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Anssi Halmesvirta Vapauden Kapea Polku István Bibón Julkinen Moralismi

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Anssi Halmesvirta Vapauden Kapea Polku István Bibón Julkinen Moralismi SPECTRUM HUNGAROLOGICUM ANSSI HALMESVIRTA VAPAUDEN KAPEA POLKU ISTVÁN BIBÓN JULKINEN MORALISMI UNIVERSITY OF JYVÄSKYLÄ SPECTRUM HUNGAROLOGICUM ANSSI HALMESVIRTA VAPAUDEN KAPEA POLKU: ISTVÁN BIBÓN JULKINEN MORALISMI Spectrum Hungarologicum Vol. 9. 2017 UNIVERSITY OF JYVÄSKYLÄ SPECTRUM HUNGAROLOGICUM VOL. 9. Editors-In-Chief Tuomo Lahdelma (Jyväskylä) Beáta Thomka (Pécs) Kristóf Fenyvesi (Jyväskylä) Editorial Board Pál Deréky (Wien) Jolanta Jastrzębska (Groningen) Krisztina Karizs (Seoul) Pál Pritz (Budapest) Ignác Romsics (Budapest) Tõnu Seilenthal (Tartu) György Tverdota (Budapest) Reviewers for this volume Heino Nyyssönen Árpád Welker © Spectrum Hungarologicum: ISSN 2341-8044 Publisher: University of Jyväskylä, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Art and Culture Studies, Hungarian Studies (https://www.jyu.fi /hum/laitokset/taiku/opiskelu/hungarologia) Cover photo: István Bibó. With the kind permission of István Bibó Jr. and Library and Information Centre of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. Technical editing & cover design: Krisztina Karizs. ENGLISH ABSTRACT Halmesvirta, Anssi Vapauden kapea polku: István Bibón julkinen moralismi (The Narrow Path to Freedom: István Bibó's Public Moralism) Jyväskylä: University of Jyväskylä, 2017, 210 p. Spectrum Hungarologicum ISBN 978-951-39-6947-9 (PDF) ISSN 2341-8044 The task of this study is to listen to the moral voice of István Bibó, a Hungarian democrat. Listening to past ‘voices’ is an approach of intellectual history introduced by Stefan Collini, who has eavesdropped on the conversations of ‘public moralists’ in the British intellectual life from the period c. 1850–1950. What has been translated of and written on Bibó’s thought in Hungary – irrespective of a couple of notable exceptions not much is found abroad – is very ‘Hungarian’ in tone in particular, note the very productive workshop (Bibó Szellemi Műhely), whereas I have tried independently to develop Collini’s approach. Instead of uncovering the meanings of ideas and concepts in the contexts of their utterance (textuality and conceptual unity), Collini’s point is to study political ideas and arguments in relation to some basic values that an intellectual culture maintains and intellectuals reevaluate. My hypothesis is that Bibó’s voice is ‘publicly moralist’, as he sent serious messages to his reading public, not only to Hungarian intelligentsia but occasionally to all Europeans. Not entertaining so much a ‘scientific attitude’, in times of crisis Bibó detected confusion, decay and loss of the fundamental values on which order and legitimacy of power in a society rest. His main message was to awaken the elites to their proper function of reinventing and resuscitating such values as equality, freedom, solidarity, temperance, moderation, political correctness, and social justice. He also pointed to their possible moral failings; they had not been ready or willing in their governing practice to execute timely reforms in accordance with such values. Bibó presupposed that moral issues outweigh political, economic or aesthetic considerations. His rhetoric was not only rational persuasion or political-cultural criticism telling the truth and demanding some social reform from a set political platform. Instead, he stood on a higher moral ground from which he could preach the revival of democratic values that were, in his view, at some critical historical moment brought to fore but lost (in Hungary e.g. in 1848–1849, 1945 and 1956). Bibó used his voice from a rearguard position and took part in political life only when a democratic solution appeared feasible (in 1945–1947 and 1956). Thus political theory for Bibó appears as a parasite to social values and moral comprehension. Keywords: public moralism, political thought, socialism, democracy. SISÄLLYSLUETTELO ENGLISH ABSTRACT .................................................................................................. 3 ESIPUHE ......................................................................................................................... 5 JOHDANTO ................................................................................................................... 7 ALKUTAIVAL 1911–1945 .......................................................................................... 14 Oppivuodet ......................................................................................................... 14 Maaliskuun rintamassa sotaa kohti ................................................................. 24 Astuminen julkisen moralistin rooliin ............................................................ 28 DEMOKRATIAN TOIVO JA MENETYS (1945–1949) ........................................... 60 BIBÓ JA JUUTALAISKYSYMYS UNKARISSA TOISEN MAAILMANSODAN JÄLKEEN .................................................................................................................... 122 LÄHTÖ JA HILJAISUUS .......................................................................................... 142 BIBÓ, KANSANNOUSU JA JÄLKINÄYTÖS, 1956–1958 .................................... 159 ÄÄNI MAAILMALLE .............................................................................................. 178 PÄÄTÄNTÖ ............................................................................................................... 193 LÄHTEET ................................................................................................................... 199 ISTVÁN BIBÓN PASSIHAKEMUKSEENSA LIITTÄMÄ ELÄMÄKERTA. ..... 208 SUMMARY ................................................................................................................. 209 ESIPUHE Tämä unkarilaisen poliittisen ajattelijan, István Bibón, aatehistoriallinen elämäkerta täydentää ja syntetisoi ’julkista moralismia’ koskevat tutkimusintressini. Sen tarkoitus on näyttää lukijoille Unkarissa olleen 1900-luvulla ennen järjestelmänmuutosta (1989-1990) muitakin kuin liberaalis-konservatiivista, äärioikeistolaista (maailmansotien välinen aika ja sota-aika) tai kommunistista ja sosialistista ideologiaa (Rákosin ja Kádárin aika) edustavia aatesuuntia. Bibón tapauksessa voidaan puhua pluralistisesta demokratiasta, jossa on nivottu yhteen niin kristillisiä, liberaaleja kuin sosialistisiakin aineksia. Yritys on siinä mielessä uhkarohkea, että Unkarissa Bibó on ollut hänen nimelleen perustetun työpajan (Bibó István Műhely) pitkäaikainen tutkimuskohde niin, että ulkopuoliselle ei näytä jäävän mitään tehtävää. Se on tuottanut runsaasti tutkimustietoa, mitä tässä työssä on sumeilematta käytetty hyväksi. Viime vuosina sen tutkijat ovat tunnustaneet Bibón ajattelun keskeisiin demokraattisiin arvoihin nojaavan moraalisen puolen, mutta eivät ole systemaattisesti ja seikkaperäisesti analysoineet sen esiintymistä läpi hänen tuotantonsa. Vaikka Bibón anti Keski- ja Itä-Euroopan yhteiskuntien historiallisten traumojen sosiaalipsykologiseen selittämiseen – pelon, hysterian, umpikujan ja tasapainon käsitteitä eri maiden kriisitilanteisiin soveltaen – on ollut merkittävä, käsittääkseni sosiaalipsykologia, politiikan tutkimus ja eri ihmistieteet olivat hänelle väline moraaliarvostelmien antamiseen vallitsevasta politiikan ja poliittisen yhteisön moraalin tilasta. Realistinen poliittisten kulttuurien tilan vertaileva – Suomikin vilahtelee Bibólla eräänä esimerkkinä – tarkastelu vapauden kehittymisen vaa’alla punnitun historiallisen evidenssin ja siitä johdettujen, tarkkaan harkittujen yleistysten nojalla johti hänet laajakantoisiin päätelmiin Unkarin umpikujamaisesta ja häiriintyneestä korruption, pakotuksen, mielivallan ja väkivallan sävyttämästä kehityksestä. Tämän päivän tarkkailijalle Bibó osoittaa Unkarin demokratiavajeella olleen pitkät historialliset juuret: kysymys on aina ollut siitä, millaisia moraalisia ominaisuuksia maan johtoeliitillä on ollut, kuinka hyvin tai huonosti se on ymmärtänyt kansan toiveet ja odotukset ja reagoinut niihin. Unkarissa työskentelyäni Bibón tekstien parissa ovat ystävällisesti rohkaisseet erityisesti professorit Ignác Romsics ja Zsuzsanna Varga. Suomessa tukipilareina ovat olleet Jyväskylän yliopiston hungarologia ja historian ja etnologian laitos. Erityiset kiitokset lähetän tutkija Árpád Welkerille, jonka kanssa Bibón Unkarin juutalaiskysymyksen luonteesta ja ratkaisuehdotuksesta käydyt keskustelut ovat olleet antoisia ja tutkija Kristóf Fenyvesille, joka on kommentoinut Bibó -esityksiäni ja tarkastanut niiden kieltä. Kaikki tässä tutkimuksessa käytetyt Bibó -lainaukset ovat kääntämiäni ja vastaan niistä itse. Vaimolleni Ullalle suuret kiitokset kärsivällisyydestä ja ymmärryksestä tämän tutkimuksen aikana. Elokuussa 2016 Anssi Halmesvirta 5 ”As even the most impassioned defeat moralists had to acknowledge, the world of realities was determined by the victor”. (Wolfgang Schivelbusch, The Culture of Defeat, 32) 6 JOHDANTO Kun Unkarista etsitään 1900-luvun toisen puoliskon merkittävintä poliittista ajattelijaa, valinta osuu väistämättä vasemmistodemokraatti István Bibóon (1911–1979), joka oli vuoden 1956 vallankumoushallituksessa Petőfi- eli Kansallisen Talonpoikais- puolueen (Nemzeti Parasztpárt) ministerinä. Hänen voidaan sanoa ottaneen toisen maailmansodan jälkeen paikkansa yhtenä keskeisenä demokratian ja etnisten suhteiden tuntijana Keski-Euroopassa. 1 Länsimaissa Bibó sen sijaan tunnettiin jo 1970-luvulla parhaiten niin sanotun kolmannen tien – kapitalismin ja sosialismin parhaat puolet yhdistävä synteesi2 – ajattelijana , ja 1990-luvulle tultaessa häntä alettiin pitää myös tärkeänä, mutta unohdettuna politiikan teoreetikkona.3
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