¿Quién Cuenta Los Votos En América Latina? Radiografía De Los Organismos Electorales De La Regióndistribución De La Renta Para El Estado

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¿Quién Cuenta Los Votos En América Latina? Radiografía De Los Organismos Electorales De La Regióndistribución De La Renta Para El Estado ¿Quién cuenta los votos en América Latina? Radiografía de los organismos electorales de la regióndistribución de la renta para el Estado CELAG Análisis Político En el mundo Occidental en general y en América Latina en particular la democracia representativa es la forma de gobierno más ampliamente aceptada por la población y, sin duda, la hegemónica entre los circuitos de la opinión pública. 1 Esta forma de gobierno tiene en las elecciones su nudo gordiano. Es durante los procesos electorales cuando se hace efectiva la transferencia de legitimidad de los representados a los representantes. En términos prácticos, es el momento en el que ciudadanos corrientes pasan a ser investidos de poderes y atributos de los que carecían. En cualquier transición que ocurre en las relaciones humanas se exige un ritual de paso, como el tránsito a la edad adulta, la incorporación de pleno derecho de un individuo a una comunidad religiosa, o la superación de un título educativo; son liturgias que tienen un proceso estrictamente delimitado, protocolarizado y detallado, reconocible y aceptado por todas las partes que intervienen. Sin el ritual de paso, el tránsito, que implica una transferencia de derechos, está incompleta. La consolidación simbólica y legitima del paso ritual es obtenida gracias a las prácticas sistemáticas de éste y por lo inapelable de la autoridad de los llamados a ejecutarlo e interpretarlo. En los sistemas democráticos representativos el rito de paso son los procesos electorales y la autoridad que los interpreta: los órganos electorales (OE). La joven democracia latinoamericana, interrumpida en repetidas ocasiones por dictaduras militares o consensos elitistas de rotación del poder, ubicó como eje de consolidación democrática todo el peso de la transferencia de poder y gobierno en los OE, con la programación, organización y realización de la liturgia de los procesos electorales. Analizamos aquí, por tanto, al eslabón clave -y al mismo tiempo más débil- de la arquitectura institucional y política de gobierno en América Latina. ¿Quién cuenta los votos en América Latina? Se trata de un asunto que se expresa en el momento político actual en forma dramática; su importancia se volvió a poner de manifiesto con implicancias directas sobre las decisiones ciudadanas, cuando hemos sido testigos del peso específico de los organismos que orbitan satelitalmente en torno a los OE cuando estos son más débiles, ya sea por sus prácticas o por la interpelación a su autoridad. Se hace referencia, como ya imaginarán, al papel de las misiones de observación electoral y, particularmente en el caso latinoamericano a la Organización de Estados Americanos (OEA). Efectivamente, como veremos a lo largo del texto, es la fragilidad de la confianza ciudadana en el proceso electoral en general y en sus OE la que hace diferentes las situaciones en Uruguay y Bolivia en un reciente escenario similar: un conteo ajustado en la noche electoral que requiere de conteo manual y supervisión para ser resuelto. En el primero de los casos, tanto la confianza en el sistema como la lealtad institucional a la democracia representativa del Frente Amplio garantizan la estabilidad del proceso electoral. En el segundo caso, los participantes desleales con el sistema democrático y una entidad externa con intereses políticos, como la OEA, buscaron en los procedimientos del Órganismo Electoral Plurinacional la excusa para asestar un golpe de Estado, apelando a la fragilidad de las confianzas en el proceso electoral, altamente desacreditado. La democracia representativa, en definitiva, está bajo escrutinio permanente. Es el sistema más experimentado y usado hasta la fecha para vehicular la 2 voluntad ciudadana, con el que accedieron al gobierno proyectos populares de mayorías. Esta es la razón que lleva a las minorías poderosas a buscar fórmulas “alternativas” para controlar a los gobiernos, con partidos de representación corporativa, control de los medios de comunicación, colonización de instituciones internacionales, con redes de poder blando, entre otras. Cuando éstas no les funcionan, acuden a la vía golpista con acciones de guerra judicial (Lawfare), levantamientos militares o golpes parlamentarios, un conjunto de recetas antidemocráticas diversas, adecuadas a cada contexto nacional. Estas situaciones y hechos ocurridos en los últimos años son bien conocidos, y en todos ellos se han utilizado los OE para deslegitimar al gobierno electo o para legitimar la mutación no democrática de los gobiernos de facto (en sus distintas modalidades). Esta última vía, la autoritaria, está siendo la preferida por parte de las derechas latinoamericanas en el último ciclo. La democracia representativa está bajo asedio, con características matizadas a las dictatoriales del siglo XX; pero un asedio, en definitiva. Los procesos electorales están siendo cuestionados y las consecuencias están trascendiendo. Las disputas o discrepancias que se saldaban en el terreno institucional, con tribunales o decisiones políticas, ahora son llevadas a situaciones de ruptura del marco democrático, como ocurrió recientemente en Bolivia. La fortaleza de las instituciones democráticas depende en gran medida de lo incuestionables que sean los símbolos y rituales que la acompañan, y estos sólo se consolidan con el tiempo y la experiencia. El asalto ilegítimo a las instituciones y los atajos que las derechas adoptan para volver o mantenerse en el Gobierno debilitan, por tanto, la confianza misma en la democracia. Esta ¿Quién cuenta los votos en América Latina? es una cuestión que, al ser interpelada por sectores participes de la disputa en las condiciones de la democracia representativa, revelaría su desprecio por las prácticas y procesos que la sustentan. Este documento pretende contribuir al análisis profundo e imprescindible para el fortalecimiento de los OE, unas instituciones débiles que apagan las democracias. Como se ha dicho, los OE son fundamentales en el andamiaje institucional en tanto garantizan el arbitraje técnico/político de la voluntad ciudadana y generan las dinámicas de representación previstas como principio constituyente de la representación democrática. Cada vez que tiene lugar una elección, las miradas se ponen sobre el organismo estatal encargado de la gestión del voto ciudadano, y en especial sobre sus procedimientos. Las funciones y los marcos regulatorios de los OE en América Latina están definidos en las constituciones o en sus legislaciones como resultado de las propias dinámicas de poder, estructuradas en los procesos históricos y sociopolíticos de cada uno de los países. Eso los hace heterogéneos en su estructura, con rasgos comunes que permiten una provechosa comparación. De ello se derivan dos preguntas iniciales, necesarias para entender la conflictividad de la política latinoamericana en relación con los OE: ¿cómo se estructuran? y ¿cuáles son las tensiones que subyacen a su labor? Estos dos tópicos ayudan a comprender los sucesos conflictivos de las democracias y las disputas geopolíticas, originadas por la ebullición y latencia de esta región del mundo. 3 El estudio que aquí se presenta, responde de forma crítica a dichas inquietudes y trasciende al preguntarse por procesos que facilitan la comprensión de los alcances de los OE en la estructuración del arbitraje democrático del voto: ¿cuáles son las reglas de los órganos rectores y fiscalizadores del proceso electoral el América Latina? ¿Qué disputas políticas subyacen tras sus estructuras? Y, sobre todo, ¿cómo se resuelve? ¿Cuáles son las funciones que dotan de poder a estos OE y los procesos de fiscalización y control sobre los procesos que desarrollan? Nuestro análisis se construye desde una perspectiva comparativa, abordando un estudio de los organismos electorales de diecisiete países de América Latina.1 Es un estudio enfocado en las prácticas de los OE y en las disputas que emergen tras los procesos electorales. En las contiendas electorales de los últimos cinco años se evidencian las disputas en torno a la actuación de los OE, centrando en ellos los reclamos de fraude o la inconformidad con la veracidad de los resultados. Estas disputas interpelaron a la mayoría de los OE de la región, por las fuerzas opositoras, por grupos ciudadanos o, como ocurrió en las elecciones de Bolivia del pasado 20 de octubre, en una conjunción entre la oposición y la OEA. Los argumentos principales de las disputas postelectorales se dan por supuestas fallas en el conteo de votos y por problemas de procedimientos que mellan la objetividad y transparencia de los OE. De forma transversal, las disputas terminan con una particular participación de la OEA, autoproclamado organismo ad hoc de evaluación, que mide la “calidad democrática” y como instancia de validación o desaprobación de la actuación de los OE. 1 México, Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Panamá, Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador, Bolivia, Perú, Brasil, Chile, Argentina, Paraguay y Uruguay. ¿Quién cuenta los votos en América Latina? Como se observará, el problema de legitimidad de los OE no está completamente resuelto en ninguno de los países estudiados. Clasificarlos por su imagen pública no resulta un parámetro práctico para definir la calidad democrática de estos, pues es un rasero que indicaría erróneamente que la región, casi sin excepción, tiene problemas serios en materia de credibilidad electoral. De otro lado, demuestra que una buena parte de la credibilidad de los OE depende de que los actores políticos en disputa acepten las reglas del juego y esto no parece
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