China's Inevitable Revolution

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

China's Inevitable Revolution China’s Inevitable Revolution This page intentionally left blank China’s Inevitable Revolution Rethinking America’s Loss to the Communists Thomas D. Lutze CHINA’S INEVITABLE REVOLUTION Copyright © Thomas D. Lutze, 2007. Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2007 978-1-4039-7977-3 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles or reviews. First published in 2007 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN™ 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 and Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire, England RG21 6XS. Companies and representatives throughout the world. PALGRAVE MACMILLAN is the global academic imprint of the Palgrave Macmillan division of St. Martin’s Press, LLC and of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. Macmillan® is a registered trademark in the United States, United Kingdom and other countries. Palgrave is a registered trademark in the European Union and other countries. ISBN 978-1-349-53836-2 ISBN 978-0-230-60877-1 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/9780230608771 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Lutze, Thomas D. China’s inevitable revolution : rethinking America’s loss to the Communists / Thomas D. Lutze. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. United States—Foreign relations—China. 2. China—Foreign relations—United States. 3. United States—Foreign relations— 1945–1953. 4. Cold War. 5. China—History—Civil War, 1945–1949. 6. China—Politics and government—1945–1949. 7. Liberalism— China—History—20th century. 8. Communism—China—History— 20th century. 9. China—Foreign relations—1912-1949. I. Title. E183.8.C5L88 2007 327.7305109’045—dc22 2007015274 A catalogue record of the book is available from the British Library. Design by Scribe Inc. First Edition: December 2007 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 CONTENTS Acknowledgments vii A Note on Romanization ix Abbreviations x Introduction 1 1 The Failure of Mediation: The Hurley and Marshall Missions 17 2 The Battle Lines Are Drawn: U.S. Contention with the CCP to Win the Middle Forces, 1947 55 3 The Middle Forces in China’s Urban Turmoil, 1947 79 4 The Battle for the Middle Forces Peaks: The Domestic Factors, 1947–48 105 5 The Battle for the Middle Forces Peaks: The International Factor, 1947–48—Japan 127 6 America’s Loss: Clearing the Battlefield— And Parting Shots, 1948–49 157 Notes 195 Works Cited 237 Index 253 This page intentionally left blank ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This book would not have been written without the encouragement and assistance of many people and institutions both in the United States and in China. Maurice Meisner and Thomas McCormick at the University of Wisconsin provided positive and helpful comments on the earliest version of this study many years ago, and continued to support the work in the time since. Other scholars who offered encouragement along the way include Larry I. Bland, Walter LaFeber, Thomas Paterson, Clara Sun, Edmund Wehrley, Odd Arne Westad, and Marilyn Young. My research in China depended on the helpful and generous guidance of Zhang Zhuhong of Peking University’s History Department. Interviews and access to archives were greatly facilitated by Qiu Renzong of the Chinese Academy of Social Science, by Huang Daolin and the Foreign Students Office at Peking University (PKU), and by liaison offi- cials representing the central committees of several democratic parties: Wei Shiyuan and Du Ningwen of the Guomindang Revolutionary Committee, Jin Ruonian and Zhang Ronghua of the China Democratic League, Wang Jian and An Guiying of the China Democratic National Construction Association, and, in Shanghai, Jin Peiji of the Chinese Association for the Promotion of Democracy. Four other Chinese schol- ars, Li Yunfeng of Northwest University in Xi’an, Liang Yi of Beijing Union University, Lin Chun of the London School of Economics, and Jean K. M. Hung of the University Services Center in Hong Kong, either assisted me in arranging interviews or in pointing me to important archives containing rich materials for this study. Funding for my research in China was generously provided by the Committee on Scholarly Communication with China, the MacArthur Scholars Program at the University of Wisconsin (UW), the UW–Madison Department of History, and Illinois Wesleyan University. My good friends and colleagues Chuck Springwood, Irv Epstein, Mike Stein, and Dreux Montgomery have offered consistent encouragement in my efforts to bring this work to fruition, and Patra Noonan at Illinois viii Acknowledgments Wesleyan has regularly come through with much needed assistance on technical issues and on the compilation of the book’s bibliography. I am grateful to my family, in particular my older children, Peter and Andrew, who provided me with companionship during my first year of research in China, and my younger children, Ariana and Nathaniel, who have been a big help in giving me the quiet time necessary to complete the manuscript. To all these people, I express my deepest thanks. But most especially, I want to thank my wife and partner Abigail Jahiel for her help with trans- lations, her insightful comments and criticisms, her patience, and, most importantly, her caring support as I have worked on this project. The assistance of all these people, and many others not mentioned, has resulted in this finished product. Nevertheless, I alone assume responsi- bility for the arguments and conclusions of this study. Any errors are mine, not those of the people whose help I gratefully acknowledge here. A NOTE ON ROMANIZATION Rendering Chinese names and phrases into a romanized form that is acces- sible to Western readers is rarely a simple proposition. At different times and in different places, different systems of romanization have been uti- lized. Over the past three decades, however, the Hanyu pinyin system has increasingly become the standard in Western scholarship. This book acknowledges this trend and in almost all cases uses pinyin. Because the subject matter of this study predates the introduction of pinyin, however, many of the English-language primary sources cited refer to people and places in romanized forms (oftentimes utilizing the earlier Wade-Giles system or some variant thereof) other than pinyin—forms that remain better known to most readers. Therefore, a few exceptions to the use of pinyin will be observed: Sun Yat-sen instead of the pinyin Sun Zhongshan; Chiang Kai-shek instead of the pinyin Jiang Jieshi; and Chiang Ching-kuo instead of the pinyin Jiang Jingguo. In addition, several Chinese universities have officially maintained until today the earlier, historical rendition of their names in English. For exam- ple, Beijing daxue, or Beida, is officially Peking University in English, not Beijing University, and Qinghua daxue is rendered as Tsinghua University, not Qinghua University. Yanjing daxue, which was merged with Beijing daxue after 1949 and whose campus now is home to Beida, is rendered as Yenching University. Readers should note, too, that during the late 1940s, today’s capital of China, Beijing, or Northern Capital, was then referred to as Beiping (Peip’ing), or Northern Peace, because the capital of China at that time was Nanjing (Nanking), or Southern Capital. Where confusion might exist over the name of a person or place, the alternative romanization of the name will appear in parentheses following the name when it is first introduced. A BBREVIATIONS Abbreviations appear from time to time throughout the text. The most common abbreviations include the following: CCP Chinese Communist Party DL China Democratic League (China’s largest democratic organization throughout the late 1940s) FRUS Foreign Relations of the United States (U.S. State Department publication of embassy correspondence with Washington) GMD Guomindang (Nationalist Party) GMDRC Guomindang Revolutionary Committee (a democratic party of Guomindang members in opposition to the rule of Chiang Kai-shek) PCC Political Consultative Conference (the first PCC was convened January 1946; the “new” PCC was convened in September 1949) PLA People’s Liberation Army (military force commanded by the CCP) PPC People’s Political Council (Guomin canzheng hui; formed in 1938, a wartime advisory body to the Nationalist Chinese leadership that included, for most of its decade of existence, both middle-force democrats and representatives of the CCP) SW Selected Works, Mao Zedong.
Recommended publications
  • Communiquéthe Magazine of the Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation
    The Magazine of the Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation Communiqué Fall 2017 Volume 21 Meet America’s Most Innovative Ash Center Presents Winners of 2017 Innovations in American Government Awards Teaching in Technicolor Ash Alumna Transforms Myanmar Education with Virtual Reality Inaugural Martha H. Mauzy Award Winner Kate O’Gorman MPA ’17 Is Working for an Inclusive Economic Future Letter from the Director Communiqué Fall 2017, Volume 21 Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation Harvard Kennedy School 79 John F. Kennedy Street Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138 Welcome to the Fall 2017 issue of the Ash Center’s Communiqué magazine. I 617-495-0557 am proud to report that my many colleagues at the Ash Center continue to www.ash.harvard.edu advance its mission of engaging scholars, students, and practitioners in the Director most important political and governance challenges we face both in the US and Tony Saich globally. In this issue, we highlight the winners of the 2017 Innovations in American Government Awards (p. 10) and Professor Odd Arne Westad’s per- Editor Jessica Engelman spective on the Cold War as set forth in his new book (p. 8). In our Q+A (p. 4), we talk with Jie Bai, assistant professor of public policy, about the economic Associate Director for Communications challenges firms face in developing countries and emerging markets such as Daniel Harsha Vietnam and China. On p. 12, we introduce Hla Hla Win MC/MPA ’16, who was a Communications Coordinator Ford Foundation Mason Fellow with the Ash Center and who is using virtual Sarah Grucza reality to transform the educational experience in Myanmar.
    [Show full text]
  • China's Fear of Contagion
    China’s Fear of Contagion China’s Fear of M.E. Sarotte Contagion Tiananmen Square and the Power of the European Example For the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), erasing the memory of the June 4, 1989, Tiananmen Square massacre remains a full-time job. The party aggressively monitors and restricts media and internet commentary about the event. As Sinologist Jean-Philippe Béja has put it, during the last two decades it has not been possible “even so much as to mention the conjoined Chinese characters for 6 and 4” in web searches, so dissident postings refer instead to the imagi- nary date of May 35.1 Party censors make it “inconceivable for scholars to ac- cess Chinese archival sources” on Tiananmen, according to historian Chen Jian, and do not permit schoolchildren to study the topic; 1989 remains a “‘for- bidden zone’ in the press, scholarship, and classroom teaching.”2 The party still detains some of those who took part in the protest and does not allow oth- ers to leave the country.3 And every June 4, the CCP seeks to prevent any form of remembrance with detentions and a show of force by the pervasive Chinese security apparatus. The result, according to expert Perry Link, is that in to- M.E. Sarotte, the author of 1989: The Struggle to Create Post–Cold War Europe, is Professor of History and of International Relations at the University of Southern California. The author wishes to thank Harvard University’s Center for European Studies, the Humboldt Foundation, the Institute for Advanced Study, the National Endowment for the Humanities, and the University of Southern California for ªnancial and institutional support; Joseph Torigian for invaluable criticism, research assistance, and Chinese translation; Qian Qichen for a conversation on PRC-U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Cold War: Crises and Détente: Volume II Edited by Melvyn P
    Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-83720-0 - The Cambridge History of the Cold War: Crises and Détente: Volume II Edited by Melvyn P. Leffler and Odd Arne Westad Frontmatter More information THE CAMBRIDGE HISTORY OF THE COLD WAR Volume II of The Cambridge History of the Cold War examines the developments that made the conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union a long-lasting international system during the 1960s and 1970s. A team of leading scholars explains how the Cold War seemed to stabilize after the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962 and how this sense of increased stability evolved into the détente era of the early 1970s. The authors outline how conflicts in the Third World, as well as the interests and ideologies of the superpowers, eroded the détente process. They delve into the social and eco- nomic roots of the conflict, illuminate processes of integration and disintegration, analyze the arms race, and explore the roles of intelligence, culture, and national identities. Discussing the newest findings on US and Soviet foreign policy as well as examining key crises inside and outside Europe, this authoritative volume will define Cold War studies for years to come. M ELVYN P. LEFFLER is Edward Stettinius Professor of American History at the Department of History, University of Virginia. His previous publications include To Lead the World: American Strategy After the Bush Doctrine (2008, as co-editor), For the Soul of Mankind: The United States, the Soviet Union, and the Cold War (2007, winner of the AHA George Louis Beer Prize), and A Preponderance of Power: National Security, the Truman Administration and the Cold War (1992, winner of the Bancroft Prize, the Robert Ferrell Prize, and the Herbert Hoover Book Award).
    [Show full text]
  • The Evolving Interpretations of the Origins of the Cold War
    Háskóli Íslands Hugvísindasvið Rússneska The Evolving Interpretations of the Origins of the Cold War Have Historians Reached a Consensus on the Origins of the Cold War? Ritgerð til B.A. prófs Saga Helgason Morris Kt.: 011097-3329 Leiðbeinandi: Jón Ólafsson 1 Abstract The Cold War and its origins have been a constant source of debate among historians and quite rightly so. With no access to Soviet archives until 1991 and the outcome of the hostilities unknown, historians were left to draw their own conclusions from official documents and published propaganda. Hence, as with any historical event, interpretations have changed over time. In this paper, I set out to explore whether assessments have shifted to a degree whereby historians today have come together in their understanding of the origins of the Cold War. In order to answer this question, an investigation is required to explore how and why these historical perspectives have changed. First, the two traditional viewpoints of the Cold War are discussed, namely the orthodox and revisionist interpretations. The orthodox view places responsibility on the USSR for the development of the Cold War whereas the revisionist view argues that the hostilities developed as a result of reacting to one another’s actions. Subsequently, the viewpoints of a selected group of post-Cold War historians are explored. Gaddis argues that hostilities between the United States and Soviet Union had their roots in the nations’ different perceptions of security. Zubok and Pleshakov maintain that Stalin’s character and diplomatic actions were of particular importance in the onset of the Cold War.
    [Show full text]
  • Download the Publication
    WOODROW WILSON INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR SCHOLARS Lee H. Hamilton, 77 CONVERSATIONS Christian Ostermann, Director Director Between Chinese and Foreign Leaders on the Wars in Indochina, 1964-1977 BOARD OF TRUSTEES: ADVISORY Edited by COMMITTEE: Joseph A. Cari, Jr., Chairman Odd Arne Westad, Chen Jian, Stein Tønnesson, William Taubman Steven Alan Bennett, (Amherst College) Nguyen Vu Tungand and James G. Hershberg Vice Chairman Chairman PUBLIC MEMBERS Working Paper No. 22 Michael Beschloss The Secretary of State (Historian, Author) Colin Powell; The Librarian of Congress James H. Billington James H. Billington; (Librarian of Congress) The Archivist of the United States John W. Carlin; Warren I. Cohen (University of Maryland- The Chairman of the National Endowment Baltimore) for the Humanities Bruce Cole; The Secretary of the John Lewis Gaddis Smithsonian Institution (Yale University) Lawrence M. Small; The Secretary of Education James Hershberg Roderick R. Paige; (The George Washington The Secretary of Health University) & Human Services Tommy G. Thompson; Washington, D.C. Samuel F. Wells, Jr. PRIVATE MEMBERS (Woodrow Wilson Center) Carol Cartwright, May 1998 John H. Foster, Jean L. Hennessey, Sharon Wolchik Daniel L. Lamaute, (The George Washington Doris O. Mausui, University) Thomas R. Reedy, Nancy M. Zirkin COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT THE COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT WORKING PAPER SERIES CHRISTIAN F. OSTERMANN, Series Editor This paper is one of a series of Working Papers published by the Cold War International History Project of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C. Established in 1991 by a grant from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, the Cold War International History Project (CWIHP) disseminates new information and perspectives on the history of the Cold War as it emerges from previously inaccessible sources on “the other side” of the post-World War II superpower rivalry.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction Era of Negotiations (
    Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION Era of Negotiations ( This image is not available in this open access ebook due to rights restrictions. ILLUSTRATION 1: Chancellor Willy Brandt, Foreign Minister Walter Scheel and Minister of the Interior Hans-Dietrich Genscher (from right to left) during a Bundestag session in December 1972. Presse- und Informationsamt der Bundesregierung, B 145 Bild-00114278, Photographer: Ulrich Wienke. "A State of Peace in Europe: West Germany and the CSCE, 1966-1975” by Petri Hakkarainen is available open access under a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license with support from Knowledge Unlatched. OA ISBN: 978-1-78920-107-9. Not for resale. 2 | A State of Peace in Europe I was resented in the East for it, and not everybody in the West agreed with me either, when I said that the participation of the Federal Republic of Germany in a European security conference would be pointless if the relationship between the two parts of Germany had not been settled first. The Federal Republic had some leverage here; I did not overestimate it, but we had it. My argument: if a wedding is planned and the other half of the bridal couple does not turn up, the other partner will not be very happy about it. – Willy Brandt in his memoirs1 This conference will simultaneously address the possibilities of cooperation and the questions of security. Between East and West, North and South, I see the possibility to create common interests and responsibilities in Europe through economic and other connections which can develop more security for everyone. – Willy Brandt’s
    [Show full text]
  • Bull8-Cover Copy
    220 COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT BULLETIN More New Evidence On THE COLD WAR IN ASIA Editor’s Note: “New Evidence on History Department (particularly Prof. Zhang Shuguang (University of Mary- the Cold War in Asia” was not only the Priscilla Roberts and Prof. Thomas land/College Park) played a vital liai- theme of the previous issue of the Cold Stanley) during a visit by CWIHP’s di- son role between CWIHP and the Chi- War International History Project Bul- rector to Hong Kong and to Beijing, nese scholars. The grueling regime of letin (Issue 6-7, Winter 1995/1996, 294 where the Institute of American Studies panel discussions and debates (see pro- pages), but of a major international (IAS) of the Chinese Academy of Social gram below) was eased by an evening conference organized by CWIHP and Sciences (CASS) agreed to help coor- boat trip to the island of Lantau for a hosted by the History Department of dinate the participation of Chinese seafood dinner; and a reception hosted Hong Kong University (HKU) on 9-12 scholars (also joining the CWIHP del- by HKU at which CWIHP donated to January 1996. Both the Bulletin and egation were Prof. David Wolff, then of the University a complete set of the the conference presented and analyzed Princeton University, and Dr. Odd Arne roughly 1500 pages of documents on the newly available archival materials and Westad, Director of Research, Norwe- Korean War it had obtained (with the other primary sources from Russia, gian Nobel Institute). Materials for the help of the Center for Korean Research China, Eastern Europe and other loca- Bulletin and papers for the conference at Columbia University) from the Rus- tions in the former communist bloc on were concurrently sought and gathered sian Presidential Archives.
    [Show full text]
  • The Intervention in Afghanistan · and the Fall of Detente
    I I I Nobel Symposium 95 I I The Intervention in I Afghanistan I · and the Fall of Detente I I Lysebu September 17-20, 1995 I --·····-- I Transcribed by Svetlana Savranskaya I Edited by David A. Welch and I Odd Arne Westad i --·····-- i The Norwegian Nobel Institute Oslo 1996 I "" I I I I Nobel Symposium 95 I I The Intervention in I Afghanistan I and the Fall of Detente I I Lysebu September 17-20, 1995 I ..•.. I Transcribed by Svetlana Savranskaya I Edited by David A. Welch and I Odd Arne W estad I ..... I The Norwegian Nobel Institute Oslo 1996 I I I ~ I I INTRODUCTION This is the full transcript ofthe Nobel Symposium held at Lysebu from 17 to 19 September 1995. The purpose of the meeting was to discuss the reasons for the collapse of the period of I detente in US-Soviet relations in the late 1970s, and especially the causes and effects of the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan in 1979. The participants at the symposium were former I political, diplomatic, and military leaders from Russia and the United States, and a small group of American, Russian, and European·,, scholars with special knowledge of this period. I The symposium was the final meeting in a series of conferences on this topic organized by the Center for Foreign Policy Development of the Watson Institute for International Studies at Brown University. In addition to looking more closely at the deterioration ofUS-Soviet I relations from 1977 to 1980, this project aimed at investigating some of the comparative aspects of processes of decline in great power cooperation.
    [Show full text]
  • Of Archives After 1991 Made to the Historiography of the Cold War?
    Twentieth-century sources What difference has the opening (and closing) of archives after 1991 made to the historiography of the Cold War? Sarah Marks rior to the East European revolutions of 1989, and the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, commentators outside the region were largely reliant on printed material collected by specialist research libraries, informal Parrangements with contacts ‘behind the iron curtain’, information that could be gleaned from visits to the region, and the testimonies and research of those who had defected to the West. Historiographies produced from within the socialist bloc were frequently shaped by the Party line. It is important not to overemphasise the level of top-down vulgarisation of the historical profession in the Soviet sphere: historians across the Eastern bloc conducted archival research and published their findings, and engaged in critical professional dialogues within their fields. In the Soviet Union, particularly after Stalin’s death, and the thaw following Khrushchev’s secret speech of 1956, there was genuine critical engagement about historical narratives in parts of the region. But such work was rarely translated and distributed to Anglophone audiences. The fall of Communism led to an unprecedented opening up of state archival records. Often, the archives themselves were one of the first state assets seized as part of the revolutions: citizens were fully aware of the importance they had, and the political reckonings that were to come in response to the opening of their contents. Access to, and management of, these collections remains a politically contentious issue in many countries. In some, including Russia and Hungary, archives across a range of topics, which had previously been opened up in the 1990s, have become harder to access in recent years.
    [Show full text]
  • H-Diplo Article Review Forum 1 June 2017 (Updated Selvage Review)
    H-Diplo Article Review 20 17 Article Review Editors: Thomas Maddux and Diane Labrosse H-Diplo Web and Production Editor: George Fujii @HDiplo Commissioned for H-Diplo by Thomas Maddux Article Review No. 701 An H-Diplo Article Review Forum 1 June 2017 (updated Selvage review) H-Diplo Forum on “CSCE, the German Question, and the Eastern Bloc” in the Journal of Cold War Studies 18:3 (Summer 2016): 3-180. Reviewed by: Aryo Makko, Stockholm University Federico Romero, European University Institute Peter Ruggenthaler, Ludwig Boltzmann Institute for Research on War Consequences, Graz Douglas Selvage, Office of the Federal Commissioner for the Stasi Records in Berlin URL: http://tiny.cc/AR701 Introduction by Gottfried Niedhart, University of Mannheim, Emeritus uring a visit to Israel in June 1973, West German Chancellor Willy Brandt spoke at the Weizmann Institute in Jerusalem about the development of East-West relations. As always, he emphasized the gradual nature of his own approach. A “sustainable peace policy” was to him no “project of large Dleaps.” Instead, he described his own policy as one of “small, progressing steps.” Even the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), which was about to start in Helsinki in the summer of 1973 and comprised all European states (with the exception of Albania) plus Canada and the United States, should not lead to “wishful thinking,” Brandt declared. “And yet, who would have dared to predict a decade ago that a conference of such constructive substance was taking shape!”1 The preceding years—the early 1970s—had witnessed a new form of rapprochement between East and West in general and between the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) and the member-states of the Warsaw Pact in particular.
    [Show full text]
  • Stumbling Towards War: the Soviet Decision to Invade Afghanistan Matt W
    Stumbling Towards War: The Soviet Decision To Invade Afghanistan Matt W. Wolf, University of Alberta Introduction The Soviet Union’s 1979 invasion of Afghanistan definitely serves as | 1 a major milestone in the demise of the Soviet Empire. Prior to the invasion, Soviet fortunes in the world seemed to be improving consistently: Moscow had engaged in a series of proxy wars throughout the Third World during the 1970s. At the same time, direct tensions between the USSR and the United States relaxed dramatically under the policy of détente. Despite slowing economic growth, the Soviet economy could still earn hard currency through the sale of commodities abroad. Yet the 1979 invasion would shatter the myths of the Soviet Union. Gone was the image of a ‘peace loving’ Moscow that merely wanted to coexist. Afghanistan significantly helped the West in uniting against the Soviet Union. In the eyes of the Soviet people, the war would discredit four General Secretaries. Afghanistan exposed the Soviet military’s feet of clay. Heavy casualties among the Baltic Soviet republics, who were overly represented in the theatre, would contribute to the rise of nationalism. In retrospect, it is striking to see how truly catastrophic the decision to invade a backward and seemingly insignificant country was to the fate of the Soviet Union.1 Yet what were the Soviet Union’s initial motivations for invading? Were they indeed acting on a grand strategy that sought 1 For a greater explanation of the true cost of the invasion on the Soviet Union, see Anthony Arnold, The Fateful Pebble: The Soviet Invasion in Perspective (Novato, CA: Presidio Press, 1993).
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction CSCE, the German Question, and the Eastern Bloc
    Introduction CSCE, the German Question, and the Eastern Bloc ✣ Gottfried Niedhart During a visit to Israel in June 1973, West German Chancellor Willy Brandt spoke at the Weizmann Institute in Jerusalem about the development of East-West relations. As always, he emphasized the gradual nature of his own approach. A “sustainable peace policy” was to him no “project of large leaps.” Instead, he described his own policy as one of “small, progressing steps.” Even the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), which was about to start in Helsinki in the summer of 1973 and comprised all European states (with the exception of Albania) plus Canada and the United States, should not lead to “wishful thinking,” Brandt declared. “And yet, who would have dared to predict a decade ago that a conference of such constructive substance was taking shape!”1 The preceding years—the early 1970s—had witnessed a new form of rapprochement between East and West in general and between the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) and the member-states of the Warsaw Pact in particular. Although this new form of interaction did not eliminate the fundamental conflict between East and West, it did change the mode and framework in which the conflict was to be conducted from then on. The Final Act of the CSCE, signed in Helsinki on 1 August 1975 by 35 national leaders, was an expression of this change: “It was there that Europe’s postwar era finally came to an end.”2 This document defined the principles that ought to guide all relations and interactions among the signatory states.
    [Show full text]