Does Leninism Lead to Stalinism?
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Soviet Instigation of Revolution in Germany in 1923 and the Block of Peace of the Baltic Countries and Poland
EUROPA ORIENTALIS 10 (2019) Studia z Dziejów Europy Wschodniej i Państw Bałtyckich ISSN 2081-8742 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/EO.2019.004 Zenonas Butkus Soviet Instigation of Revolution (Vilnius university – Vilnius, lietuva) in Germany in 1923 and the Block of Peace of the Baltic Countries and Poland Słowa kluczowe: bolszewicy; eksport rewolucji; robotniczo-chłopska armia czerwona; dyplomacja; niemcy; państwa bałtyckie; Polska Keywords: Bolsheviks; export of revolution; Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army; diplomacy; germany; Baltic countries; Poland Introduction he widespread stereotype that, purportedly, the countries of central Tand eastern europe, re-established or newly-established after the First World War, did not intensify security and stability because they were in- volved in strong mutual confl icts and to some extent that was why the new war struck each and all, is still sticking out. george david lloyd, the architect of the Versailles system, was of the following opinion: “The resurrected nations rose from their graves hungry and ravening from their long fast in the vaults of oppression, […] they clutched at anything that lay within reach of their hands – not even waiting to throw off the cerements of the grave”.1 He also added that the new nations turned into “even larger 1 g. d. lloyd, The Truth About the Peace Treaties, Vol. 1, london 1938, p. 314. 86 Zenonas Butkus imperialists than england or France, larger even than the united States”.2 The circulation of this version was triggered by the Polish-lithuanian con- flict that hindered formation of an effective union of the Baltic countries.3 despite this conflict and its international consequences, Poland and its northern neighbours – lithuania, latvia, and estonia – contributed con- siderably to the preservation of peace and stability in inter-war europe. -
The Russian Revolutions: the Impact and Limitations of Western Influence
Dickinson College Dickinson Scholar Faculty and Staff Publications By Year Faculty and Staff Publications 2003 The Russian Revolutions: The Impact and Limitations of Western Influence Karl D. Qualls Dickinson College Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.dickinson.edu/faculty_publications Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Qualls, Karl D., "The Russian Revolutions: The Impact and Limitations of Western Influence" (2003). Dickinson College Faculty Publications. Paper 8. https://scholar.dickinson.edu/faculty_publications/8 This article is brought to you for free and open access by Dickinson Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Karl D. Qualls The Russian Revolutions: The Impact and Limitations of Western Influence After the collapse of the Soviet Union, historians have again turned their attention to the birth of the first Communist state in hopes of understanding the place of the Soviet period in the longer sweep of Russian history. Was the USSR an aberration from or a consequence of Russian culture? Did the Soviet Union represent a retreat from westernizing trends in Russian history, or was the Bolshevik revolution a product of westernization? These are vexing questions that generate a great deal of debate. Some have argued that in the late nineteenth century Russia was developing a middle class, representative institutions, and an industrial economy that, while although not as advanced as those in Western Europe, were indications of potential movement in the direction of more open government, rule of law, free market capitalism. Only the Bolsheviks, influenced by an ideology imported, paradoxically, from the West, interrupted this path of Russian political and economic westernization. -
A Primeira Guerra Mundial E Outros Ensaios
14 2014/1520152017 A PRIMEIRA GUERRA MUNDIAL E OUTROS ENSAIOS RESPUBLICA Revista de Ciência Política, Segurança e Relações Internacionais FICHA TÉCNICA Órgão do CICPRIS – Centro de Inves- Conselho Editorial tigação em Ciência Política, Relações Internacionais e Segurança (ULHT e ULP) Adelino Torres (Professor Emérito do ISEG) Adriano Moreira (Professor Emérito da Universidade Diretor de Lisboa) João de Almeida Santos Alberto Pena Subdiretor (Universidade de Vigo) José Filipe Pinto António Bento (Universidade da Beira Interior) Coordenador Editorial Sérgio Vieira da Silva António Fidalgo (Universidade da Beira Interior) Assessoras da Direção Enrique Bustamante Teresa Candeias (Universidade Complutense Elisabete Pinto da Costa de Madrid) Gianluca Passarelli Conselho de Redação (Universidade de Roma “La Sapienza”) Diogo Pires Aurélio, Elisabete Costa, Fer- nanda Neutel, Fernando Campos, João de Guilherme d’Oliveira Martins Almeida Santos, José Filipe Pinto, Manuel (Administrador da Fundação Calouste Gonçalves Martins, Paulo Mendes Pinto e Gulbenkian) Sérgio Vieira da Silva Javier Roca García (Universidade Complutense Colaboradores Permanentes de Madrid) Todos os membros do CICPRIS Jesús Timoteo Álvarez (Universidade Complutense de Madrid) João Cardoso Rosas Paulo Ferreira da Cunha (Universidade do Minho) (Universidade do Porto) John Loughlin Pierre Musso (Universidade de Cambridge) (Universidade de Rennes 2) José Bragança de Miranda Rafael Calduch (Universidade Nova de Lisboa e ULHT) (Universidade Complutense José Lamego de Madrid) (Universidade -
Socialism in One Country” Promoting National Identity Based on Class Identification
“Socialism in One Country” Promoting National Identity Based on Class Identification IVAN SZPAKOWSKI The Russian Empire of the Romanovs spanned thousands of miles from the Baltic to the Pacific, with a population of millions drawn from dozens of ethnic groups. Following the Russian Civil War, the Bolsheviks inherited the problem of holding together such a heterogeneous body. At the same time, they were forced to uphold Marxist ideology demanding worldwide revolution of the proletariat while facing the reality that despite the turmoil following the First World War no such revolution was forthcoming. In 1924 the rising Joseph Stalin, along with Nikolai Bukharin, devised the theory of “Socialism in One Country” which would become the solution to many of these problems facing the Bolsheviks. First of all, it proclaimed the ability of socialism to succeed in the Soviet Union alone, without foreign aid. Additionally, it marked a change from Lenin’s policy of self-determination for the Soviet Union’s constituent nations to Stalin’s policy of a compulsory unitary state. These non-Russian ethnics were systematically and firmly incorporated into the Soviet Union by the promotion of a proletariat class mentality. The development of the theory and policy of “Socialism in One Country” thus served to forge the unitary national identity of the Soviet Union around the concept of common Soviet class identity. The examination of this policy’s role in building a new form of national identity is dependant on a variety of sources, grouped into several subject areas. First, the origin of the term “Socialism in One Country,” its original meaning and its interpretation can be found in the speeches and writings of prominent contemporary communist leaders, chief among them: Stalin and Trotsky. -
Cleaning the Muck of Ages from the Windows Into the Soul of Tax
Br. J. Am. Leg. Studies 5 (2016), DOI: 10.1515/bjals-2016-0006 Cleaning the Muck of Ages from the Windows Into the Soul of Tax John Passant* Australian National University, Australia ABSTRACT The aim of this paper is to provide readers with an insight into Marx’s me- thods as a first step to understanding income tax more generally but with specific reference to Australia’s income tax system. I do this by introducing readers to the ideas about the totality, that is, capitalism, appearance, and form, and the dialectic in Marx’s hands. This will involve looking at income tax as part of the bigger picture of capitalism and understanding that all things are related and changes in one produce changes in all. Appearances can be deceptive, and we need to delve below the surface to understand the reali- ty or essence of income and, hence, of income tax. Dialectics is the study of change. By developing an understanding of the processes of contradiction and change in society, the totality, we can then start to understand income tax and its role in our current society more deeply. To do that, we need to understand the ways of thinking and approaches that Marx and others have used. Only then, armed with the tools that we have uncovered, we can begin the process of cleaning the muck of ages from the windows into the soul of tax and move from the world of appearance to the essence of tax. CONTENTS I. Introduction ....................................................................... 179 II. Of Icebergs and other Titanic Arguments ..................... -
Although Many European Radical Left Parties
Peace, T. (2013) All I'm asking, is for a little respect: assessing the performance of Britain's most successful radical left party. Parliamentary Affairs, 66(2), pp. 405-424. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. http://eprints.gla.ac.uk/144518/ Deposited on: 21 July 2017 Enlighten – Research publications by members of the University of Glasgow http://eprints.gla.ac.uk 2 All I’m asking, is for a little Respect: assessing the performance of Britain’s most successful radical left party BY TIMOTHY PEACE1 ABSTRACT This article offers an overview of the genesis, development and decline of the Respect Party, a rare example of a radical left party which has achieved some degree of success in the UK. It analyses the party’s electoral fortunes and the reasons for its inability to expand on its early breakthroughs in East London and Birmingham. Respect received much of its support from Muslim voters, although the mere presence of Muslims in a given area was not enough for Respect candidates to get elected. Indeed, despite criticism of the party for courting only Muslims, it did not aim to draw its support from these voters alone. Moreover, its reliance on young people and investment in local campaigning on specific political issues was often in opposition to the traditional ethnic politics which have characterised the electoral process in some areas. When the British public awoke on the morning of Friday 6th May 2005 most would have been unsurprised to discover that the Labour Party had clung on to power but with a reduced majority, as had been widely predicted. -
Joseph Hansen Papers
http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/tf78700585 No online items Register of the Joseph Hansen papers Finding aid prepared by Joseph Hansen Hoover Institution Archives 434 Galvez Mall Stanford University Stanford, CA, 94305-6003 (650) 723-3563 [email protected] © 1998, 2006, 2012 Register of the Joseph Hansen 92035 1 papers Title: Joseph Hansen papers Date (inclusive): 1887-1980 Collection Number: 92035 Contributing Institution: Hoover Institution Archives Language of Material: English Physical Description: 109 manuscript boxes, 1 oversize box, 3 envelopes, 1 audio cassette(46.2 linear feet) Abstract: Speeches and writings, correspondence, notes, minutes, reports, internal bulletins, resolutions, theses, printed matter, sound recording, and photographs relating to Leon Trotsky, activities of the Socialist Workers Party in the United States, and activities of the Fourth International in Latin America, Western Europe and elsewhere. Physical Location: Hoover Institution Archives Creator: Hansen, Joseph, Access The collection is open for research; materials must be requested at least two business days in advance of intended use. Publication Rights For copyright status, please contact the Hoover Institution Archives. Preferred Citation [Identification of item], Joseph Hansen papers, [Box no., Folder no. or title], Hoover Institution Archives. Acquisition Information Acquired by the Hoover Institution Archives in 1992. Accruals Materials may have been added to the collection since this finding aid was prepared. To determine if this has occurred, find the collection in Stanford University's online catalog at http://searchworks.stanford.edu . Materials have been added to the collection if the number of boxes listed in the online catalog is larger than the number of boxes listed in this finding aid. -
History of the Trotskyist Movement
Trotskyists debate Ireland Workers’ Liberty Volume 3 No 48 December/January 2014 £1 www.workersliberty.org Reason in revolt The two Trotskyisms during World War Two Left: the “orthodox Trotskyists” try to annex some of the Russian Army’s glory. Right: those same Trotskyists knew who Stalin was. History of the Trotskyist movement By Sean Matgamna was the main writer on that side of the divide. On the under - leader Hugo Urbahns, Trotsky had dealt comprehensively lying political issues, as we shall see, the picture was far less with more or less all the political issues concerning Stalinism By the eve of Leon Trotsky’s death in August 1940, the Amer - clear-cut. and its place in history with which he dealt in 1939-40. ican Trotskyist organisation, which was by far the most im - And why was this the starting point of two distinct Trot - 1940 was the definitive branching-off of the two Trotskyist portant group in the Fourth International, had split. Two skyist tendencies? From the very beginning of his exile from roads for two reasons. It was the end of Trotsky’s life, his last currents of Trotskyism had begun the process of complete the USSR in 1929, Trotsky and his comrades had had many word on the subject. And it marked a decisive turn for Stalin - separation, but only begun. disputes about the exact nature, the class content, and the his - ism — the beginning of the Russian expansion that would by It would take most of a decade before the evolution of two torical implications of Stalinism and of the USSR over which 1945 see Russia gain control of half of Europe. -
The University of Chicago Smuggler States: Poland, Latvia, Estonia, and Contraband Trade Across the Soviet Frontier, 1919-1924
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO SMUGGLER STATES: POLAND, LATVIA, ESTONIA, AND CONTRABAND TRADE ACROSS THE SOVIET FRONTIER, 1919-1924 A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE DIVISION OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY BY ANDREY ALEXANDER SHLYAKHTER CHICAGO, ILLINOIS DECEMBER 2020 Илюше Abstract Smuggler States: Poland, Latvia, Estonia, and Contraband Trade Across the Soviet Frontier, 1919-1924 What happens to an imperial economy after empire? How do economics, security, power, and ideology interact at the new state frontiers? Does trade always break down ideological barriers? The eastern borders of Poland, Latvia, and Estonia comprised much of the interwar Soviet state’s western frontier – the focus of Moscow’s revolutionary aspirations and security concerns. These young nations paid for their independence with the loss of the Imperial Russian market. Łódź, the “Polish Manchester,” had fashioned its textiles for Russian and Ukrainian consumers; Riga had been the Empire’s busiest commercial port; Tallinn had been one of the busiest – and Russians drank nine-tenths of the potato vodka distilled on Estonian estates. Eager to reclaim their traditional market, but stymied by the Soviet state monopoly on foreign trade and impatient with the slow grind of trade talks, these countries’ businessmen turned to the porous Soviet frontier. The dissertation reveals how, despite considerable misgivings, their governments actively abetted this traffic. The Polish and Baltic struggles to balance the heady profits of the “border trade” against a host of security concerns shaped everyday lives and government decisions on both sides of the Soviet frontier. -
Trotsky and the Problem of Soviet Bureaucracy
TROTSKY AND THE PROBLEM OF SOVIET BUREAUCRACY by Thomas Marshall Twiss B.A., Mount Union College, 1971 M.A., University of Pittsburgh, 1972 M.S., Drexel University, 1997 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2009 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH FACULTY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Thomas Marshall Twiss It was defended on April 16, 2009 and approved by William Chase, Professor, Department of History Ronald H. Linden, Professor, Department of Political Science Ilya Prizel, Professor, Department of Political Science Dissertation Advisor: Jonathan Harris, Professor, Department of Political Science ii Copyright © by Thomas Marshall Twiss 2009 iii TROTSKY AND THE PROBLEM OF SOVIET BUREAUCRACY Thomas Marshall Twiss, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2009 In 1917 the Bolsheviks anticipated, on the basis of the Marxist classics, that the proletarian revolution would put an end to bureaucracy. However, soon after the revolution many within the Bolshevik Party, including Trotsky, were denouncing Soviet bureaucracy as a persistent problem. In fact, for Trotsky the problem of Soviet bureaucracy became the central political and theoretical issue that preoccupied him for the remainder of his life. This study examines the development of Leon Trotsky’s views on that subject from the first years after the Russian Revolution through the completion of his work The Revolution Betrayed in 1936. In his various writings over these years Trotsky expressed three main understandings of the nature of the problem: During the civil war and the first years of NEP he denounced inefficiency in the distribution of supplies to the Red Army and resources throughout the economy as a whole. -
Alasdair Macintyre and Trotskyism
BlackledgeKnight-09_Layout 1 12/29/10 8:07 AM Page 152 9 Alasdair MacIntyre and Trotskyism Alasdair MacIntyre began his literary career in 1953 with Marxism: An Interpretation. According to his own account, in that book he attempted to be faithful to both his Christian and his Marxist beliefs (MacIntyre 1995d). Over the course of the 1960s he abandoned both (MacIntyre 2008k, 180). In 1971 he introduced a collection of his essays by rejecting these and, indeed, all other attempts to illuminate the human condition (MacIntyre 1971b, viii). Since then, MacIntyre has of course re-embraced Christianity, although that of the Catholic Church rather than the An - glicanism to which he originally adhered. It seems unlikely, at this stage, that he will undertake a similar reconciliation with Marxism. Nevertheless, as MacIntyre has frequently reminded his readers, most recently in the prologue to the third edition of After Virtue (2007), his rejection of Marxism as a whole does not entail a rejection of every insight that it has to o ffer. MacIntyre’s current audience tends to be un - interested in his Marxism and consequently remains in ignorance not only of his early Marxist work but also of the context in which it was written. MacIntyre not only wrote from a Marxist perspective but also belonged to a number of Marxist organisations, which, to di ffering de - grees, made political demands on their members from which intellec tu - 152 BlackledgeKnight-09_Layout 1 12/29/10 8:07 AM Page 153 Alasdair MacIntyre and Trotskyism 153 als were not excluded. Even the most insightful of MacIntyre’s admirers tend to treat the subject of these political a ffiliations as an occasion for mild amusement (Knight 1998, 2). -
How Hitler's and Stalin's Views of Conflict and War
HOW HITLER’S AND STALIN’S VIEWS OF CONFLICT AND WAR IMPACT TODAY’S WORLD A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The School of Continuing Studies and of The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Liberal Studies By Diane R. Tucker, M.S. Georgetown University Washington, D.C. November 29, 2010 HOW HITLER’S AND STALIN’S VIEWS OF CONFLICT AND WAR IMPACT TODAY’S WORLD Diane R. Tucker, M.S. MALS Mentor: Joseph P. Smaldone, Ph.D. ABSTRACT Hitler and Stalin viewed conflict and war as simply an extension of politics. This thesis compares and contrasts the political philosophies and belief systems of Hitler and Stalin relating to the nature and purpose of conflict and war. In developing the thesis, I drew upon literature regarding political philosophy, philosophy and psychology of conflict and war, and the relationship between leaders’ belief systems and conflict behavior. It further discusses how their actions, based on those philosophies and beliefs, impact today’s world. The thesis begins with a description of the political, economic, and social background of Germany and Russia, and how Hitler’s and Stalin’s experiences and personalities contributed to the formation of their basic views on society, conflict and war, and the future. Subsequent chapters provide a detailed comparison of their respective ideologies. Pertinent aspects of the history of Germany and Russia through World War II are explored, revealing how Hitler’s and Stalin’s perspectives evolved because of changing events as the war progressed.