up the crime, the

Uniform Crime Report indicates only 2-9% of sexual assault cases are ever found to be unsubstantiated (Burt 1980; Edwards et al. 2011; Kahlor and Morrison 2007). In recent years, states have been slowly adapting more strict definitions of rape.

In 2003 the U.S Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality published a report to Congress on the type of medical examination and treatment received by victims of rape and sexual assault. In which they defined rape as “forced or attempted sexual intercourse with a male or female by an offender that may be of the same sex or a different sex from the victim” (US Agency for Research and Quality 2003:13). The report also stated that,

“Sexual assault is usually defined to encompass rape, attempted rape, forced oral and anal

sex, touching of the intimate parts, and any other types of threats or coercion in which unwanted sexual intercourse is attempted or occurs between the victim and offender” (US

Agency for Research and Quality 2003:13). In California rape is defined as "an act of sexual intercourse . . . accomplished against a person's will by means of force, violence, duress, menace, or fear of immediate and unlawful bodily injury on the person or another” (Code 2013). This definition in California applies at all times during intercourse, meaning at any time during intercourse a woman can withdraw her consent. In 2003, the

California Supreme Court ruled, in People v. John Z, even if a victim initially consents to intercourse, they could withdraw consent at whatever time they choose (Lyon 2004). As of 2004 Kansas was the seventh state to adopt statutes similar to California’s, subsequent to the John Z ruling (Lyon 2004).

The definition of rape within the judicial system is changing steadily to hold perpetrators of rape accountable for their actions (Lyon 2004). However, according to research done on the relationship between rape myths and sexual scripts, rape victims are often held accountable for the crime committed against them by members of society

(Brown and Horvath 2009; Frith and Kitzinger 2001; Ryan 2011; Schank and Abelson

1988). Scripts are defined as examples of how things in society should happen (Ryan

2011; Schank and Abelson 1988). There are four concepts that define a script: precondition(s), elements that depend on other elements, location(s) and role(s) (Ryan

2011; Schank and Abelson 1988).

Sexual scripts create a meaning for sexuality and desire. Theses sexual scripts are culturally created and allow an individual to interpret their behavior as well as their partner’s behavior in order to identify if their behaviors fit within the scripts (Crome and

McCabe 2001; Frith and Kitzinger 2001; Ryan 2011). Rape scripts, which can lead to the acceptance of rape myths, are beliefs about the nature of rape, the roles of the sexes in rape, and the disposition of the victims (Crome and McCabe 2001; Ryan 2011).

Research done by Ryan (2011) concluded the key features of rape scripts are the assailant’s use of physical violence and the victim’s resistance to the attack, in addition to negative psychological consequences for the victim. This script is often defined, as real rape (Brown and Horvath 2009; Ryan 2011). This is consistent with the archaic belief that rape must occur forcibly and against a woman’s will. According to Edwards et al.

(2011), in 18th Century England Blackstone Law Dictionary defined rape as requiring the victim to show resistance to the attack “earnestly” or “to the utmost”. This way of thinking about sexual assault carried over into the United States and still continues on today in the form of Rape Myths (Edwards et al. 2011).

Rape Myths in Society and the Media

The concept of rape myths was introduced by Sociologists and feminists in the

1970s to explain a set of false cultural beliefs about male sexual aggression and victims

(Edwards et al. 2011). Rape myths are generalized and false beliefs about sexual assault, meant to trivialize the events or suggest the events did not occur at all (Franiuk, Seefelt and Vandello 2008). According to Suarez and Gadalla’s (2010) meta-analysis on rape

myths, rape myths are false beliefs used mainly to shift the blame of the sexual assault from the perpetrator to the victim.

An analysis was conducted on the function of rape myths and the social constructs of rape. The analysis stated rape myths may provide comfort to women and men because they can distance themselves from the situation and any possibility they themselves could be the perpetrator or victim of rape (Ryan 2011). Rape myth acceptance among women is associated with college women not willing to define their particular experience as rape, regardless of if the event met the legal definition of rape (Burgess and Burpo 2012). In other words, for women, rape myths serve the purpose of denying relation to victims of rape by suggesting only other women are the victims of rape and they are somehow to blame for this assault (Kahlor and Morrison 2007). Rape myths also eliminate the possibility that friends or family members could be victims of rape as well (Franiuk,

Seefelt and Vandello 2008).

Rape myths are internalized and practiced through various institutions within the social structure. The use of rape myths by the media is particularly important due the fact that adolescents and young adults spend more time interacting with media than any other single activity (Burgess and Burpo 2012). There has been some research done on the effects the media can have on rape myth acceptance (Burgess and Burpo 2012; Kahlor and Morrison 2007; O'Hara 2012). Burgess and Burpo (2012) researched the relationship between music videos and rape myth acceptance. They found college males who viewed

highly sexualized images of a female artist in a music video viewed a date rapist as less guilty and felt less empathy for the victim (Burgess and Burpo 2012).

Research regarding newspapers and rape myth acceptance found males who read headlines consistent with rape myths were more likely to endorse rape myths themselves, when compared to females and males who were not shown such headlines (Franiuk,

Seefelt and Vandello 2008). Another study found that female participants were unaffected by the differences in headlines (Kahlor and Morrison 2007). This suggests implications for further research into what types of media, if any do have an effect on women’s perceptions of sexual assault. Cunningham (2011) found that the media uses similar framing structures to blames victims of both sexual assault and domestic violence.

This study found that the media can shape the perceptions of victims simply with the words they use (Cunningham 2011).

Further research examining the presence of rape myths in the stories portrayed by news outlets revealed that the news media frames cases of rape in certain forms that downplay the significance of sexual assault. They do this by making the perpetrator out to be “sick, depraved, or mentally ill” or somehow blaming the victim (O'Hara 2012).

This is similar to the way that the news media frames cases of domestic violence and femicide (Cunningham 2011; Gillespie et al. 2013).

Kahlor and Morrison’s (2007) research examining the effect of television viewing on rape myth acceptance found a significant and positive relationship between television use and rape myth acceptance. Results suggest there is a positive relationship between the

perception that rape accusations are false and television use. These findings indicate watching television increases one’s likelihood to believe women are lying about being the victims of rape.

Since young adults in college are surrounded by a proliferation of media as well as peers who consume media that they themselves may not, it is appropriate to believe that the length of time in college could increase the likelihood that students come into contacted with the nuanced ideas about rape culture, victim blaming and nonintervention.

The fact that college aged women are at a greater risk of becoming a survivor of sexual assault, also means that as a student progresses through college it is more likely that they’ve encountered a friend or classmate who has been the survivor of a sexual assault.

Knowing a person who has been a survivor could influence one’s ideas about sexual assault and even dispel some myths surrounding it. It is therefore suitable to include

“year in school” as a control variable.

Research suggests that cultural differences regarding sexualization and sexual assault may make studying the influence of and thus controlling for “race” beneficial to the current study. Black and brown women have historically been hyper-sexualized even by white women (Brooks 2010). For centuries the bodies of women of color, specifically their genitals and buttocks, have been hyper-sexualized and emphasized by U.S. and

European cultures (Gilman 1985). Further research found that undocumented Latina

Americans were less likely to seek formal help than those with permanent status.

Although there was no evidence that they were any more likely to experience sexual

assault, findings indicate that their experiences tend to manifest in relation to their immigration status (Sabina, Cuevas and Schally 2015; Zadnik, Sabina and Cuevas 2016).

Sexual and racial stereotypes may lead to unsolved crimes and insufficient police work in the case of sexual assault (Brooks 2010). Unique experiences with immigration, hypersexualization, distrust in the institution of policing as a whole and other factors relating to race and ethnicity warrant the investigation and inclusion of “race” as a control variable in the current study.

As mentioned previously, findings indicate that members of male- dominated and male- only groups uphold masculine standards that encourage sexual aggression and violence. Connell (1987) also states that the category of “man” is characterized by aggression, violence, and sexual performance. This research suggest that including “sex” as a control variable is worth investigating further in this study.

Previous research conducted by Voith, Topitzes and Reynolds (2016) suggests that children in lower income and disadvantaged situations are more likely to encounter sexual violence. Adolescents living in impoverished neighborhoods may be at greater risk of coming into contact with offenders. This study also suggests that high-risk environments, such as low-income, high-crime neighborhoods, enhance the probability that these children will be at greater risk for victimization. This implies that it is likely valuable to consider “income at age 16” as a control variable for the current study.

Prior research conducted by Rife (2009) found that religious affiliation tends to have an effect on perceptions of sexual assault victims and beliefs about the crime itself.

This analysisdetermined that religious fundamentalist values and ideology may partly determine the perception surrounding the assault experience, given the traditional views of sexuality (e.g., abstinence, sex prior to marriage) and gender (e.g., subservience) often held by religious fundamentalist. The norms supported by people who have religious affiliation, such as a strong emphasis on sexual conservatism and chastity outside of marriage, could facilitate negative beliefs about sexual assault victims, increasing the likelihood that they would believe in rape myths and therefore have a lower score of perceived necessity for bystander intervention. These results indicate that it is useful to examine this effect by including religious affiliation as a control in the current study.

Current Research

Research suggest that macro- level ideas are internalized by society through various social institutions including media and entertainment. The proliferation of ideas in the media regarding masculinity, power and rape myths can lead to bystander nonintervention during instances of sexual assault (Carlson 2008). The presence and actions of bystanders affect both the occurrence of violence and the extent to which violence persists (Hart and Miethe 2008).

Further research, conducted to determine whether or not bystander intervention helps or hurts during violent crimes, found that in cases of sexual assault, bystander intervention helped more than hurt (Hart and Miethe 2008). This study found that the ratio of helping/hurting was 2:2:1. The principal way that bystanders helped was

“prevention of injury or further injury”.

The current research attempts to examine the effect Rape Myth Acceptance has on an individual’s perceived necessity to intervene when reading a description of an event that fits the legal definition of rape. This research also studies the effect that previous sexual assault training and knowing a victim have on perceived necessity to intervene.

This study also examines the influence of several control variables on perceived necessity to intervene. As explained previously race, sex, year in school, religious affiliation and income are suspected of having a causal effect and a relationship with other variables in the equation. They have been included in order to control for any spurious conclusions, resulting from a biased equation, which Allison (2000) explains could happen when key control variables are omitted from the equation.

Chapter 3: Methods and Data Analysis

Data

The present study uses secondary data from Rape Prevention Through Bystander

Education at a Northeastern State University, 2002-2004 (ICPSR 4367), a 2003 study conducted at a northeastern state university in the United States with 389 participants

(Banyard, Plante and Moynihan 2008).

The original study uses a self-selected convenience sample of undergraduate students, aged 18 to 23, who attended a northeastern state university during the spring and fall semesters of 2003. The effectiveness of a rape prevention program was evaluated by determining if participants in either a one- or three-session version of the program

(treatment condition) showed improvement across measures of attitudes, knowledge, and behavior concerning sexual violence, as compared to the control group (Banyard, Plante and Moynihan 2008). The recruitment of study participants was done by using flyers and face-to-face recruitment. For the first wave only, over 500 brightly colored flyers were displayed around campus and the nearby downtown area to attract prospective participants. In order to solicit a broader audience than might sign up for a study relating to sexual violence, the flyers called for undergraduate students to participate in a study about community and relationship problems, included tear-off tabs with a telephone number and email address for contacting the researchers, and advertised the potential to earn money by participating in the study (Banyard, Plante and Moynihan 2008). This was

done in an effort to address the randomness of the sample and its representativeness to the general population.

The second wave recruitment effort included the flyers, but also included face-to- face recruitment at the student union building. The first wave of the study was conducted during the spring semester of 2003 and the second wave of the study was conducted the following semester, in fall 2003. Three hundred and eighty-nine undergraduates participated and were randomly assigned to one of two treatment groups or a control group. All first-wave participants filled out pretest questionnaires (Part 1), post-test questionnaires (Part 2), and questionnaires two (Part 3) and twelve (Part 4) months following the first post test. Those in the experimental conditions participated in the one- session or three-session program prior to filling out the post-test questionnaire, and they participated in a booster session before filling out the questionnaire at the two-month mark (Banyard, Plante and Moynihan 2008). Those who participated in the three-session program received $80.00, the one-session participants earned $40.00, and those in the control group were paid $25.00. After the post-test session, all study participants were paid $15.00 for each additional questionnaire they filled out and returned. When all questionnaires had been collected, a $75.00 lottery was held for additional incentive for students who participated in all possible phases of the research (Banyard, Plante and

Moynihan 2008).

For the present study, using only the data presented in the pre-test data set, the effect of rape myth acceptance on perceived necessity for bystander intervention is

examined, controlling for race, religious affiliation, sex, year in school, previous sexual assault/ rape or sexual harassment training or course, knowing a sexual assault victim and income level. Fraternity association was masked for the identity protection of the participants and was therefore not utilized in the current study.

Dependent Variables

For the Dependent Variable, Perceived Necessity for Bystander Intervention, respondents were given the following scenario: Earlier in the evening, you saw a woman at a party who appears to be drunk and hanging all over some of your friends. A friend tells you that she’s been taken upstairs to a bedroom, where a bunch of people are having sex with her. Your friend urges you to join them. Respondents were asked “How much do you think that this woman needs your help?” Answers were given on a 1 to 7 scale,

1=Not at All, 7= Very Much, answers 2,3,4,5, and 6 were not labeled, and left up to interpretation by the respondent.

Independent Variables

Rape Myth Acceptance: respondents were asked to read 20 statements regarding sexual assault, victims and perpetrators (Appendix A). Participants were instructed to rate their level of agreement or disagreement with the statements on a 1 to 7 scale. Results were coded as 1= Completely Disagree, 2= Strongly Disagree, 3=Disagree, 4=Neutral,

5= Agree, 6= Strongly Agree, 7= Completely Agree. These questions were taken from the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Survey (Payne, Lonsway and Fitzgerald 1999). For

the current study, these results were added together to form an index measuring “Rape

Myth Acceptance” with values ranging from 1 to 140.

Previous Sexual Assault Training: Respondents were asked the following two questions: (1) “Have any courses you have taken discussed sexual assault or rape?” with responses coded 0= No, 1= Yes. (2) “Have you ever attended a program sponsored by the

Sexual Harassment and Rape Prevention Program (SHARPP)?” Responses were coded

0= No, 1=Yes.

Knowing a Victim: Respondents were asked “Have you ever known someone who was the victim of sexual violence?” with responses coded 0= No, 1= Yes.

Control Variables

Race: Race was coded in the original study as a dummy variable “white” with

“other” as a reference category, in order to protect the identity of participants.

Religious Affiliation: Respondents were asked: Do you have a religious affiliation? Responses were coded 0= No and 1= Yes.

Sex: Sex is coded as a dichotomous nominal variable with 0=Male, 1=Female.

Income level at age 16: Income was coded as a dichotomous variable with “Under

$30,000-$74,999”= 0, and “$75,000-$150,000 and above”=1. The original study recoded this variable in order to protect the identity of the participants.

Year in school: Year in school was recoded as a dichotomous variable 0=

Freshman and Sophomore 1= Junior and Senior.

Method of Analysis

The data analysis method used for this study was ordinary least squares (OLS) multiple regression. This method was used in order to control for several variables and determine whether Rape Myth Acceptance influences perceived necessity for bystander intervention in a scenario involving sexual assault. Using Ordinary Least Squares regression allows for the effect of the IV, Rape Myth Acceptance on the DV, willingness to intervene, to be examined. By using OLS we are able to determine the probability that the regression coefficients actually differ from 0 in the original population, while controlling for race, sex, income, religious affiliation and year in school.

Chapter 4: Results

Sample

The present study uses a sample taken from Rape Prevention Through

Bystander Education at a Northeastern State University, 2002-2004 (ICPSR 4367). The original study utilized a self-selected convenience sample of undergraduate students aged

18 to 23 who attended a northeastern state university during the spring and fall semesters of 2003. Specific data on ages were masked for confidentiality purposes.

Over half (55.7%) of the 389 participants were female. Of the participants, 67.8% were either Freshmen or Sophomores, with 46.3% of participants having a household income below $75,000 at the age of 16. The majority (78%) of the participants, identified as European American. All other races were masked in this study by the Department of

Justice in order to protect participant identity. Of the participants, 41.6% had no religious affiliation.

Univariate Statistics

For this study an index was formed in order to measure our Independent variable,

Rape myth acceptance. As shown in Table 1, the index ranges from 28 to 112, with an average of 48.9. Table 2 shows the frequency distribution for the Dependent Variable, likelihood to intervene, revealing 57.9% of participants felt intervention was needed

“very much” while only .5% felt intervention was not needed at all. Overall, perceived necessity for intervention was high amongst participants with 87% of participants feeling

bystander intervention was needed (with answers of 5, 6, or 7). Approximately 13% of participants answered either 1, 2, 3, or 4, indicating they felt intervention was not needed as urgently.

Most respondents (82.3%) had never attended a sexual harassment training program sponsored by SHARPP and 65.3% had never had a course that discussed sexual assault or rape. Over half of the respondents (56.7%) had never had any type of sexual assault training. Consistent with previous findings, 60.1% of participants stated they knew someone who had been the victim of sexual violence.

Multivariate Statistics

Perceived necessity for bystander intervention was regressed on the rape myth acceptance index, previous sexual assault training, and knowing a victim, controlling for household income at age 16, sex, race, religious affiliation, and year in school. As displayed in Table 3, 16.8% of the variance in perceived necessity of bystander intervention was explained by the Rape Myth Acceptance index and control variables.

While the Rape Myth Acceptance Index is a significant predictor (p<.0001), the unstandardized coefficient is very small (b=-.032). The negative sign indicates that as

Rape Myth Acceptance increases, perceived necessity for intervention decreases slightly.

For every 10 points higher the Rape Myth Acceptance Index score, there is a decrease of only .32 units in perceived necessity for bystander intervention on a scale of 1 to 7, when controlling for all other variables in the model.

Also displayed in Table 3, Previous Courses Discussing Sexual Assault/ Rape training is a significant predictor of perceived bystander intervention (p=.032). Based on the unstandardized coefficient, the average perceived necessity for bystander intervention for participants who had never taken previous course discussing sexual assault or rape training was .279 points lower than for participants that had completed a previous course discussing sexual assault or rape training controlling for all other variables.

Of the five control variables, only sex was shown to have a statistically significant effect on perceived bystander intervention (p<.05) (Table 3). Substantively the effect is notable, with females’ average perceived necessity for bystander intervention nearly half a unit (.426) higher than males on a 1 to 7 scale, controlling for all other variables.

The Standardized coefficient, B, measures the effect of each variable on the dependent variable, in comparison to one another by converting everything into standard deviations so they can be compared (Allison 1999). If we were to rank them in order, using only significant variables, and the absolute value of those numbers, starting with the greatest predictor, they would rank: Rape myth acceptance, sex, then previous sexual assault training.

Results indicated that knowing a sexual violence victim, income, religious affiliation, year in school and race are non-significant variables. Results also reveal that the average score on the rape myth acceptance index for those who know a sexual assault victim and the average score for those who do not know a sexual assault victim are not significantly different, when controlling for all other variables. It is also worth noting that

while religious affiliation is not statistically significant, this fact indicates the mean score on the rape myth acceptance index for those who have religious affiliation and the mean score for those who do not attend religious services is not statistically significant, when controlling for all other variables.

Table 1: Univariate Statistics for Rape Myth Acceptance, 2002

N Minimum Maximum Mean Std. Deviation Rape Myth 363 28 112 48.09 12.041 Acceptance Index

Table 2: Univariate Statistics for Perceived Necessity for Intervention when given a fictional vignette Describing a situation that fits the legal definition of rape, 2002 Frequency Valid Percent Cumulative Percent 1 Not at all 2 .5 .5 2 2 .5 1.0 3 10 2.6 3.7 4 36 9.4 13.1 5 45 11.8 24.9 6 66 17.3 42.1 7 Very much 221 57.9 100.0 Total 382 100.0

TABLE 3: ORDINARY LEAST SQUARE REGRESSION MODEL (AT 95% SIGNIFICANCE LEVEL) ASSESSING THE EFFECT OF RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE, PREVIOUS SEXUAL ASSAULT TRAINING AND KNOWING A SEXUAL VIOLENCE VICTIM ON PERCEIVED NECESSITY FOR BYSTANDER INTERVENTION CONTROLLING FOR RACE, YEAR IN SCHOOL, INCOME, AND RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION Unstandardized Standardized Significance Coefficient Coefficient B

Rape Myth Acceptance -.032 -.315 <.001* Index (28- 112) Previous Sexual Assault -.279 -.111 .032* Training (Yes= 1) Know a Sexual Violence -.099 -.039 .441 Victim? (Yes= 1) Female .426 .170 .001* Income1 .089 .036 .480 Religious Affiliation -.225 -.089 .081 (Yes= 1) Year in School2 .042 .016 .753 White .264 .089 .079

Notes: R²= .168 (*p≤ .05) 1 Under $30,000-$74,999= 0, $75,000-$150,000 and above=1 2 Freshman or Sophomore=0, Junior or Senior = 1

Chapter 5: Discussion

The current study sought to better understand how social factors such as hegemonic masculinity influence college students, a group at greater risk of encountering sexual violence, and their subsequent reactions to sexual assault. Results indicated that males were less likely to perceive intervention as necessary. These findings are consistent with previous research that suggests that men are less likely to define certain acts as sexual harassment and more likely to blame the victim for the harassment (Kenig and Ryan

1986; Quinn 2002). This also supports Connell’s (1987) idea that the category of “man” is characterized by aggression, violence, and sexual performance. These findings also indicate congruence with previous theories that suggest that men are significantly more likely to dismiss harassing behavior as being playful or harmless fun (Quinn 2002).

Earlier research suggested that men who hold predatory ideas about sexuality are more likely to believe rape myths and more likely to self-report that they would rape under certain circumstances (Malovich and Stake 1990; Quinn 2002). This research also suggests that men who uphold hegemonic masculine ideas are more likely to dismiss assaulting and harassing behaviors (Malovich and Stake 1990).

These findings also support SSP research that suggests men who are part of male- only or male-dominated groups tend to uphold masculine standards such as violence and sexual aggression (Kiesling 2001). Findings suggest that men are more likely to dismiss sexual assault and not intervene during a sexual assault. This is consistent with findings from McLeod and Lively (2003) which suggest that male social group expectations centered around sexual performance and masculinity, reflect larger structural norms,

which in turn affect individual behaviors, such as likelihood to intervene during sexual assault.

Findings in this study are also consistent with the idea that hegemonic ideals influence beliefs about sexual assault and victims, which in turn influence behavior and one’s perception of necessity for intervention. Results indicated that individuals who uphold hegemonic ideas about sexuality, such as rape myths and victim blaming had a lower score when measuring perceived necessity to intervene. Hegemonic masculinity, as

Connell (1987) explains, is maintained through social processes, and as Quinn (2002) explains is a process that is constantly being performed and evaluated by men for men.

Individuals who adhere to the hegemonic standards, in this case by believing in rape myths and victim blaming ideas consistent with rape culture, perpetuate the system of violence that is produced as part of hegemony. In other words, hegemony influences beliefs about sexual assault, and those beliefs are then supported by members of society by not intervening in sexual assaults. Not intervening during sexual assault therefore maintains and upholds the standards of violent masculinity through individual actors constantly (re)producing their own masculine identity

Based on the evidence from this study, Foucault’s (1977) theory of the

Panopticon and additional research expanding on hegemony (Burt 1980; Butler 1990;

Connell 1987; Quinn 2002) can also effectively be applied to rape myth acceptance.

Those who adhere to hegemonic ideals and perform under the gaze of the Panopticon are less likely to believe they need to intervene during a sexual assault. Hegemony ensures that individuals feel as though they are being judged by those around them and forced to

maintain the social order by performing their masculinity. This performance, as it pertains to the current research, may entail going along with or participating in a situation that legally fits the definition of sexual assault. The invisible forces of hegemony and the

Panopticon maintain the social order and ensure that everyone is constantly performing and re-performing their masculinity. In the case of sexual assault, that likely means going along with what is happening in the group, and maintaining false beliefs about victims, perpetrators and assault.

It is hypothesized in the present study, that the Panopticon’s influence and standards of hegemony may encourage non-intervention. In other words, male participants who believed that intervention was not necessary may be performing their masculinity in order to not be judged as less masculine by others around them.

Hegemony goes beyond the mere feeling of being watched that the Panopticon presents.

This need to constantly perform one’s gender through their actions may also be responsible for instances where males participate in an assault, in order to prevent those around from judging the actors as being less masculine. While results were overall consistent with previous theories, there were several limitations to these findings.

Limitations

A key limitation of the current analysis is the measurement of the variable

"perceived necessity for bystander intervention.” The variable was used to measure one’s likelihood to intervene but only included one vignette, which contains wording about

“joining in” without analyzing this aspect of the question beyond this. Including follow up questions that measure the likelihood that the participant would actually join in on the

assault could better address this aspect of the question. Further research could also compile an index using all of the 1 to 7 scale questions regarding sexual assault vignettes, similar to the rape myth acceptance index.

Another weakness of this study was the convenience sample used. Since the current investigation utilized a predictive model and multiple regression, a generalizable random sample would have been ideal for the analysis. The data available, however, was a convenience sample, so the results of this study should be interpreted cautiously. This problem seems to be a concern in most of the literature surrounding the topic of sexual assault, but given the nature of the study, it would be very difficult to get a true random sample from the population. The sensitive topic may be a trigger and proper ethical guidelines must be followed. This could limit data in general to convenience samples only.

Another limitation of the current probe affects not only this study, but most of the previous research as well; most information regarding bystander intervention relies on self-reported surveys. The analysis I conducted revealed there is a great amount of social psychological consideration that goes into individual bystander intervention. Since this is true, it is logical to assume that when answering a survey regarding bystander intervention, a participant is likely to have some social desirability bias. This means bias may exist in the results of previous studies. Limitations of this study suggest that further research to explore these topics could be needed.

There were also several weaknesses resulting from the fact that some of the data used was masked. One major weakness was not being able to further examine fraternity

membership’s influence on bystander intervention If future researchers would like to use this data set specifically, it is recommended that they access the full version through the

IRB board on their college campus.

Future Research Implications

Findings from the current study suggest that future research investigating the effect of Fraternity Membership on bystander intervention should be conducted. This variable was masked for this data set so it could not be used in the present study. There is sufficient evidence to suggest that fraternity membership does have an effect on perceived necessity for bystander intervention. Previous research suggests fraternities and other male- only or male- dominated groups may uphold masculine standards that men are taught during the socialization process (Kiesling 2001). The environments that encourage drinking, partying and hostile environments for women, often have members who would admittedly engage in sexual aggression (Kingree and Thompson 2013).

Research proposes individuals entering a university are likely to find social groups that allow them to adhere to highly salient identities held prior to entry (Stryker and Burke 2000). This is a topic I would like to explore further in order to determine if men who already hold a highly salient masculine identity, are more likely to seek out fraternities that uphold this idea.

Findings indicate that men who are members of groups that value intervention and helping as part of their masculine standards, are more likely to help in emergency situations. This likelihood increases in the presence of more bystanders, and when group values are made part of the conversation (Horowitz 1971). Among the accounts of

campus rape, victims detail traumatic sexual assault experiences that took place in the presence of several men, who also participated in the assaults. Some of these events took place at parties and fraternity houses. These environments are often full of people who have knowledge of, witness and even participate in sexual assaults (Carlson 2008).

The presence of non-intervening bystanders suggests that it is important to analyze the relation between rape myth acceptance and non-likelihood to intervene in order to remedy the sexual assault epidemic.

These findings indicate that members of male- dominated and male- only groups uphold masculine standards that are part of the macro- level socialization process. These individuals act by adhering to their social group identity. This determines how they should behave in certain situations. For men who are part of groups that uphold sexual aggression, and heavy partying, masculinity is demonstrated through sexual violence and coercion and is often encouraged by group members. There were several variables in the study that had were not statistically significant that are also worth noting.

Contrary to findings that suggest that income level may have an effect on bystander intervention (Voith, Topitzes and Reynolds 2016), the current study found no statistically significant effect. This indicates that further research may be needed in order to fully examine the effect of encountering sexual assault during adolescence on rape myth acceptance and victim blaming.

While not found to be significant in the present study, previous research suggests that religious affiliation (Rife 2009) and year in school might have an effect on perceived necessity to intervene. Previous research found that norms and beliefs, supported by

religion and those who consider themselves religiously affiliated, such as a strong emphasis on sexual conservatism and abstinence before marriage, facilitate negative beliefs about sexual assault victims, increasing the likelihood of belief in rape myths and thus a lower perceived necessity for intervention during sexual assault. Findings from the current study implicate that further research could be beneficial in determining the effect of religion and religious beliefs on rape myth acceptance and bystander intervention.

Conclusions

The question addressed in this study was “Does the belief in and acceptance of hegemonic ideals influence one’s attitudes about sexual assault and victim responsibility and therefore their response or lack of response to and intervention in a situation involving sexual assault.” In short, the answer would be “yes”, given that there was evidence to suggest that when rape myth acceptance increases the perceived necessity for intervention decrease. Although results did indicate that rape myth acceptance was a significant predictor of bystander intervention, there were some limitations to this result.

The current study aims to measure an individual’s likelihood to intervene during sexual assault but does not completely examine what their reaction and subsequent actions would be, leaving questions about what one really would do when faced with the choice to intervene.

Overall, the findings are consistent with broader findings about bystander intervention presented by Bennett, Banyard and Garnhart (2014) and Burn (2009) which suggest that there are certain barriers to intervention, which include not recognizing the situation as requiring intervention. In the case of sexual assault, this lack of recognition is

likely because these individuals tightly uphold traditional gender roles and the expectations of hegemonic masculinity. As demonstrated by Quinn (2002), individuals who tend to adhere to the social constructions of masculinity, especially men who uphold rape myths and victim blaming, are more likely to dismiss instances of sexual harassment. As Latané (1970) also noted, the decision to intervene is complex and bystanders must overcome number of barriers before helping. The present study supports the idea that barriers postulated by a situational model of bystander intervention may influence individual likelihood to intervene. The combined impact of not recognizing necessity for intervention and believing in rape myths consistent with hegemony likely hinders intervention. What may assist with overcoming barriers is education, or training about sexual assault or rape, which influences a perceived necessity for intervention. This suggests that programs intended to promote bystander intervention in situations at-risk for sexual assault may be effective. As suggested by Banyard, Plante and Moynihan

(2008) these programs may be more effective if they address barriers to intervention and provide information on hegemony and masculinity as well, especially since men are more likely to go along with a case of sexual assault in order to be considered by other men as more of a man and not viewed as effeminate (Burt 1980; Connell 1987; Quinn 2002).

Quinn (2002) further demonstrates that men’s participation in sexually harassing behaviors both simultaneously produces harassment and barriers to men recognizing the harm in these behaviors. In other words, men’s participation in hegemonic rituals and behaviors both produces rape culture and prevents men from recognizing that this behavior is harmful and destructive to women and society in general.

Hegemony, the Panopticon, and identity help to explain that rape myths and victim blaming are both a result of and a performance of hegemony. Hegemony requires that members of society are constantly reclaiming their gender identity by acting upon hegemonic ideals. This acting, based on perceived expectations of those around them (in particular, males) perpetuates a cycle of hegemony creating a society where members constantly (re)produce masculinity. Simply, rape myth acceptance influences bystander intervention.

Appendix A

Rape Myth Acceptance Index Questions

Please indicate your level of agreement with each of the statements below by circling the corresponding number. l=Strongly Disagree 2=Moderately Disagree 3=Slightly Disagree 4=Uncertain 5=Slightly Agree 6=Moderately Agree 7=Strongly Agree

1. If a woman is raped while she is drunk, she is at least somewhat responsible for letting things get out of control. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 2. Although most women wouldn't admit it, they generally find being physically forced into sex a real "turn on". 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 3. If a woman is willing to "make out" with a guy, then it's no big deal if he goes a little further and has sex. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 4. Many women secretly desire to be raped. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 5. Most rapists are not caught by the police. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

6. If a woman doesn't physically fight back, you can't really say that it was rape. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 7. Men from nice middle-class homes almost never rape. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8. Rape accusations are often used as a way of getting back at men. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 9. All women should have access to self-defense classes. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

10. It is usually only women who dress suggestively that are raped. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 11. If the rapist doesn't have a weapon, you really can't call it rape. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 12. Rape is unlikely to happen in the woman's own familiar neighborhood. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 13. Women tend to exaggerate how much rape affects them. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

14. A lot of women lead a man on and then they cry rape. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

15. It is preferable that a female police officer conduct the questioning when a woman reports a rape. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

16. A woman who "teases" men deserves anything that might happen. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

17. When women are raped, it's often because the way they said "no" was ambiguous. 1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

18. Men don't usually intend to force sex on a woman, but sometimes they get too sexually carried away. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

19. A woman who dresses in skimpy clothes should not be surprised if a man tried to force her to have sex. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

20. Rape happens when a man's sex drive gets out of control. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

• Scoring: Scores range from 1 (strongly agree) to 7 (strongly disagree). • Scores may be totaled for a cumulative score. • Higher scores indicate greater rejection of rape myths.

(Payne, Lonsway and Fitzgerald 1999)

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