NOTE TO USERS
The original manuscript received by UMI contains pages with indistinct and slanted print. Pages were microfilmed as received.
This reproduction is the best copy available
"THE INFLUENCE OF THE SOCIAL REFORM MOVEMENT AND T. EATON COMPANY'S BUSINESS PRACTICES ON THE LEISURE OF EATON'S FEMALE EMPLOYEES DURING THE EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY"
Susan L. Forbes
School of Kinesiology Facdty of Health Sciences
Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
Facdty of Graduate Studies The University of Western Ontario London, Ontario ApnI 1998
O Susan L. Forbes 1998 National Library Bibliothèque nationale du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliogmphic Services services bibliographiques
The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence dowing the exclusive permettant ê la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distriiute or sell reproduire, prêter7 distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microfonn, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic fonnats. la fome de microfiche/nlm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur fonnat électronique.
The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial exb-acts îrom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation, ABSTRACT
Male sport and leisure have undergone considerable anaiysis. Some scholars have
examined women's sport, particdarly elite sport, and issues related to the control of women's
bodies. However, little is known about the nature, context or influences associated with working womenysleisure. This research explores the social forces which uifluenced and dictated the nature of appropriate leisure purSuits, particularly for female employees of the
T. Eaton Company (Toronto).
A study such as this helps illuminate leisure patterns of working women. in addition, it examines the moral and social refonn movementsy influence on leisure practices, especially for workuig girls and women. Eatonyspersonal and corporate welfare practices were dso innuenced by these movements, particularly in the case of employee leisure.
This research illustrates how Eaton's implemented training programs, rules and regdations to govern employee, especially female employee, deportment. This work dso shows how the company employed various recreation programs to expose femaie employees to "appropriate" fonns of leisure practices, while simultaneously reinforcing their "proper" role in society as future wives and mothers. In the end, Eaton's female employees' leisure was constnicted for them around an appropnated image.
Andysis of Eaton's company documents, United Church archival material and secondary literature related to industrial recreation and mord and social reform informs this work .The period studied is primarily the 1920s and 1%Os, an era when most activities were implemented.
In addressing the issue of corporate construction of leisure practices, consideration was given to the following subsidiary questions: What was the nature of the activities provided by Eaton's? How did those oppominities compare to others available in Toronto during the same period? Did Eaton's efforts differ fiom industrial recreation programs in other countries (e.g ., United States, Great Britain)?
The research contributes to the body of knowledge on women's physicality in that it examines the leisure practices of ordinary women. Until recently, most scholarship has focussed on elite activity (e-g., Olympics, intercollegiate). Further, little consideration has been given to the broader topic of industrial recreation in Canada. The following study also sheds some light on that topic.
KEYWORDS: moraYsocia1 reform, T. Eaton Company, female leisure, women's history, business history This work is dedicated to anyone who still has a dream to fidfill.
Dreams can corne true.
Al1 you need is passion, enthusiasm and &ends!
Well, 1 guess it's alright I guess we've been lucky this far Look at what life's taught us, look where we are And you thllik we would know by now That nothing's too hard lfwe keep ouhands on the wheel And we keep our hearts on fire!
@ The Wyrd Sisters, 1997 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Works such as this are never the result of a singular effort. Many individuais play a part in seeing such efforts through to fï-uition.
1 offer my thanks to my supervisor, mentor and niend, Dr. Don Morrow. Always demanding, yet supportive, Don provided enduring patience and guidance fiom the very beginning. His honesty and candour have helped both my course of study as well as my research. I have learned a great deal about behg a teacher, scholar and person through my interaction with him. 1 cherish the fiiendship that has developed durhg our work together.
Dr. Angela Schneider and Dr. Darwin Sernotiuk have both offered their wisdom and guidance as rny cornmittee members. Their insight and attention to detail has been both eniightening and rewarding and 1 am grateful for al1 their assistance with this project.
1 would also like to thank Joan McCrow for her help over my years at Western. As graduate secretary, Joan offered considerable insight and support which made the whole process much easier.
My thanks is also extended to the archivists and staff of the Public Archives of Ontario. They assistance in working with the Eatons Collection was invaluable.
Complethg a doctoral program can be a trying adventure dong a sometimes difficult road, but that road is best travelled and enjoyed in the cornpany of others. 1 have had the great good fortune to have numerous fnends job me on this journey. Many offered a safe haven whether 1 was doing course work or carrying out research. Each, in their own way, has given of themselves unselfishly and for that 1am etemally grateful.
Dr. Douglas Brown was aiways there to tafi and share ideas over innumerable cups of coffee and the occasional bottle of wine. His insight into and enthusiasm for my research was sustainhg and 1 learned a great deal fiom him. Our fiendship is a measure of that comecting.
Dr. Aniko Varpolatai and Dr. Cecilia Preyra shared their warmth, fnendship and compassion with throughout the whole process. Each offered a unique perspective on being a graduate student and their support helped immeasurably.
Dr. Sandi Spalding and her daughter Carly provided me a home away fiorn home during the last few years of my program. Their infectious good humour and kindness helped provide a cornforting respite fiom school. Their willingness to take in my dog and 1 speaks volumes about the open heartedness.
Jane OICallaghanand Linda Taurant offered me shelter during those long months of data collection. They also gave of themselves in terms of fiïendship and support. I am gratefid to them for sharing their lives with me.
Jen and Rob Kossuth were also extrernely generous in their hospitality, humour and support. Their fiiendship was an invaluable aspect of this process.
To my "kids", ûtis, T.C. and Buella. Two cats and a dog can make for sû-ange and challenging times, but 1 wouid have rnissed so much if they hadn't been there to take me away fiom my work at times when I needed it most.
Finally, my hedelt thanks and deepest grati-lc go out to rny best fiend, mentor, role mode1 and partner, Dr. Lori Livingston. Much of who 1 am today 1 owe to her. Her support and love, through even the most challenging times, was always there. She never quit on me, nor would she let me quit. 1 am grateful she was willing to journey down this road with me.
vii TABLE OF CONTENTS
Certificate of Examination Abstract Epigrm Acknowledgements Table of Contents
Chapter 1 : introduction
Research Statement
Definition of Tenns:
a) Culture b) Cultural Hegemony c> Leisure d) Industriai Recreation e) Social Class f Reform Movement
Subsidiary Questions
Procedure
Primary Sources
Limitations/Delimitatiom of Study
a) Delimitations b) Limitations
Assumptions
Review of Related Literature
OveMew of Chapters
Chapter 2: The Toronto Reform Movement and Attitudes Toward Leisure 35
1) Introduction 35
viii The Refonn Movement - A Bnef Historical Overview
a) Social Gospel Movement b) The Moral Refonn Movement
Reform Agencies - The Nature of the Enterprise
Pursuing a Higher Calling - Eatons' Social Conscience
Activists in Action - The Department of Temperance, Prohibition and Moral Refonn
The Refonn Movement and Leisure
a) Sabbatarian Constraints and Conflict over Leisure b) The Problem and Problems of Commercial Amusements c) Dance Halls, Saloons and Other Vices d) Reforming Leisure - Appropnate Alternatives
Summary and Conclusion
Chapter 3: The Eaton Patriarchy and the Eaton's Ethos
1) Introduction
2) Historical Context and Key Players
a) Timothy Eaton and His Store b) Margaret Wilson Eaton and Her School c) Like Father, Like Son? - Sir John Craig Eaton d) FLora McCrae Eaton e) Robert Young (R.Y.)Eaton
2) The Eaton Family and Employee Welfare
a) Time Off: Early Closing and Working Homs b) Wages, Privileges and Recreation i) Privileges ii) Employee Welfare iii) Recreation for Employees 3) Summary and Conclusion
Chapter 4: Saints and S inners: Eaton's and Fernale Leisure Practices
1) Introduction
2) Women and Toronto - An Overview
3) Girls and Women at Eaton's
4) Leisure and Recreation Pursuits
a) A Paucity of Opportunîties b) A Brief Overview of Industrial Recreation c) Eaton's and Female Employee Leisure
5) Sumrnary and Conclusion
List of Tables
List of Appendices
Appendices
Bibliography
Vita LIST OF TABLES
Table Description Page
SeIected T. Eaton Co. Donations to moraVsociai reform related agencies for the period 1912- 193 8 ...... -48
Average weekly and annual eamings for males and females by age group for periods 19 10- 19 1 1, 1920- 192 1, 1930-193 1, for Canadian cities over 30,000...... 50
Cornparison of the fkequency distribution of full-time store employees according to weekly wage rates between the T. Eaton Company and the Robert Simpson Company, Toronto...... 1 07
Average number of employees working in Eaton's Toronto factories, stores and mail order operatiom. 1929 to 1933 ...... 109
Number of sales clerks employed Ml-the in Eaton's Toronto as of 25th October 1929 and 1st April 1993, classified according to weekly rates of salary (excluding commission) by gender...... -150 LIST OF APPENDICES
Appendix Page
Appendix 1 T. Eaton Co. Selected Charitable Donations 208
Appendix II T. Eaton Co. Chronological Growth, Key Players, Events 214
Appendix III 1.Eaton Co. Organizational Schematics, Including Advisory Boards
Appendix IV Religious Demographics of Eaton Employees
AppendUr V Selected Recreational Expenditures
xii CHAPTlER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Many supenor women athletes of the early twentieth century (1920-1940
approximately) honed their skills in commercially-sponsored leagues, often on tearns
sponsored by companies (e.g. Patterson Candy Company, Westclox), for whom they worked.
We know of these leagues mainly because of the success of these superior athletes. However,
little is known about the leagues themselves, of the other participants or of the companies
which supported them. Additionally, while focusing exclusively on sport, such histories tell nothing of other forms of leisure activities in which women engaged.
This study seeks to examine part of the lives of working women who, given the opportunity, pursued leisw activities. It aiso concems the practices of hegernonic segments of society and how they operated to "consûxct" the leisure practices of those working women to resemble an image appropriated fiorn middle class values and standards. The purpose of this study then, is to examine the nature of company-sponsored leisure activities for Eaton's fernale employees. Specifically, it examines the leisure activities provided by the T. Eaton
Company (Eaton's) for the women who worked in its department store, mail order operation and factones in Toronto during the 1920s and 1930s.
The Toronto operation was expansive. The fust store located at 178 Yonge Street
(southwest corner of Yonge and Queen Streets), opened in 1869. The second store was
Iocated in the former Page Block (1 90- 196 Yonge Street). The operation also Uicluded a mail order catalogue office. Also, here were several factones responsible for manufacturing goods 2 ranging fiom harnesses and saddlery to ready-to-wear clothing. The first factory was located at 198 Yonge Street but was eventually moved to Adelaide Street. There was also a factory on Christie Street.'
Examining women's non-waged work time is rneanirîgful because such research helps to illuminate the leisure pasthes of working wornen, an area of Canadian history allotted minimal consideration. This cornes as little surprise given the tendency for sports historians to focus on the "elites" of women's early-twentieth-century sport; however, these individuals represent only the surface of women's sport and their stories tell little or nothing of other women who were physicdy active during the same period. Prime examples of this type of "contributory history" are the Edmonton Grads, Ethel Catherwood, Bobbie
Rosenfeld, and Ada MacKenzie, to name just a few. Unquestionably, these women made significant contributions by opening some doors and shedding light on women's physical activities. Nevertheles, emphasis on elite women tends to discount other women's leisure activities. These women were often seen to have little if any leisure tirne given that many women served "double dur;that is, they worked al1 day to provide fmancial assistance to the family and then retumed home to fidfil responsibilities there.
Several studies have been carried out on cornmercially-sponsored sport in Britain and the United States, but, little work has involved the Canadian scene. This research, while focushg on only one Company, provides important insight into women's commercial sport and leisure activities in Canada. It also elucidates hegemonic dynamics, middle class values and working women's leisure culture.* Research Statement
This research argues that The T. Eaton Company (Toronto) was influenced by the
social gospel and social purity rnovements (collectively refened to as the reform movement),
and this influence was rnanifested in the company's employee welfare programs, especially
those related to female employees' leisure. This position is based on andysis of Company
documents, secondary literature and archival material related to industrial recreation,
mordsocial reform, cultural theory, and hegemony. The time fiame for this shidy is the
1920s and 1 930s, a penod that corresponds to the "Golden Age" of women's sport (e.g.
1320s and 193 Os), and also saw a maj ority of activities instigated by Eaton's. Earlier events and activities are considered where relevant.
Definition Of Terms
Narrow definitions fail to capture the dynamic rneaning of terms. Therefore, rather than presenting limiting definitions, the terms listed below are descrîbed on the basis of generally acknowledged characteristics. These terms are used in a subtle manner. They are meant to explain processes and concepts used in this study.
Culture
Much of the discussion in this thesis related to culture is drawn from the writings of
Raymond Williams who chatacterizes culture as a process rather than a product. It is his position that culture is not limited to any "body of intellechial and imaginative work; it is also and essentially a whole way of life.".3 htellectual and imaginative works, such as literature and art, are cultural artifacts that are not restricted to any one class, but can be used by various classes in order to construct their social reality (e.g., defining characteristics of that class)
Williams argues that there is a significant merence between bourgeois and workuig- class culture. The latter is grounded in perceptions of intra- and inter-group social relations that are not always equal. 7'his ineqdity is particularly significant and evident in inter-group relationships which lead, in tum, to a consideration of the notion of cultural hegemony.'
This work also deals with two common conceptions of culture - high and low or popular culture. As Gary L. Jones notes:
...the "elite" or the "high" culture of a society, [is] effectively the culture composed of the beliefs, values, and ideas of the dominant class, or those beliefs, values and ideas useful to the dominant class. Popular culture, on the other hand, must be interpreted as a specific culture or, probably more appropriately, cultures that denve fiom the lower class that is in fundamentai opposition io the elite culture, that of the dominant group. It is the culture of the ''people."5
This distinction is critical to the argument put forth by this research. Essentially, by promoting certain cultural pmctices held to be the culture of a society, the dominant group is able to irnpart its beliefs, values and ideas to the subordinate classes thereby rnaintaining the dominant group's position of power.
Cultural He~emonv
The analysis using hegemony is derived fiom the writings of Antonio Gramsci who first conceptualized "cultural hegemony" in his Sdectiom fiom the Prison Notebook.
Gramsci's early description of cultural hegemony was : ...the 'spontaneous'consent given by the great masses of the population to the general direction imposed on social life by the dominant hdamental groups; this consent is 'historically' caused by the prestige (and consequent confidence) which the dominant group enjoys because of its position and fiinction in the world of prod~ction.~
This notion of cultural hegemony builds on Gramsci's premise of hegemony that is seen as
"intellectual and mord leadership based on the consent of the govemed, a consent obtained
through the dihion and popularisation of the world view of the dominant class."'
Combined in these two concepts is the criticai perspective that people can be ruied,
govemed or manoeuvred by segments of society or by agents other than govemment and by
means other than force. That is, one class cm dominate another through ideas and cultural
practices. The dynamics of cultural hegemony within the context of this research provides
an understanding ofhow powerful middle class groups, such as Eaton's, affect and shape the
practices and behaviours of their subordinates (e.g. employees).
Leisure
In 1899 Thorstein Veblen defined leisure as the "nonproductive consumption of
time.'" Since then, varied and complex definitions have been put forward; however, there
is no precise definition of leisure. Its meaning essentially is constructed by individuals. For
some, leisure is an expenence, while others perceive it as a quantifiable element (e-g., time
away from work) of their lives.'
What constitutes a leisure activity is equally difficult to identiQ. Again, this relates to personal preference and practice. Sport is often considered the main form of leisure because it is the pastime most frequently engaged ido.However, other activities such as 6 reading, gardening, and singing also constitute leisure activities. Despite the varying definition and purposes ascribed to the concept of leisure, it can be characterized:
... as activity chosen primarily for the experience itself. The dimensions of fkedorn and intrinsic satisfaction are seen as the centrai defming elements. A possible integrating perspective is that leisure is action in which the focus on the experience and dimension of detennination by the actor creates meaning .' '
This characterization of leisure serves as a starting point for the study of women's leisure.
However, as the following revïew of literature reveals, such conceptualking is not without its problems, especidly in terms of women's leisure practices, constructing leisure, and the context within which leisure is practised.
Industrial Recreation
As difficult as it is to define leisure, the concept of industrial recreation is much more precise. Simply stated, industrial recreation refers to "those recreation activities that they
[employers] provide to satise the particular needs and desires of employees of business and industrial fim~s."'~This basic definition presents a static, one-sided perspective on industrial recreation and infers that such programs have no other purposes than those identified by the employees. It also suggests that a wide range of activities rnight be included in an industrial recreation program (e.g., sewing, cooking). Upon review, such programs reflect what many employea consider to be appropriate.
Social Class
Of the terms presented thus fa, none Day be as dificuit to characterize as social 7 class. '' This difficulty arises from a lack of unanunity among scholars and others using the tenn class. Liberal intellectmi notions of class tend to focus on "subjective rd-recognition of an individual's statu^,"'^ particularly in relationship to her/his peea. Such rankuig is usually categorized as upper or elite, middle ancilor lower class and tends to be based on socio-econornic categories."
The Mancist perspective tends to concentrate on "extemal material relationships centred on those created by the productive process." Ultimately class, in the Marxist view. breaks down into three categones: the capitalia class who own the means of production and buys the necessary labour; the petite bourgeoisie, independent producen who both own and operate the means of production; and, finally, the proletariat, who sel1 their labour but do not own any means of production. This latter group is îraditionally seen as the working class.16
While these two ideological perspectives appear disparate, they are similar in that both deai with issues of power and control. Specifically, "classes are closely tied to questions of economic control in society and to questions of ideologicnl andpolitical control." The dynamics of these power relations are important to understanding class as it relates to this research. "
Class here is conceptualized by two categones: the middle classes and the subordinate cleîs. The latter group can dso be understood in traditional terms as the working class. The subordinate or working class is "composed mainly of those who lack resources or capacities apart from their own labour..."" In essence, the rniddle classes represent a multi- layered segment of society as it encompasses a broader sfice of society in that it includes those who own or control production, as well as those with specialized training or skills.19 8 Examples of rniddle class membership include shareholders, owners, directos, managers, scientists and engineers.20
The middle classes exert considerable influence, through hegemonic practices, over the subordinate class. The former's "privileged" position in society is based on socio- economic and political power. Es"privilege" also extends to social practices wherein their values, beliefs and behaviours are held as the "nom", contrary to the same charactenstics and practices within the subordinate class which are found to be lesser or inferior. This is particuiarly tme in terms of cultural practices such as leisure activities.
While the term class may not wholly reflect the dynamics ofthese various groups, the term strata is less effective. Edward Grabb defines strata, in this context, as "ranked layers of people separated according to income or occupation level ..." Critena determining such ranking tends to be statistically based and arbitrarily defined. Class, on the other hand, is a more appropnate term in that "class divisions are traceable to more fundamental, deep- seated, and uniform cleavages than the ones ...implied by stratum distinction^."^'
Reform Movement
The reform rnovement, within the context of this research, is understood as an umbrella term encompassing to varying degrees two social movements prevalent in the late nineteenth century through to World War II: the social gospel movement and the moral reform or social purity movement.
The social gospel movement, which stressed îransfomiing society, came into prominence in Canada in the late nineteenth century and remained a significant aspect of 9
English Canadian society mtil the late 1930s. "FundamentaDy, the social gospel rested on the premise that Christianity was a social religi~n."~As such the social gospcl emphasized social or societal redemption as opposed to individual salvation. Ln doing so, this socio- religious movement began to focus on alleviating problems associated with growing urbanization and industridization - poverty, poor housing, crime, youth problems, alcoholism and prostitution. These last two issues, alcoholisrn and prostitution, dong with others such as gambling were the locus of the moral reform or social punty movement aiso prevalent in Canadian society at the same theas the sociai gospel movement."
While the social gospel movement concentrated on redressing sociai problems, the mord reform movement was concemed with changing the "questionable" behaviour of individuais (e.g. habits of gambling, drinking, prostitution, etc.). As Paul Rutherford notes,
"moral reform was an experirnent in social engineering, an attempt to force the city dwelles to confom to the public mores of the church-going middle class.'"'
During the penod under study the social gospel and the moral reform movements worked to reshape Canadian society. Both were intemwied, but the social gospel movement provided avenues for social action while the moral reform movernent hbued those actions with the criteria for social reform. It is this interconnectedness and overlapping relationship which characterizes the reform movement described in this research; that is, the reform movement presented here is informed by moral regdation and social regeneration.
Subsidiarv Ouestions
As noted above, this research argues that Eaton's activities related to employee 10
leisure were influenced by the reform movement. 'This is reflected in the nature of the
activities provided by the company. However, additional questions arise: What was the
reform movements position regarding leisure pmuits? What was the nature of activities
available to working women beyond those provided by Eaton's? How did the company's
efforts difTer fkom industrial recreation programs in other countries, such as the United States
and Britain. Addressing this question will help contexlualize Eaton's efforts and illustrate
if they were unique in theù provision of socially "appropriate" activities.
Procedure
The conceptual framework for this research is premised on the interlocking
relationship of several factors or elements. The fist element relates to the process or means
whereby dominant groups within a given cultw/society are able to direct or influence the
attitudes, behaviours ador beliefs of subordinate groups. In this case, Eaton's and
particularly the company presidents and their wives, such as Timothy Eaton and Margaret
Wilson Eaton, John Craig Eaton and his wife Flora McCrae Eaton, and R.Y. Eaton, represent
a powerfid middle c lass group capable of affecting practices and behaviours of others (their
influence on mercantile practices in Canada bears this out). The concepts of cultural
hegemony and cultural productiodreproduction underlie or provide the basis for this
relationship.
The second factor is the significant influence of prevailing religious and secular attitudes toward moral and social reform Eaton's behaviour. Both shared strong views of what Canadian society shodd be, particularly with reference to leisure activities of working 11
girls and women. The values expressed are typical of dominant groups, and the antithesis of
those of working-class or subordinate segments of society (e.g. anti-gambling, anti-liquor,
anti-commercial leisure, etc.). The reform movement, prevalent during the late nineteenth-
and early-twentieth centuries, condemned the leisure practices of subordinate groups while
offering alternative or counter-versions of "appropnate7' leisure activities. Such attitudes or
values underlay the motives for and the provision and nature of leisure opportunities at
Eaton's.
The company's provision of leisure activities, or their corporate practice related to
employee leisure, serves as a conduit through which the identified cultural practices (from
the second element) are drawn in and used. In essence, the nature of activities provided by
Eatons reflected andlor were informed by the moral and social values of the dominant
element of society. Promoting such practices sanctioned them as "appropriate" leisure
pastimes, while potentially setting up conflict with traditional working class leisure pursuits.
The interaction of these varied factors results in a co~ctedor predefmed leisure
culture for those employees choosing to engage in such activities. As noted above, this couid
result in a conflict between middle and working class culturai practices. This adds to the mix.
since both lower and middle class girls and women could corne together in the same activities and bring with them, by implication, their own sets of values and culmal practices.
Primary Sources
Most of the primary sources are derived fiom the Eaton ColIection in the Archives of Ontario. This collection contains most of the records of the Company since its inception. 12 Some documents such as perso~elrecords are restricted. Additionally, records pertaining
to minutes of directos' meeting are not available for public examination. This poses a
problem for this research since such records rnight shed a great deal of light on the directos'
mind set regarding the acquisition of property and provision of funding for, and support of.
employee leisure programs. Also, the files examined within the collection covered topics
ranging from notices to employees, recreation department records and inter-off~ce
correspondence. These were explored in an attempt to: a) uncover information related to the
company's rationale for providuig leisure oppominities; b) uncover the nature and extent of
leisure practices at Eaton's; and c) discover the significance of such oppomuiities for
employees. Finaily, the Eaton Collection contains a separate photographic component and
reference to selected pictures will be made where appropriate.
These records are supported by other primary and secondary sources related to the
company's business practices, as well as industrial recreation practices in other industries
and countries. All help to determine the context in which these practices took place, to clarify
and support the firm's business policy regarding the provision of leisure activities (this is
significant given the dearth of direct information fiom directors' meetings), and to
contextualize Eaton's practices with those leisure opportunities available beyond the
Company.
The United Church Archives, Victoria College, University of Toronto provide additional primary sources. This archive contains documents from the Department of
Temperance, Prohibition and Moral Reform, a Methodist Church committee devoted to investigating a myriad of social conditions and factors in Toronto in the Iate-nineteenth and 13
early-twentieth cenniry. A primary target for investigation was commercial amusement in
and around Toronto. Members of the cornmittee were drawn from local Presbyterian and
Methodist (subsequentiy United) churches, and the Eaton family was an active and
Longstanding participant in many aspects of the Methodist church (e-g. Sunday school
teachers, financial matters, church committees and boards).
Delimitations
Certain delimitations have been consciously placed on this study. First, while the
primary period for consideration is the 1920s and 1930s, additional issues discussed cover
a period from approximately the tu.of the century until World War Two (WW II). During the initial stages of the penod there was an influx of women into the paid labour force as a result of industriabation and changes in modes of production. Increasingly, women moved out of home-based industry (e.g. cottage industry, piecework in the home), into factory work and into the relatively new North Amencan enterprise - the department store. Women's presence in the workforce continued to grow and change as the cenhuy advanced toward
WW 11. However, their roles would change drastically in light of a postwar backlash against women's "public" presence.
This work focuses on neT. Eaton Company, and more specifically its Toronto store.
Toronto, during the period under study, was one of the leading urban centres in Canada. As such, it had the potential to provide expansive employment and leisure opportunities. The
Eaton's Toronto store is the focal point because it was the flagship store of the Company. 14
While other stores existed in -ban centres such as Winnipeg and Montreal, they pattemed their operations, practices and activities after those of the Toronto store. Other department stores in Canada, such as Simpsons in Toronto, also employed women. However, Eaton's was one of the major employers. Additionally, the range of employrnent oppohties in this operation (e.g., factory, clerical, sales work) made the company unique in Canadian business.
This research focuses mainly on the impact of social forces on women's leisure activities with reference to men's activities as a counterpoint. Much has been written on factors affecting male sporting and leisure activities during this period; however, a lack of scholarly research severely limits our knowledge of similar oppomuiities for women.
Therefore, this study endeavours to shed light on how similar forces had an impact on women's leisure. But, it should be acknowledged that the women in the study are predomuiantly of Anglo-saxon heritage and they represent a lower/middle class mix
(characterized predominantly by their social background &or type of employment ).
Although this is, in many respects, a case study, it also has broader implications, given that Eaton's was one of the major employees of girls and women during this thne.
Females worked in a variety of capacities within the company, ranging fkom clerical and sales staff to factory workers (e.g., seamstresses, garrnent worken, etc.), and Eaton's leisure practices may, in fact, reflect industriai recreation in North America during the penod under consideration. However, it appears that the scale of their efforts was somewhat unique to
Canada-
A Merdelimitation of this research is the predominant focus on the Methodist involvement in the reform movement. This emphasis is conscious as the Eaton family were 15
prominent and staunch mem bers of Toronto's Methodist community .Therefore, the family 's
actions and activities were informed by and reflected the teachings and practices of
Canadian Methodism.
Finally, the record contains few voices of Eaton's female employees. Histoncally,
few women's voices were heard. This is particularly tme in the case of working women since
they mnked low on the scale of significant figures in history. Few written records of their
lives exists for several reasons: lack of oppominity to record their expenences; limited
education (e.g. few or no writing skills); perception that their lives were inconsequential.
Despite these restrictions, however, some accounts, such as social surveys and govenunent
inquiries, did record working women's voices. Where possible these voices are presented.
Limitations
While deliberate restrictions have been placed on this research, other extemally
applied limitations have occurred. The foremost limitation has been an inability to access
minutes of directors' and shareholders' meetings. Such records would help reveai the company's motivation and rationaie for providing leisure opportunities for its employees.
However, Eaton's as a private Company, has refùsed to provide access to such records.
An additional limitation has been the dearth of material on women's leisure, particularly in Canada, and a paucity of material related to the industriai recreation movement in Canada. To address this problem, works fiom the United States and Great
Britain were used to help bridge the gap in this literature since Canada and Canadian businesses have strong links with both countries. Further, documents related to Eaton's 16 business practices showed that the Company interacted with similar businesses in Great
Britain and the United States.
hsum~tions
One of the few assumptions underiying this research is that opportunities for women's participation in stmchired leisure (Le., recreation leagues, clubs, etc.) are assumed to be li~nited.Working conditions, such as types of work and hours, combined with responsibilities at home infringed on leisure opportunities for those women not living on their own. Types of labour and working hours also lirnited punuits of women living in boarding houses, apartments or similar facilities. Without a support network, this latter group were responsible for matters such as laundry, cooking and so on. The arduous nature of the work may also have made leisure difficult.
This research also assumes that recreation and leisure oppominities were scarce.
Community sports and recreation leagues were Iimited, since the early mentieth-century woman was still constrained by Victorian attitudes regarding women's physicality. Also. with respect to industrial recreation programs, this concept, as an aspect of welfare capitalism, was relatively new to the Canadian scene.
Review Of Related Literature
The purpose of this section is not to present a catalogue of works used, but rather an overview of, and rationale for, the main subject to be considered.
Drawing on Gramsci and Williams for a theoretical foundation informs this research 17
in terms of the process by which Eaton's innuenced the leisure patterns of its female
employees. However, examination of Iiterature on leisure is also a necessary component of
this for several reasons. Firsî, "the culturai significance of leisure . . . clearly has a gender
dimension." Given that leisure cannot be divorced fiom other aspects of a person's life,
women's leisure tends to "involve a web of inequalities." For many women, access to and
opportunïty for leisure wadis limited by incorne, family responsibility, employment statu,
as well as women's &tus within a given society?
As noted in the introduction, consideration of women's leisure activities has focussed
primarily on sporting activities. Little literature exists which addresses women's issues and
the gender implications of the much broader field of leisure studies. However, a few works have emerged out of women's and feminist studies in Britain.
Two works are particularly useful in understanding the complex nature of women's
leisure. The studies found in Erica Wimbush and Margaret TaIbot7s (eds.) Relative
Freedoms: Wonzen and Leisure, while sociological in nature, offer insight into the struggles women have encountered in pursuing leisure activities. The authon of these works view leisure as part of the complex tapestry of women's lives, as important as work and other commitments. Although limited in terms of historicd consideration of women's leisure, this book, and in particular Stanley's chapter "Historical Sources for Studying Work and Leisure in Wornen's Lives," was vaiuable in idenûfjmg various organizational and private records that provide insight into social change as well as the interaction and interrelationship of leisure and ~ork.*~
These writings dso challenge the notion of leisure being androcentric; that is, a 18 gender-neutral aspect of Me. Instead, they demonstrate how leisure activities play a role in the "cultural management of gender," thereby illuminating another area of life that serves to maintain disparate relationships.
Eileen Green, Sandra Hebron and Diana Woodward's Women's Leisure, What
Leisure? provides insight ioto the systemic constraints, such as societai aîtitudes and medical biases that served to defme the nature of, access to, and opportunity for women's leisure. This work argues that leisure is very much an intercomected aspect of women's lives. Green and her colleagues effectively contend that leisure is a gendered practice wherein male leisure is privileged, while female leisure is left subservient. Chapter 3, "A Social
History of Women's Leisure," is particularly valuable as it not only details this history but also illustrates the difficulties facing historiaus of the subject as a result of a dearth of written material, etc., and the means by which some of these problems may be overcome."
Henderson et al. also contribute to this body of literature, but like Wimbush and
Talbot, fiom a sociological perspective. Nevertheless, these works are useful as they al1 argue that women's lives can be made more visible by examining their oppominities for leisure and the choices they make around those opportunities. Furthermore, are infonned by and present a feminist perspective that is critical to an enhanced understanding of leisure since most works to date tend to be male-centric. This feminist perspective dlows for questions that do not take for granted women's subordinated role within society, nor does it assume that the male model is the only model for leisure studies."
Two additional works, Kathy Peiss ' Cheap Amusements: Working and Leisure in
Turn-of-the-Century New York, and Carolyn S &ange's Toronto 's Girl Pro Hem: The Per ils 19 and PZearures of the Ciy, 1880-1930, are particuiarly useful to this study of Eaton' s and female employee leisure. Both works speak to issues of working women and their leisure acti~ities.'~
Cheap Amusements examines the leisure culture of white working-class women in
New York around the tum-of-the-century and how young women's social desires and values changed and were changed by commercial or "cheap" amusements. Peiss also notes the emergence of heterosocial commercial amusements at the tuni-of-the-century fiom their earlier predominantly, or exclusively, male forms (e-g. saloon^).'^
As young women entered the non-domestic work force, they garnered a degree of freedom fkom parental control. With an independent source of incorne, they moved into the consumer world, able to purchase goods and "good times." This new role, Peiss contends, resulted in their moral and sexud character being called into question. Two factors prevailed in this respect. First, punuing commercial amusements was often beyond young women's fuiancial means. As a result, they sometimes resorted to "treating," or exchanging leisure for favoun, including sexual favours. Second, the emerging world of heterosociai entertainment gave rise to public courting and social interaction, thereby challenging traditional, rniddle- class noms in this respect."
Ultimately, young women's behaviour served to dehe gender relations. It also resulted in concerted efforts by refomers, and others of the middle class, to control and dictate working women's behaviour. Overall, Peiss' study illustrates the uncompromising hegemony within which working class leisure practices evolved.
Strange's, Toronto's Girl Problem, is an invaluable look at working girls' lives in 20
Toronto. For Strange, MO key issues emerge: first, the type of work these young women engaged in, and second and more important, what they did in their non-work tirne. During the years under study, the nature of fernale labour changed. More specifically, many young women moved fiom domestic work to a more public presence in the commercial and industrial work force. In doing so, they also moved fiom the private sphere into the public arena, and from parental and patriarchal control to relative freedom. Along the way, young women in Toronto, like those identified by Peiss, were seen to place their moral and sexual character in danger.32
Pursuit of commercial amusements was a specific concern in this respect, and was the root of what many refomen, especially those adhering to eugenics and social hygiene philosophies, saw as "race suicide." In reality, there was a conflict among gender, class and ethnicity. There was aiso a clash between how single, working women wanted to live their lives and how reformea and others thought they "ought" to live thern.)'
Both Peissl'and Strange' s works provide significant insights into the nuanced lives of working girls and women. These works are also useful fiom a methodological perspective as they demonstrate how various sources, such as organizational, court and social group records provide insights into working girls' lives.
While several authors have examined the concept of industrial recreation on a small scale (see bibliography), few extensive studies have been carried out. Some provide the background context for considering employee leisure at Eatons. For example, Roy
Rosenweig's Eight Hoursfir Whaf We Wu,examines the leisure practices of workers in an industrially oriented community in the late nineteenth and early-twentieth-century. 21
Rosenweig's study focuses on the centd values, beliefs and traditions of the working class in Worcester, Massachusetts. His work examines how interclass confiicts and ties, as well as class culture and relations change over tirne. Rosenweig's analysis of class attitudes toward leisure shaped these interactions. h considering class stniggles around issues of temperance, park and playground use, and chic celebrations, Rosenweig demonstrates how the working class world was transformed-"
Ln 'The Making of Hard Playing Amencans," Hiroko Tsuchiya examines the ideology of leisure and its implementation by industrial Amenca. Focussing on the actions of corporate, industrial and civic leaders, Tsuchiya tracks the change in managerial and middle-class thinking regarding the non-work tirne of the working class. Covering a period from the 1890s to 1929, changes chronicled by Tsuchiya move from indifference and hostility to wholehearted adoption of ideas and practices related to leisure and recreation in relationship to the working masses. Overall, this work contends that the adoption of definitive leisure practices was a consciou social and political choice that reflected the values and interests of those in power, although somewhat tempered by working-class pra~tices.~'
While the works mentioned above are invaluable toward providing a backdrop for the research on Eaton's, two additional studies provide a much more specific examination of women's leisure in an industrial setting. Monys Hagen's ''Industrial Harmony Through
Sports" spans a penod fiom 1900 to the 1970s and examines the use of sport as a dimension of welfare capitalism. The study approaches the topic fkom a mix of women's sport and business history, bringing insights fkom each to bear. Although the time penod of research 22
is broad, Hagen effectively breaks it into three main time periods: 1900 to 1930, 1930 to
1940, and pst-World War Two. The first two periods are useful to my study on Eaton's.
The early period chronicles the rise of welfare capitalism and, specifically industrial recreation programs. During the second period, she notes how industriai recreation, uniike other forms of welfare capitalism, sufEered but survived the depression and the onset of the
Second World War.36
Hagen contends that Amencan businesses helped to develop and popularize competitive sport by promoting and sponsoring industriai athletics. Her study illustrates how industrial recreation had a cultural significance beyond the work place and reveals prevailing attitudes toward women in the industrial worldorce. The support of industrial recreation programs was particularly important for the developrnent of women's sport. During a period when Amencan universities and colleges tmed away fkom athletic cornpetition, industrial recreation programs provided women's athletics with a venue for competitive expression."
Parratt's "With Little Means or Time: Working-Class Women and Leisure in Late
Victoria and Edwardian England," is also useful. The cmof this work is that the sexual divisions found in labour, and the prevailing patriarchal attitudes toward women, were also evident in leisure practices in industrial England. Parratt notes that sexual divisions in labour and leisure were also reinforced by the gender biases of the patriarchal capitalism ofthe tirne.
While these attitudes and practices consaained women's leisure oppomuiities, some women were able to came out leisure space and the.)'
Udike Hagen's work, Parratt also considers community in combination with industry when examining women's work and leisure. Finally, her study is particularly useM to the study of Eaton's because of Parratt's examination of the leisure prograrns of two specific
companies - Cadbury and Rowntree. These two manufacturers, both major business forces
in Britain, also had contact with businesses in North Arnenca, including department stores,
and appear to have done business with Eat~n's.~~
As noted in the definition section of this work, the reform movement was an
arnalgam of the social gospel and the moral reform movements. Any literature review related
to this topic must, then, examine works f?om both these areas. Two significant studies on the
social gospel are Richard Allen's The Social Passion: Religion and Social Reform in
Canada,1914-1928 and David F. Howell's, "The Social Gospel in Canadian Protestantism,
18%- 1925: Implications for Sport.'*
Allen's work describes how Canadians attempted to make Christianity more socially
reievant. The leaders of the movement were mainly of English-speaking protestants, such as
J.S. Woodsworth, Salem Bland and S.D. Chown. As religious and, in the case of
Wordsworth, labour leaders, these refomers atternpted to establish the Kingdom of God on
earth by addressing and remedying evils associated with industrials capitalism (e.g. poverty,
inadequate housing, crime, etc. ), thereby saving society and raise the standard of living
through social regeneration."
While much of the social gospel was grounded in the issues and problems of urban
industrial growth, the intellectual roots of this movement came from the teachings of
Arnerican, British and Geman social gospeflers. From this background, the social gospel movement in Canada, and its accompanying moral zeal, shifted nom pursuing individual salvaîion to attempting to Save society from its collective afflictions. This movement, found 24
in rnost protestant religions, was particulariy prevalent within the Methodist church.
Frequently, though, the various denominations worked together in order to accomplish their
goals, and their efforts often included lay people."
Men's argument throughout this work is that the social gospel in Canada irnbued the
social reform movement of the same period with a kind of ideology. Its significance to
reform was its legitimation or validation of that movement Ultimately, however, the social
gospel failed to influence the majority of Canadian society."
Allen gives little attention to leisure. He does touch on the subject briefly when discussing the Lord's Day Alliance, a sabbatarian organization founded to preserve the
'proper" observance of the Sabbath. The Alliance clearly acknowledged the need for leisure as "necessary for the growth of the cultural and spirihial life." However, "neither work nor leisure was the chief end of man, but rather a personal and social life of quality. The Weekly
Rest Day, or the Lord's Day, was both an instrument for and a symbol of that high objective.'"
Howell expands on Allen's research by going beyond a mere cursory examination of leisure or physical recreation by directly applying the practices of the social gospel to sport in Canada. According to Howell, '%e social gospel was a gospel of reaction to a plethora of social wrongs." Some of these wrongs involved commercial amusements, gambling, and other "inappropriate" leisure pur suit^.^'
Howell's study closely examines various organizations, such as the Moral and Social
Reform Boards of various churches, the Young Men's Christian Association, and other agencies which "were the vanguards... which sought social purity [moral reform] under the 25
influence of the social gospel." Several of these organizations had cornmittees and/or
undertook action to study problems associated with recreation and amusements and to
implement policies and practices to correct or alleviate those concems. Of particular concem
for churches was the loss of membership, particulariy male, to commercial recreation?
From this point, Howell continues by considering how proponents of the social
gospel movement implemented recreation programs. He also examines the motivation and
rationale behind those programs (e.g. promoting physicd well-being, character building).
The discussion focuses mainly on boys and young men, although, Howell occasionally sheds
light on the recreation habits of young ~ornen.~'
Howell analyses the relationship of sport and play to the strict tenets of protestantism
(e.g. sabbatarianism, idleness, etc.). He ais0 examines sport as sin, such as when it was
connected to gambling and such, but he concludes that 'Yhe need to play [was] also an
important tenet of the social gospel." Physicai recreation was deemed significant because it could be a vehicle for redressing social problems and could "be used as an agent of Christian evange1ism.'**
The moral refonn movement, as with the social gospel, held strong views on leisure pursuits. Moral refomers, as Mariana Valverde notes, eventually became "concemed with providing 'suitable' Sunday activities such as picnics, supervised playgrounds for children, discussion groups for young people, and other activities classified as 'rationai recreation"' as opposed to commercial amusements.49
Valverde explores the rise of moral reform in English Canada. Specificaily, she examines agencies which came into prominence as a result of this movement, such as the 26
Saivation Army, the National Council of Women, and the Women's Christian Temperance
Union. Valverde also considers the role of the Methodist and Presbyterian churches, in conjunction with the above agencies, in thiusting their moral vision on al1 classes of society, especially the subordhate cla~s.~~
While Valverde's work gives some consideration to leisure activities, she focws on issues surroundhg sex-hygiene, prostitution, immigration and urbanization. In doing so, she demonstrates that moral reform was not the work of a marginal evangelical group. Rather it permeated English Canadian society, underpinnuig issues of race, class, gender, and, by extension, leisure.' '
Carrying out literature reviews on the previous sections was as much an exercise in selection as it was review. These preceding topics have dl undergone considerable scholarship. The same, unfortunately, cannot be said of snidies on Canadian women and physical activity. Nevertheless, the few works available are useful.
Ann Hall's, "A History of Wornen's Sport in Canada Prior to World War 1," is one of the earliest and most comprehensive examinations of the broad topic. Throughout Hall chronicles the rise and nature of women's sport, providing mini-histones of each activity.
The study is enhanced through examination of social forces which acted on, and, in many cases, constrained women's physicality, such as social attitudes and medical opinions, as well as lack of access, facilities and oppomuiity. Although Hall's focus is on activities that were predominantly the domain of those with money and leisure tirne, she notes the nse of working girls in sports. This, she concludes, rose from the growth of various leagues.
However, her study offers little insight into the nature of those leagues or the participants.'* 27
Hall's subsequent works shift focus to issues of gender equality. Examination of this topic is fiom a predorninantly sociological perspective, although a brief histoncal overview is usually included. Nevertheless, historically, these later studies tend to concentrate on
"elite" fernale sport, with little consideration of non-elite sport and general leisure activitie~.'~
Helen Lensky 's studies follow a similar pattern. However, her work Ouî of BoundF:
Women, Sport and Semality, provides a particularly usefid background. Lenslqg critically examines women's sport history in nineteenth-century patnarchal society. In doing so, she illuminates the dichotomous relationships and double standards that women encountered.
AIso significant is LeasSj's analysis of the medical profession's problematization of women's physicality. Overall, Out of Bounds helps to contextualize the attitudes, cofl~traints and biases women endured in pursuing sport and physical activity."
Morrow et al, also examine women's sport in their work, A Concise Histoty of Sport in Canada. This particular focus cornes fiom Mary Keyes' chapter, "Women and Sport," which offers a survey of women's sporthg history from the early 1800s to contemporary times. Much like Hall's early work, the study focuses on privileged participation and then moves on to a discussion of elites. Unfortunately, as with the previously cited works, there is no treatment of working wornen's sports participation or Ieisure activities."
The most recent work to examine women's sport and physical activity, albeit briefly. is Bruce Kidd's The ShwggZe for Canadian Sport. Kidd's chapter, "Girls' Sport Run by
Girls," is part of a larger volume that examines the major forces which influenced and shaped
Canadian sport during the inter-war years. Kidd provides an insightfid look at women's sport 28 during the 1920s and 1!Bos, one which gives senous consideration to women's stniggles to control their own activities. Specificdly, Kidd examines the Women's Amateur Athletic
Federation's (WAAF) efforts to create a specific, non-profit mode1 of sport. Unfomuiately, like many previous works, Kidd concentrates on elites; specifically administrators. This chapter does mention commercial sport in the fom of the Toronto Ladies' Sofiball League and even mentions Eaton's, but both are passing references that provide Iittle insight?
This bnef review, unfortunately, is indicative of the coverage non-elite women's sport has received. Despite the dearth of information, the literature provides interesthg counterpoints and texnial backgrounds for this shidy of Eaton's.
Examination of the subject matter covers five chapters. Chapter breakdowns are as follows. In Chapter One, Introduction, the statemeat of purpose and thesis are identified; the research question and subsidiary questions are presented and the event boundaries defined.
In additional, key ternis are characterized, as are the limitations and delimitations. An ove~ewof each chapter is presented and a discussion of sources is provided. The chapter also includes a review of the relevant literature.
Chapter Two, The Reform Movement and Leisure Pursuits, dso contextuaiizes the societal milieu for Eaton's activities in terms of women's leisure. A reiteration of the description of the refom movement is presented fist and it leads into a bnef history of moral reform and social gospel movements in general. This is followed by a more detailed discussion of key players and agencies involved, both ecclesiastical and secular. In order to 29 connect this chapter with the major theme of Chapter Three, the next discussion focuses on
Eaton's social conscience. Other reform activists are studied through exarnination of the
Department of Temperance, Prohibition and Moral Reform.
The focus then shih to leisure practices. Initial consideration is given to reform
concerns regarding the Sabbath. Having set the social tone, Chapter Two moves next to
examuie the issue of "Cheap Amusements", commercial enterprises that posed a particular
threat to the moral well-being of individuals in Toronto. Consideration of why this was an
issue for mord reformes is presented, and appropriate alternative forms of leisure, both
secular and ecclesiastical, are examined.
The T. Eaton Company and Eaton's Ethos is the therne of Chapter Three. The
histoncal setting, including bnef biographies of major players (i.e., Tirnothy Eaton, Margaret
Wilson Eaton, John Craig Eaton, Flora McCrae Eaton, and R.Y. Eaton), serves as a
background to the company, its philosophy, and the nature of those who ran i t fiom its earl y days until the end of the penod under examination. The company's attitude toward employee welfare is also introduced. In this section, topics such as working hours, health care, and holidays are explored. An overview of Eaton' s initiatives towards recreation and leisure opportunities is presented in this chapter.
Chapter Four specificaily examines Eaton's and Female Leisure. It opens with a general exarnination of girls and women in Toronto, and looks at the growth of female employment and the types of work pursued. It also considers work and social conditions.
From there the chapter moves to study femdes who worked for Eaton's and how the company treated them. Consideration is also given to company expectations of employees. 30
The availability of leisure and recreation opportunities is considered next, followed
by a bnef examination of various industrial recreation programs. This discussion sets the
background for consideration of Eaton's own practices. The Eaton Girls' Club and Shadow
Lake vacation camp are examined. They are also compared to leisure provisions for male
employees in order to demonstrate how the programs offered to female employees served to
prepare them for their ultimate role in society.
Chapter Five, Conclusion, draws the key elements of the preceding chapters together
in order to address the argument presented by this research; that is, the T. Eaton Company's
employee welfare programs, especially female employees' Ieisure programs, were influenced and informed by the tenets of the reform movement. ENDNOTES
1. Soy Santink, Timothy Eaton and the Rise of His Department Store (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1990), 62-1 78.
1. For studies on industrial recreation in the United States, see Monys Hagen, "Industrial Hannony Through Sports: The Industrial Recreation Movement and Women's Sporty7(Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1990). This work is particular insightfirl as it focuses on women's recreation. Aiso see, John Schleppi, "'It Pays': John H. Pattenon and Indusaial Recreation at the National Cash Register Company," Journal of Sport History 6, no. 3 (Winter 1979), 20-28; Lynne Emery, "From Lowe11 Mills to the Halls of Fame: Industrial League Sport for Women," in Women and Sport: Interdisciplinury Perspectives, edited by D. Margaret Costa and Sharon R. Guthrie (Charnpaign, II.: Human Kinetics, 1994), 107-2 1. For a nidy of working women's leisure in Britain see Catriona M. Parratt, "With Little Means or Time: Working-Class Women and Leisure in Late Victorian and Edwardian England" (Ph.D. Dissertation, Ohio State Universisr, 1994). Industrial recreation in Canada is explored in Joan Sangster, "The Softball Solution: Fernale Workers, Male Managers and the Operation of Patemalism at Westclox, 1923-60,'' Laboud'e Travail 32 (Fail 1992): 167- 99. This study does not use hegemony in any substantive mariner. It is used in a nuanced way to inform the research rather than overlay it.
3. Raymond Williams, Culture and Society, 1 780-1950 (London: Chatto & Windus, 1 %O), 311.
4. Ibid., conclusion.
5. Gary L. Jones, "Elite Culture, Popuiar Culture and the Politics of Hegemony," History of European Ideas 16, 1-3 (1 993), 236-239. Brackets mine.
6. Antonio Gramsci, Selectionsfiom the Prison Norebooks, ed. and trans. Quentin Hoare and Geofiey Nowell Smith (New York: New York International Publishing, 1971), 12.
6. Thomas R. Bates, "Gramsci and the Theory of Hegemony," Journal of the History ofldeas 36 (April-June 1975), 351.
8. Thorstein Veblen The Theory of the Leisure Class, unabridged (New York: Dover Publications, 1994), 28.
8. John R. Kelly, Leisure, 3rd. ed. (Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1996), ch. 2.
9. Ibid., 208.
11. Ibid., 31. 12. Jackson M. Anderson, Industrial Recreation: A Guide to ifs Organization and Administration (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1955), 5.
13. Joan Wallach Scott, Gender and the Politics ofHistory (New York: Columbia University Press, l988), 30.
14. Edward Grabb, "General Introduction: Conceptuai Issues in the Study of Social Inequality," in Social Inequalities in Canada: Pattern, Problemr. Policies, ed. Edward Grabb and Neil Guppy (Scarborough: Prentice-Hall Canada, 1993), xii-xiii.
15. Leo A. Johnson, "The Development of Class in Canada in the Twentieth Century," in Studies in Canadian Social Histom ed. Michiel Hom and Ronald Sabourin (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1974), 2 11.
16. Ibid., 2 14.
17. Grabb, "General Introduction," xïi.
18. Ibid., xvi-xvii.
19. Richard Scase, Class (Minneapolis, Mn.: University of Minnesota Press, 1992), 24-26.
20. John Clarke and Chas. Cntcher, The Devi2 Maks Work: Leisure in Capifdist Britain (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985), 148.
2 1. Grabb, "General Introduction," xii-xiv.
22. Roger Hutchinson, "The Canadian Social Gospel in the Context of Christian Social Ethics," in The Social Gospel in Canada: Papen of the Interdisciplinary Conference on the Social Gospel in Canada, ed. Richard Allen (Ottawa: National Museum of Canada, 1973)- 286; David B. Marshall, Secularizing the Fuith: Canadian Protestant CIergy and the Crisis of Beliej; 1850-1 940 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1992), 1-5.
23. Richard Allen, "The Social Gospel and the Refom Tradition in Canada, 1890-1928," in Prophecy and Protest: Social Movernents in Twentieth-Century Canada, ed. Samuel D . Clark, J. Paul Grayson and Linda M. Grayson (Toronto: Gage Educational Publishing, 1975). 45; Paul Rutherford, "Tomorrow's Metropolis: The Urban Reform Movement in Canada. 1880- 1920," in The Canadian City: Essays in Urban History, ed. Gilbert A. Stelter and Alan F.J. Artibise (Toronto: MacMillan Company, 1986), 37 1.
24. Paul Rutherford, "Tomorrow's Metropolis," 371.
25. Eileen Green, Sandra Hebron and Diana Woodward, Women 's Leisure, What Leisure? (London: MacMillan, 1!NO), ix. 26. Erica Wimbush and Margaret Talbot, ed., Relatne Freedoms: Women and Leisure (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1988).
27. Green, Hebron and Woodward, Women 's Leisure, Whof Leisure?
28. Karla A. Henderson, M. Deborah Bideschki, Susan M. Shaw, and Valerie J. Freysinger, A Leisure of One S hun: A Feminist Perspecrnte on Women's Leisure (State College, Pa.: Venture Publishing, 1989).
29. Kathy Peiss, Cheap Amusements: Working Women and Leisure in Tm-of-ihe-Century New York (Phiiadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986); Carolyn Strange, Toronto 's Girl Problem: The Perils and Pleasures of the City, 1880-1 930 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1 995).
30. Peiss, Cheup Amusements.
32. Strange, Toronto S Girl Problem.
33. Ibid.
34. Roy Rosenweig, Eight Hoursfor mat We WiY: Workers and Leisure in an Industrial City, 1870- 1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).
35. Hiroko Tsuchiya, "The Making of Hard Playing Amencans: The Legitimization of Working Class Leisure, 1890- 1929" (Ph.D. diss. Columbia University, 1989).
36. Welfare capitalisrn is defined as "any service provided for the cornfort and improvement, intellectual or social, of the employees, over and above wages paid, which is not a necessity of industry nor required by law." Monys Hagen, "Industrial Harmony Through Sports," 1.
37. ibid.
3 8. Catriona M. Parratt, "With Little Means or The."
40. Richard Allen, The Social Passion: Religion and Social Reform in Canada. 191 4-1 928 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1971); David F. Howell, "The Social Gospel in Canadian Protestantism, 1895-1925: Implications for Sport" (Ph.D. diss., University of Alberta, 19 80).
4 1. Allen, The Social Passion.
42. Ibid. 43. Ibid.
44. Ibid., 2 1-22.
45. Howell, "The Social Gospel," 19.
46. Ibid., 3,29. Brackets mine.
47. Ibid., 179- 18 1. The Anglican church appears to have been the leading church in terms of providing physical recreation for its young women.
48. Ibid., 263,284. Brackets mine.
49. Mariana Valverde, The Age of Light, Soap and Water: Moral Reform in EngIish Canada, 1885- 1925 (London: McClelIand & Stewart, 1985), 22-23.
50. Ibid.
5 1. Ibid.
52. M. AM Hall, "A History of Women's Sport in Canada Prior to World War I" (master's thesis, University of Alberta, 1968).
53. For example, see M. Ann Hall and Dorothy Richardson, Fair Ball: Towarak Sex Equality in Canadiun Sport (Ottawa:Canadian Advisory Council on the Status of Women, 1982); M. AmHall, "Rarely Have We Asked Why: Refiections on Canadian Women's Experience in Sport," AtZuntis 6, no. 1 (1980): 5 1-60.
54. Helen Lensb, Oui of BoundF: Women, Sport and SexuaIity (Toronto: Women's Press, 1986).
55. Don Morrow, Mary Keyes, Wayne Simpson, Frank Cosentino and Ron Lappage, A Concise History of Sport in Canada (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1989).
56. Bruce Kidd, The S~rugglefor Canadian Sport (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996). THE TORONTO REFORM MOVEMENT AND ATTITUDES TOWARD LEISURE
Introduction
Social, economic and political forces ofien influence and/or dictate the practices and actions of both individuals and larger enterprises such as industry and business.
Consideration of the social milieu during the period of study is important for understanding
Eaton's actions in tems of employee welfare and leisure provisions. Examining the urban setting, social movements and societai activity helps to illuminate the influences that afEected
Eaton's relationship with its employees.
Urban centres, such as Toronto in the late nineteenth century, were magnets to individuals and families fiom surrounding rurai environments and other countries. People came to the city seeking to improve their lot in life and cities represented opportunîties for new starts. However, urban environments also presented new challenges, parficuiarly in tems of moral and sexual behaviour. The main sources of such threats were saloons, houses of prostitution, gambling, crime and the like. These "social evils" were also perceived to tamish the image of "Toronto the Good" and provoked late-nineteenth century Torontonians to urgentiy seek reform of the city.'
The phrase "Toronto the Goo~,"coined by Toronto's first reform platforni mayor
William Holmes Howland, depicts the city as profoundy righteous, a perception due in part to Toronto's reputation as a "City of ~hurches.'"More likely it was because Toronto was the centre andor national headquarters for many reform groups. In particular, the city was 36 headquarters for the social purity movement, "a loose coalition of Protestant activists and educators who set out to 'raise the moral tone' of Canadian society in the late nineteenth and eady twentieth century."'
Besides the socio-religious impact on the city, Toronto was heavily influenced by progressivism emanating tiom the United States. Progressivism was an amalgam of disparate social groups ranging from those wishing to control people's lives to those seeking to control expansive corporate growth. Al1 shared the common goal of improving "the conditions of labor and life and to create as much social stability as possible? Progressivism entailed political and social refonn marked by "modernizing, efficiency-onented a~pects."~
This movement was dso "inspired by two bodies of belief and knowledge- evangelical Protestantism and the natural and social sciences.'" Many progressives feit they had a Christian responsibility to ameliorate pro blems brought on by industrialization. They also employed many of the methods and strategies of statistics, sociology, econornics and psychology "to gather data on human behavior as it actuaily was," in an effort to ciearly identiQ problems and ways of addressing them.'
in trying to address the dehumanization brought on by growing industrial urbanization (e .g., poor housing conditions, poverty), Toronto' s civic leaders tumed to their counterparts in American cities "where Progressives had introduced social scientific discourse to discussions on city problems." This rational management approach contrasted sharply with the views of social and moral reformers. While the rest of Canada cast refonn in "explicitly Christian tones," Toronto's focus was more scientific in nature:
Udike evangelical reformers or social purity advocates who considered the "evils" of industrial urbanization as inevitable, urban Progressives saw the city as a social problem to be alleviated through rational management and social action. Beyond improving drinkuig water, regulating utilities, clearing slurns, and instituting similar municipal reforms, urban Progressives urged civic leaders to set their sights on the creation of a moral ci*/.'
Reform in Toronto then, represented a mixture of secular and religious efforts.
The Reform Movement - A Brief Hktorical Overview
Two related reform movements arose from this conflux of urban and social challenges during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The social gospel movement, which stressed transforming society, "rested on the premise that Christianity was a social religion." As such, this movement emphasized social redemption rather than individual i al vat ion.^ in doing so, the social gospel concentrated on alleviating problems associated with increased industrial urbanization: poverty, poor housing, crime, youth problems, alcoholism and prostitution. These 1st two issues, dong with others such as gambling, were the focal point of the moral reform or social purity movement also prevalent in Canada during the same penod. Wle diverse in many respects, activists in these movements shared common traits and goals. Before discussing these reformers, the social gospel and moral reform movements are considered briefly in order to understand the roots and context of the movements from which these refomea emerged.I0
Social Gosael Movement
In the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries, a Mgorous detemiination characterized Canadiaq Protestantism's application of the teachings of Christ in a meaningful 38
way to the conditions of society. The nrst two decades of the twentieth century, in particular,
witnessed a growing conviction arnong churchgoers that the Kingdom of God was at hanci,
if Christians only had the insight and energy to guide the potentiai of the new indusaid
society into proper channels. This set of beliefs, and the actions which it inspired, defines
the "social gospel movement.""
The social gospel movement in Canada paralled efforts in Europe and the United
States "to revive and develop social insights and to apply them to the emerging fom of
collective society."I2 This transition represented a shifi away nom orthodox Protestantism
grounded in Calvinistic teachings which stressed predestination.I3
The rigidity of this religious doctrine and its lack of apparent relevance distanced
Christianity fiom most people's Mylives. The situation was exacerbated by debates within
contemporary science and theology. Danvinian science placed heavy emphasis on the role
environment play ed in the development of certain species characteristics. l4From a religious
perspective:
Darwin's theory of evolution by naturd selection made God an increasingly unnecessary hypothesis with increasingly little to do. The rnarvellous adaptation of organism to environment was no longer proof of God's existence and benevolence but was, instead, an automatic and bloody result of population pressure, random variation and intraspecific ~tniggle.'~
An additional challenge to Christianity came fiom historicai criticism which called into question ?he authenticity and authorship of certain books of the Bible," and insisted that
Biblical interpretations required understanding of its historical context." Al this sewed to
foster a need to salvage a religion perceived to be in crisis.
The remedy for this weakened Chnstianity was a move to reinvest it with social 39
utility. Christianity had histoncally been based on a mix of dogma and social utility.
However, industrial urbanhtion had stripped Christianity's utility away as other social
institutions supplanted the Church's more profane functions. Without the social component, religion had become irrelevant."
Re-instituting social utility or devance meant developing religion in a more practical vein thereby blurring the division between the sacred and the secular- in other words, to focus the church on pursing social goals that embodied Christian teachings. This transition meant taking Christianity beyond the church and into larger society and investing it with a social conscience. To that end, churches began focussing outward on humanity's relationship to humanity, rather than concentrating solely on personal redemption.18
The moral and social conscience of Christianity manifested itself in addressîng the social problems of the street. Of the several sociai concems noted above, drinking, prostitution and gambling were the particdar banes of the social gospel movement. These
''social evils" also consurned much of the moral refonn or social purity movement 's efforts during the sarne period.
The Moral Reform Movement
The moral reform or social purity movement emerged in Canada at approximately the same time as the Social Gospel movement While the latter crusade was religiously based, moral reforrn grew out of secular society. However, it should be noted that this movement was predorninantly popuiated by the churchgoing rniddle cl as^.'^
As with the sociai gospel movement, culturai and economic factors giving rise to the 40 social purity movement came from elsewhere; "...ideas and practices of class formation that
were popular in urban Canada were to a large extent adapted from English and American
sources . . . " This is not surprishg given the country's links to and dependency on these
other nations (e.g., trade, governance,
As much as the social gospel movement was about saving souls and society's morality, the moral reform movement was about class. In addition to the perceived "social evils" emerging fiom industrial urbanintion, class divisions surfaced. This period saw the development of both an urban working class and urban bourgeoisie.*' Some members of the latter group took it upon themselves "to reform or 'regenerate' Canadian society" in general and the working class in particular."
Mord reform, or social purity, was a movernent to govem morality, specifically sexual morality; and to maintain, enhance and, by extension, promote a particular lifestyle.
Moral refomers initially focussed on deviants and immigrants in an attempt to re-create and re-moralize them according to the reformers' standards. Eventually, moral reformers moved beyond merely targeting individuals and concentrated on changing the social fabric of
Canadian society?
The social gospel and moral reform movements were similar in nature and inexeicably linked in practice. Targets of their efforts were comparable, although their approaches were somewhat dissimilar, at lest in the early years. The social gospel movement adopted a top-dom approach by attempting to change dl of society in an effort to change the individual. Moral refonn, on the other hana adopted a bottom-up strategy by anempting to transform the individual in the hopes of changing society. Clearly, reformers 41
efforts overlapped and often they shared similar personnel in their endeavours (e.g. some
were social gospellers and moral reformers such as clergy and lay clergy). Ultimately they
tried to refom society and convey a message of how people ought to live their lives. This
desire to control social behaviour was rooted in middle-class refonners' concern over the
deciine of %e race." As Carolyn Strange notes, "the fear of degeneration of the racial stock
inspired concem about the deviant, the criminal, and the s~bnormal."~~
Reform Aeencies - The Nature of the Entemrise
The broder reform movement (Le., combined social gospel and moral reform) was
a collection of religious and secular leaders and groups who sought to transform society. The
church basis of reform in Toronto drew fkom the Anglican, Presbyterian and, in particular,
Methodist Churches? In addition, the Salvation Army played a significant role "in the
trenches," being directly involved in heiping the "less fortunate," while the mainstrearn churches often addressed problems fiom the pulpit and through other agencies, such as the
Deparûnent of Prohibition, Temperance and Moral Reform (Methodist) and the Board of
Social Service and Evangelism (Presbytenan. )16
The secuiar side was represented, in part, by various women's organizations, such as the Women's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU), the National Council of Women
(NCW), and the Toronto Local Council of Women (TLCW). These groups focussed predominantly on issues related to prohibition and ''white slavery." Wornen fiom these organizations who engaged in reform movement activities, such as Nellie McClung, Dr.
Emily Howard Stowe and Flora MacDonald Denison, were representative of an emerging 42
women's movement called "matemal feminism.'" This feminism was premised on ''the
conviction that woman's specid role as mother gives her the duty and the Bght to participate
in the public sphere.'These "maternai" qualities suited women's role as reformer because
"women had an obligation to use their mord superiority and ability to bear children to make
the world a better place for everyone." In expanding their role of protecting family mords
to that of sdeguarding societai rnorals, matemal feminists undertook reform efforts designed to ensure that every woman was capable of fulfilling her ultimate role in society; that is, as
wife and rn~ther.'~
While these associations focussed on problems affecthg more adult segments of society, other agencies emerged to deal with issues related to children and youth. Issues such as homelessness, tniancy, and delinquency, were particuiarly troublesome and deerned to lead young people into a depraved state if not comected.
The Children's Aid Society, founded in 1886, was preeminent in these endeavours and occasionally served as an umbrella organization for related organizations, such as mission schools, boys' clubs, industrial schools, fkesh air funds and playgrounds. The prernise underlying al1 these child/youth related reform agencies was to Save children fiom acquiring "evil and untidy habits." Some agencies were proactive in their approach (e-g., mission schools, boys' clubs), while others were reactive and corrective in nature (e.g., industrial sch~ols).~~
Other organizations involved in the reform movement represented a blend of the secular and the religious, either in terms of membenhip dernographics or the source of their sponsorship. For example, the Dominion Alliance, which was Canada's main temperance 43 organization, and the Lord's Day Alliance, a group formed to preserve Sabbath observation, represented an amaigam of religious, business and labour leaders."
The Social Service Council of Canada was a sllni1a.r organization. Founded in 1907 by the Presbyterian and Methodist Churches, it "provided . . . organizational leadership to the national network of social welfare reformers and charitable orga~izations,"~'Iike the
Federation of Community Services (FCS) (see infra, pp. 50, for more detail). Originally named the Moral and Social Reform Council of Canada, the association brought churches, labour and refonn groups together to lobby governrnents and other influentid agencies to affect social change.32
Some reform-related agencies focussed specifically on dealing with working women within Toronto. The Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA) is the most obvious and well-known. Other agencies, such as Senlement Houses and Girls' Fnendly Societies, employed approaches similar to the YWCA's. Most of these homes were operated ador supervised by "philanthropic club women or wornen who worked through local ch~rches."~~
Al1 these agencies "adopted a matemal or social feminist stance irnbued with a strong sense of Christian morality."" Their mandate was to protect single women fiom various social evils, to keep them fiom becoming "women adrift" in the big city and '90 promote the best type of womanhood," that is, the good wife and mother."
Each of these blended agencies targeted particular social problerns andor certain segments of society. One organization emerged with almost a global mandate - the police department's Morality Squad. Mayor W.H. Howland founded this agency and appointed
Inspecter David Archibald as its head. Archibald reported directiy to the chief constable and 44
"was given a roving commission to combat cruelty to women, children and animais, to battle
gambling, houses of il1 fame, desecration of the Sabbath, indecent exposure and . . .
uniicensed drinking den^."^^
On the surface, the Morality Squad under Archibald appears to have been a secdar
agency appointed by chic government However, Archibdd' s other activities tied the church,
specifically the Methodist Church, to the squad's civic responsibilities. Archibald served as
a representative to the Toronto Conference of the Methodist Church. In addition, he was a
member of the Moral and Social Reform League of Toronto. These activities kept him in
touch with organized religion's position on reform and it is likely he shed some of his
secular views with his church colleag~es.~~
It is not surprising that the Methodist Church was closely linked with Toronto's
"moral watchdog." The church was, perhaps, the most active reform agency of the tirne. Its
position was also enhanced by the expanding socioeconomic power of many of its members.
Many of these individuals were active church members, such as the Eaton's and Masseys,
who often used their social position andior financial status to aid the refom movement. In
fact, the reform movement provided socially conscious individuals, like the Eaton's, ample opportunity to help their fellow citizens.'* Timothy Eaton believed that "the world and ail
therein was made to increase the welfare of individual man and to perfect the human race."39
By engaging in and supporting these various agencies, thousands of Methodists, including the Eaton's, could pursue the faith's highest calling - altruism. As a social and business force,
Eaton's actions also had the ability to influence others to respond in a similar marner." Pursuing A Aipher cal lin^ - Eaton's Social Conscience
Timothy Eaton believed that a strong Christian character was essential for success
in life, "he had a very fum conviction that the righteous would prosper, and in his view this
applied to mattes both spintual and temporal." This religious foundation gave Eaton a strong
sense of right and wrong, in terms of both business practices and benevo~ence.~'This
perspective, combined with a ''powerhil passion for irnproving the lot of hurnanity," served
to define Timothy Eaton's social conscience and, as subsequent presidents adopted his
practices, policies and philosophy, it reflected the company's social conscience. That is, the
Eaton's presidents exemplified a strong sense of right and wrong and a cornmitment to
helping improve others ' Iives."
The store was his primary focus, but Timothy Eaton's faith, church and family also
engaged his energies. Raised in the Presbyterian faith, Eaton became dissatisfied with that
religion's emphasis on predestination." Mer attending severai revivais while living in and
around St. Mary's (now St. Marys), Eaton evenhially converted to Methodism, a religion
which stressed personai redemption, an approach much more positive approach than that
offered by ~resb~terianism."From Timothy Eaton's perspective, Methodism "offered a
dogrna that would comfortably allow for the integration of both the spiritual and temporal sides of life." Embracing Methodism reconhrmed Eaton's social responsibility toward his
fellow citizen. This affinnation also meshed with the social tenor of Toronto, particularly during the latter part of the nineteenth and on into the twentieth ~enhiry.'~
Eaton's business success and growth in wedth fiequentiy made him the target of donation requests. Not al1 received favourable replies; however, organizations that cbed out Christian andor social wekeworks were ofien recipients of Eaton's largesse. Over the years, Timothy Eaton donated thousands of dollars to churches throughout Canada so that they might reduce their debts, thereby enabling them to focus on their Christian missions?
Even when contacted by groups with social welfare agendas, Timothy Eaton was clear and honest as to how he felt their efforts should be directed. The foilowing excerpt of a letter fkom Timothy Eaton to Commissioner Herbert H. Booth of the Salvation Army illustrates this point:
1 wanted to thank you for the Soup tickets and also to Say that 1 am not exactly in sympathy with so much Soup and Bread as is being slushed around, and so much racket being made under the garb of pious politicians. Please find enclosed my cheque for $25.00 but not to be used for Soup. 1 wouid prefer it be used for your Shelter in taking care of unfortunates. In rny judgement, you will fil1 your bill to better advantage by keeping out of the Soup business and attending to your own special department. Persons who fa11 under your control in the Shelter are surrounded by Christian people and you get acquainted with thern, obtain an influence over them, and ultirnately lead them to Christ in this way, not so by distributing promiscuously to 'Deadbeats' and 'tramps' on the streetS4'
Concern for a person's spiritual nature was the foundation for many of Timothy
Eaton's donations. He gave generousiy to churches and church related organkations, whether they supported the whoie congregation or small groups such as young men's or young women's clubs. Yet, in contrast to his public personae, Eaton sought to keep his philanthropy private, often asking recipients not to mention his or the cornpany's nan~e.'~
Eaton's philanthropy expanded markedly during the tenure of John Craig Eaton. In fact, philanthropy would be one of the hallmarks of the younger Eaton's life.4gDescribed as a "philanthropist more practical than Carnegie," John Craig Eaton, either personally or through the Company, donated millions of dollars to a multitude of agencies and During the time period under study, Eaton's charity took on various guises and
allotted varying amounts of mone y. However, many organizations and agencies were regular
recipients of the company's generosity. While most donations were directed to religious
and/or social welfare agencies, Eaton's endeavours were also channelled eisewhere. For
example, at the outbreak of the First World War, John Craig Eaton provided '6 100,000 to
develop and arm the Eaton Machine Gun Battery. During this same period, the company
continued to pay part-wages to ail employees (male) who enlisted in the armed services, an
expenditure estimated to have cost the company over of two million dollars. Additionaily,
Sir John and the company raised and provided material and financial assistance to victims
of the 19 t 7 Halifax Disaster? '
Frequent recipients of the fhiy's and company's beneficence are presented in Table
2.1. While the figures rnay seem srnall in contrat to contemporary arnounts, and in
cornparison to the surns of money earned by companies such as Eaton's, they are, in some
instances, staggering when compared to wages of Canadian working women and men. For
exampie, total sales ofthe Toronto stores were $53,083,000 in 1926, while 1931 figures were
$47,986,000. Average annual wages in 192 1 totailed $1 142.00 for males and $627.00 for
fernales. Average wages for 193 1 were S 1072.00 and $625.00 respectively (see Table 2.2).
Analysis of these donations reveais a trend which reinforces Eaton's comection to and endorsement of the tenets of the moral and social refonn movements prevalent in Toronto during this pen~d.'~
The Salvation Army was a notable and longstanding recipient of Eaton's Table 2.1
SeIected T. Eaton Co. Limited Donations to MorallSocial Refonn-Reiated Agencies for the Penod 1912-1938'
Time Period MoraYSocial Reform Related Agencies Donations ($)* 19 12- 19 16 Inspecter Archibald Dale Church (Rev. Morrow) Evangelical Settlements Fred Victor Mission Girls' Home Girls' Friendly Society Salvation Army Fresh Ai.Fund Salvation Army - Various Funds Toronto Relief Society 19 1 7- 1 920 Associated CharitiedFederation of Charities Children's Aid Societies Evangelical Settlements Girls' Home Girls' Friendly Society People's Social Research hstitute Saivation Amy St. Barnabas Church (gymnasium equipment) Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA) Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA) 1920-1923 Bolton Camp (Neighbourhood Workers) Associated BuiIding Fund Federation of Community Senices Frontier College National Council of Women Salvation Army YMCA - Toronto YWCA - Toronto (1 923 ody) Continued on next page Table 2.1 - Continued 1924-1 927 Boys' Home Canadian Social Hygiene Council Canadian Council on Child Welfare Federation of Community SeMces3 Lord's Day Alliance Neighbourhood Workers' Association National Council of Women Ontario Prohibition Union Salvation Army Social Senrice Council of Canada Social Service Council of Ontario Toronto Social Hygiene Council YMCA YWCA
- 192% 1938 York Township Public Welfare Board (1932) National Recreation Association Canadian National Committee for Mental Hygiene (1 929- 1933) Health League of Canada Salvation Army Bolton Fresh Air Camp (1928- 193 1) Federation of Community Services Federation of Catholic Charities National Jewisb Welfare Fund of Toronto Welfare Federation, Montreal Source: EC-AO, F-229-128, Public Relations/Comrnunity Relations Donation Lists
'~eeAppendix 1 for a more comprehensive list While moiaVsocial reform-related agencia are iisted. only amounis of $100.00 or over are noted. Most of these agencies were located in Toronto. lhese figures have been rounded to the nearest $100.00. '~hismoney was for the AI1 Toronto Social Welfme Conferme. The initial donation was $2,500.00 (1924 - 1925). This amount was increased by RY. Eaton to $3,000.00 in 1926. 4 ïhis amount included donations by on behalf of the Company, Company directors and employees. Table 2.2
Average Weekly and Annual Earnings for Males and Females by Age Group for the Periods 19 1 0- 1 9 1 1, 1 920- 1 92 1, ruid 1 930- 193 1, for Canadian Cities over 30,000
Average WeeklytAnnual Average Weekly/Amual Average Weekly/Annual Earnings ($) Earnings ($) Earnings ($)
Total Wage Earners 28,104 19,456 28,2 17 26.06 1 34,638 30,552
-- Total Wage Eamers 69,5 1 5 15,534 99,808 26,472 130,383 36,800
Total Wage Eamers 1,704 163 3,490 36 1 5,472 645 Source: Dominion Bureau of Statistics, Seventh Census of Canada, 193 1, vol. 5. Ottawa: J.O. Patenaude, 1935. 51
philanthropy. This paramilitaristic organization, compnsed mainly of worbg class people,
"sought to reach the unchurched poor" using rather unconventional means (e.g., parades,
bands, tea meetings). While these methods were not necessarily to the liking of mainStream
religious groups (e.g., Methodists, Anglicans), the Salvation Army's ability to 'kmsfonn forme
life-style of young men - particularly working-class young men," met with increasing
approval fiom orthodox religions. This may be because the Salvation Amywas able to bring
its converts into a value system advocated by those same ch~rches.~~
During the course of the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries, the Saivation
Army was itself transformed nom an evangelical, revivalist organization to one concemed
mainly with social rescue. It appears that the Anny's mission of "saving souls" proved
attractive, fxst to Timothy Eaton and then to his successors, as the Eaton family and the
Company continued to donate substantial sums of money to the hy'scause?
hother major recipient of Eaton's funding was the Ch~ityOrganization Society
(COS). Founded in 1888 as the Associated Charities, this organization served as an umbrella
agency for several other associations established to address issues related to poverty.
Cooperation arnongst these groups was tenuous at best and by 1900 Associated Charities
struggled to survive. By 1908 the organization resurfaced with the help of several local
churches who favoured "rooting charity in a religious tradition and in opposition to the new
scientific approaches introduced by the emerging profession of social ~ork."~'
Eventually, Associated Charities gave way to the Federation of Cornmunity Services
(FCS). Like its predecessor, FCS was an umbrella organization designed to fund and coordinate charitable work in Toronto. Unlike the Associated Charities, FCS was also an alliance of social workea and the business community which brought measures of efficiency and professionalism to the enterprise." For more than 25 years, Eaton's supported the FCS in its various manifestations by donating large susof money. During the early years much of this money came dûectly fkom the Directors, either in their own name or on behalf of the
Company. By the Iate 193Os, the Directors' wholehearted patronage was conveyed to Eaton's employees and they were encouraged to support this organization as well. Excerpts fiom a memo fiom H.F. Switzer, Superintendent's Office, illustrate the point:
Re: Employees' Charitable Donations
The attached memo explains a plan which has been approved by the Directors, of voluntary contributions by employees to charitable organizations.
The Federation of Comrnunity Senices, which included forty charitable organizations, has found fi-om experience it is more economical and more acceptable to the public to make only one appeal for funds, rather than separate appeais for each charity.
Requests are made to the T. Eaton Company . . . The Company does not approve of solicitations by outside agencies during business hours, and on some occasions in the past it has ken thought wise for the Company itself to present oppodties for contributions to these appeals, such as the plan adopted in the campaign for the Federated Charities.
The Directors have approved of a plan of contributions to a fhdfiom which donations would be made.
This plan is commended to the fullest measure of your support."
Employees were also provided a breakdown scale of contributions that was based on employment rank, thereby assisting them in determinhg how much they should give. While employees could donate, they had little direct Say in where the money went. This decision was left in the han& of a cornmittee which was struck to collect donations and distribute them to charities deemed de~erVing.~*
The Young Women's Christian Association also benefited from Eaton's altruism, although there was some initial scepticism regarding the ment of this enterprise. Referring to a questionable article in the Telegram of 10 November 1906, J.J. Vaughn, a senior executive, noted:
This article may have ken written by one of those women who are getting up that "Young Women's Christian Association" to get sympathy for their work. lfthis is the case, we should not take much interest in it. 1do not know how far they have gone with that project, but so far as Mr. Eaton [Tirnothy] is concemed, 1 do not think he will do anyrnore than what Mrs. Eaton has promised already to do, this is to give Mrs. Aiken $1,000.00 towards the institution . . . 59
Margaret Eaton's willingness to give to the YWCA may be a reflection of two factors: fi- her own involvement with a similar organization, the Margaret Eaton School (MES), and, second, the YWCA's own agenda.
There are strong similarities between the YWCA and the MES. Both institutions looked to educate young women, particularly single women, through a variety of courses and programs. While MES targeted young, predominantly rniddle-class women, to become teachers, the YWCA focussed on single working women in an effort to safeguard their reputations and provide them with "opportunities for recreation and self-hnprovement in a safe, respectable environment.'*
in a similar vein, Eaton's also gave generously to agencies such as Settlement Houses and the Girls' Friendly Society. The Girls' Friendly Society (GFS) was an Anglican organization which offered programs and courses similar to those provided by the YWCA. The GFS also supplied shelter for its targeted clientele, single working women?
Similarly, the settlement house movemenk which included facilities such as Georgina
House, Evangelic Settlement, and University Settiement, was a network of comrnunity
organhtions advocating improved working environments, health conditions and housing,
as well as recreational and educationai opportunities for working class and poor people. The
senlement movement in Canada was developed initially by the social gospel wing of the
Presbyterian Church (subsequently joined by both Anglican and Methodist churches)."
Like the boarding house aspects of the YWCA and the Girls' Friendiy Society,
settlement houes provided a variety of services, including laundry, meals, club facilities,
reading rooms, gymnasiums and other athletic facilities. The rationale behind such provisions
was to ensure the physical, mental, moral and spiritual well-king of the women who utilized
the fa~ilities.~~
This latter point may be what attracted Eaton's to donate to the YWCA, the Girls'
Fnendly Society, and senlement houses. As the Iargest employer of women in Toronto,
Eaton's had a vested interest in ensuring that its employees had opportunities to take care of
their health and well-king outside of company the. This was a move that potentially
translated into increased productivity, efficiency, and reduced absenteeism in the workplace.
Supporthg agencies that addressed the needs of single working women could prove mutuaily
beneficial.
Eaton's backing of the aforementioned agencies provides some indication of the
company's support for healthy living. A second example of this trend was Eaton's ongoing contributions to "Fresh Air" funds. Aiso known as nesh air work, such organizations targeted 55
the urban poor, especiaily those living in tenements. Fresh air programs were designed to
enable "less-fortunates" to escape to the country fiom the untenable conditions of the city for
anywhere from one &y to several weeks. In addition to getting out into the fiesh air, these
progmms also taught mothers "proper" nutrition, the value of ventilation in living quarters,
the ments of personal cleanliness and hygiene, as well as sewing skills. It was the hope of
these agencies that what was learned during excursions wouid be applied throughout the rest
of the year, thereby improving the participants' lot in life."
While much of Eaton's largesse was directed toward agencies and organizations
whose mandate focussed on specific groups in Toronto (e-g., single working women,
delinquent youth, orphans, widows), some of their money was given to organizations with
a broader mandate, such as Social Hygiene Councils and the Social SeMce Council of
Canada. The various Social Hygiene Councils were the administrative arm of the social
hygiene movement. Described as a crusade for "mental, mord, and physicai as well as social
health," social hygienists were influenced by progressive recreationists and the social purity
movement. Both believed that rational recreation and supervised Leisure activities were
essential for ensuring the mord and physical well-being of people, especially young people.6s
Like the social purity, or moral reform movement, the Social Service Councils of
Ontario and Canada were concerned with transforming society. An umbrella organization for
networks of social welfare refonners and various charitable agencies, the Social Senrice
Council of Canada was founded by Canadian Protestant churches in 1907 under the narne
of The Moral and Social Refom Council of Canada. Broadly, this Council represented an alliance of religious, labour and social reform groups who lobbied various elements of society (e.g., business and govemment) for social change?
Eaton's philanthropie endeavours illustrate a diverse pattern of giving. However, the
vast majority of recipients of this benevolence were individuals, organizations and agencies
concemed with transforming society aud, more important, improviag the physical, mental
and mord well-being of disparate groups in Canada in general, and in Toronto, in particda.
While Eaton's worked behind the scenes to improve humanity's lot, another organization of
the Methodist bent, the Department of Temperance, Prohibition and Mord Reform, worked
diligently and more publicly to address and resolve social and moral issues. This branch of
the Methodist Church was established "to give a more active voice to the church" on moral
issues. The Department "became an important mediator of church social policy including its
posture towards recreation and amusement?'
Active Activists - The De~artment- of Termerance,- Prohibition and Moral Reform
The Methodist Church, like its counterpart the Presbyterian Church, set up a
bureaucratie structure dedicated to denning and understanding social refom. The
Presbyterians camed this out through their Board of Social Service and Evangelism, while
the Methodists had their Department of Temperance, Prohibition and Moral Reform. Given the Methodist Church's position in the refom movement and connection to the Eaton family,
the following discussion will focus on The Department of Temperance and Moral Reform,
as it came to be called?
The Methodist Church actively engaged in studying and addressing social issues.
Initially the Church's Cornmittee on Sociological Questions undertook this; however, in 1902 it established a separate Department of Temperance, Prohibition and Moral Reform.
While other churches developed sirnilar agencies, the Baptists in 1906 and the Presbyterians a year later, the Department of Temperance and Moral Reform was the nrst of its kind in
The Department's early initiatives concentrated on improving society through conversion and moral refonn:
The objective ideal of the Department of Temperance and Moral Reform is the Kingdom of God realized here and now . . . The Department aims at certain moral reforms, not as ultimate ends, but as incidents dong the way and as contributing to this great whole."
Department officiais spent a great deal of time attempting to persuade individuals to abstain fiom drinking and in lobbying govemments to prohibit liquor production and sales, though, alcohol prohibition was not its only undertaking." The Deparmient also worked vigorously at condemning gambling, adultery, abortion, working on the Sabbath, dancing, obscene literature, immoral theatre and pool rooms, to name a few. Proscription of these activities was rooted in Church doctrine dating back to the mid-1880s when delegates to the 1886
General Conference passed a motion "that prohibited such activities as drinking alcoholic beverages, card-playing, dancing, circus-going, and theatre attendance.""
The Department saw education as the key weapon in the battle against social evils.
It also supported legislation designed to improve child welfare and the care of the feebleminded, to provide better treatment of criminals and femaie employees. However, the
Department and the Church insisted that mord responsibility was always a personal matter,
"[m]uch as we need law, more do we need self-adjusûnent, self-inspection and self- By 1913 the Department was committed to the abolition of poverty, better working
conditions, proper housing, protection against contagious diseases, addressing various labour
issues and wholesome recreation. The annuai report expressed Methodism's desire:
. . . for a time when so large a sense of human kindness may dominate our business as to make the value of mankind the paramount consideration, and when the interest of each shdI be the welfare of ail, and the welfare of ail the interest of ea~h.'~
There was a growing conviction among many Methodists that evil was rooted in both societal
and individual causes; nevertheless, this did not imply that the Church had replaced
evangelism with humanitarianism. In fact, the post war period saw a renewed cornmitment
to promoting a deeper faith. In 19 18, the Department was renamed Evangelism and Social
Service in recognition that "'evangelism is basic to al1 social service. . ." The Church stressed
this evangelism on four basic levels: personai, family, congregationai and community. The
Department exercised considerable uifluence on Methodist beliefs and individual churches and church litemture helped deliver the De partment' s messages.''
As the Department of Temperance and Moral Reform expanded its mandate, it developed several subcornmittees to focus on specific issues. For exarnple, in 1913 cornmittees to address Child Welfare, Social Evil [prostitution] and Commercialized
Amusements were established. By 19 15, the Department struck a Cornmittee on Legislation and Law Enforcement. This committee had two foci: Federal, to tackle the issue of race track gambling, and Provincial, to examine "Place of Amusements." In keeping with the times, the
Department added a committee to study Movie Productions in 1920 and one related to the Church and Recreation in 192 1 ."
nie endeavours of the Department of Temperance and Moral Reform and the
Methodia Church typi@ many of the activities carried out by other reform-related agencies and organizations. The nature and focus of these groups changed as the refonn movement progressed into the second and third decades of the twentieth century. Two significant issues began to emerge out of dl their undertakings - leisure practices and single women. These issues linked many previously defined social concerm and would corne to consume the efforts of many reform agencies.
The Reform Movement and Leisure
The nght to leisure and the ability to pursue particular forms of leisure activities has historically been contested terrain between classes.77Magnified under the lem of growing industrialism, class conflict went beyond economic and political issues, extending into cultural practices. Conflict arose over "legitimacy of images, defmitions, and ideologies embedded in social behavio~r."~~
Segments of society, predomindy the urban bourgeoisie, deemed their cultural practices "appropriate." Theatre, literature and other forms of leisure achieved status as
"legitimatey' and "rational" because they excluded %e mass of the populace." This legitirnacy was threatened by several factors. Industrialization, with its resultant irnproved technology, changed working class leisure patterns, shorter work weeks (e.g., weekly half- holidays, shorter work days), meant, in theory, that the working class had more leisure tirne? Combined with a moderate growth in the standard of living, the working-ciass had 60
increased opportunity for and financial means to pursue leisure activities heretofore closed
to its members. Legitimacy of middle-class leisure practices was also threatened by the rise
of commercial leisure enterprises, such as vaudeville and burlesque theatres."
Having identified their leisure practices as "proper," the urban bourgeoisie were quick
to condemn any activities not in keeping with their standards. To remedy or circumvent this
situation they twned to re-creating the leisure habits of the working class and urban poor. Ln
doing so, they attempted to impose their values on others. But, as Valverde notes, while
hnposing their values on another class, the urban bourgeoisie simultaneously engaged in "a
process for creating and reaffinning [their] own class." This re-ation was necessary
then, to vaiidate middle class values and practices; othenvise they would be called into question, challenged, and underrnined."
Sabbatanan Constraints and Conflicts Over Leisure
Conflict related to leisure practices and class has been an issue for centuries. It did not reach a crisis point for Canadian society until the mid-nineteenth century. Changing industriai practices called into question the appropnate use of fiee time which, until the advent of the weekly half-holiday, was limited to Sunday."
Renewed concem over Sunday observance (Sabbatarianisrn) arose at approximately the sarne time as the rise of the social gospel and moral refonn rnovements. Sabbatarianism was a religious view that called for strict observance of Sundays (e.g. no sports, no work except for essential services such as police). In other words, Sundays were for rest and
~orship.~~Sabbatarianism, while prevalent throughout Canada, was at its strongest in 61
Toronto. This is not swprising given the strength of the reform movement in that city. Two particular incidents highiight the nature of this endeavour: the Sunday Streetcar issue of the
1890s and the Sunday Tobogganhg bylaw of 19 12."
Legislative restrictions on Sunday activities date to pre-confederation times and prosecutions under that legislation, such as Upper Canada's Lord's Day Act, were carried out even in the rnid- 1890s. The Lord's Day Act was originaUy passed in 1845. Implemented to elirninate "immoral and improper" behaviour, this legislation prohibited activities such as foot and horseracing and outdoor activities." in essence, the Lord's Day Act helped enforce proper observance of the Sabbath." Many of these laws found their way into business practices. For example, the original contract covering the operation of horse drawn streetcars in Toronto (1 86 1) included an agreement not to operate them on Sundays. This prohibition was eventuaily, and initiaily unsuccessfully, challenged in the 1890s."
The debate over allowing streetcars to run on Sunday appeared to hinge on two opposing positions: the right to maximize profits and the Sabbath observance. Owners of the streetcar Company felt that profits could only be maximized by operating seven days per week. The Sabbatarians' position, however, was consistent; Sunday was for worship and no one should work unless absolutely necessary (e.g., police)."
ln reaiity, the Streetcar issue called into question "the proper role of recreation for
Toronto's working cl as^."^^ The general consensus, among pro- and anti-streetcar forces, was that the working-class, and more specifically working class males, were entitied to pursue leisure activities. Prohibithg the operation of streetcars on Sunday would seriously curtail their opportunities for healthful recreation, or so the streetcar supporters argued? Sabbatariaos, or "The Saints," disagreed with the metcar supporters' arguments, especially regarding increased church attendance. In fact, they held the opposite view. The
Saints felt that Sunday streetcars would lead to other evils, such as increased drinking and
Desecration of the Sabbath, via nuining Sunday streetcars, was a concern for a variety of Torontonians, including Timothy Eaton. Eaton, who served on the citizen's committee which opposed streetcars, feit that Sunday streetcars presented a moral and practical concem.
During a meeting with several Eaton's employees, Timothy Eaton expressed the view that:
People ninning wheels on Sunday think there is no harm in it because othes do it, but you will generaily hdthat people who nin about a lot on Sunday get Ioose and careiess about what Sunday is for, and if you watch them . . . you will find they get meraway and mix up with that class of people, especially home men on Sunday. Look around you at the men who for 30 or 40 years have been down to Woodbine every Sunday, tdk with them for 10 minutes, and before you have taiked with them half that thne they will ask you to have a drink. The running of Sunday cars will have a tendency to demoraiize our Sabbath and will weaken the influence of our people . . .
1 look upon Sunday cars in Toronto, if they should corne to that, as a curse to the place and a curse to the people. They will do an injury to the human system for the want of rest that nature requires. If people do not get the rest on Sunday, they will not be the men they ought to be for the next week?
These excerpts identify several key issues for Sabbatarians. Allowing Sunday streetcars might result in increased drinking, gambling and other wasteful practices that would Ieave workers unfit to perform their jobs.
The controversy over Sunday streetcars continued for five years before ending in a defeat for the Sabbatanans. However, it was only a partial victow for those who argued for working class access to leisure on Sundays. While allowing such opportunities, working 63 class leisure was still constrained by notions of what "constituted legitimate leisure activitie~?~
Sabbatarians may have lost the struggle over Sunday streetcars, but they gained a mord victory with the enactment of the Lord's Day Act (LDA) in 1906. This legislation seriously diminished most business operations, as well as prohibited professional or commercial sport and entertainment on Sunday. The Act clearly targeted such activities with the stipulation:
It is not lawful for any person, on the Lord's Day . . . to engage in any public game or contest for gain, or for any prize or reward, or to be present thereat, or to provide, engage in, or be present at any performance or public meeting, elsewhere than in a church at which a fee is charged?
For the religious sector of society, the LDA represented the legalized sanctification of
Sunday. In reality, this legislation was labour-onented as it guaranteed workers one day from work, supposedly to do as they pleased."
The legislation's power, combined with its supporters' efforts, effectively curtailed nonessential, non-c haritable and nonreligious activities. For example, in 1906 500 pleasure excursions operated in and fiom Toronto. By 1907 this number dropped to 50 and to only six by 1908.~
The LDA and Sabbatarians targeted enterprises of questionable reputations and practices, such as burlesque theatres, vaudeville houses and gambling . Ho wever, their activities did not stop there. Even noncommercial activities, such as tobogganing, were not immune fiom efforts to protect Sunday.
Tobogganing in Toronto's parks ws a popuiar pastirne. When concerns over 64 "sliders'" safety were raised, the civic government stepped in with measures to protect participants. This action gave "siiding" a civic stamp of approval. However, the endorsement meant nothing to Sabbatanans who saw tobogganhg as a desecration of Sunday.
Goverment support merely meant that civic officiais condoned violation of the Sabbatk~~~
As part of a powemil coalition involving other moral reformers, Sabbatarians lobbied for and won enactment of anti-tobogganing legislation in 19 12. This legislation effectively closed city parks to public use on Sundays, a closure that remained in effect until 1938. The
Sabbatanan effort behind this legislation also effectively closed one more avenue for workuig class leisure pursuits, as a fkeely accessible, inexpensive activity was Iegislated away as "inappropriate." These efforts demonstrate that Sabbatariansand their supporters did not, or refused to, understand the nature of workingtlass reality; that is, how work schedules, limited incorne and other irnpediments, particularly for women, restncted tirne actually available for leisure pursuits. in other words, Sabbatarians and their cohorts did not recognize that Sunday was the "only" day of rest and leisure for the working class.
Issues raised by Sabbatariansand their refom colleaguescontioued unabated. Having had a measure of success in controlling the nature of activities permitted on Sundays, they tumed their attention to other concerns, such as commercial amusements.
The Problem and Problems of Commercial Amusements
Refonn movement attention to commercial amusements comes as no surprise. The very phrase was problematic. As Howell notes, "the word 'amusement' itself implied sin .
. . by inference it was something which semed to kill time and that, to the protestant mentality raised on an indefatigable work ethic, was [unacceptable] ."98
Leisure activities had merit; nonetheless reformers opposed commercial amusements
because they were perceived to be for hmcial gain onl~.~~The Methodist Church was
particularly resolute on this issue:
Recognizing as we do that rational and recreative amusements should have a place in every normal human life we deplore the fact that many forms of public amusements are so commerciaiized as to become mere money-making institutions, and would urge that efforts be made to secure the elimination of pnvate profit fiom public amusements.'"
The types of amusements defined as public included saloons, theatres, pool rooms, dance halls and movies. It seems ironic that profit-making, commercial enterprises such as Eaton's, which codd provide urban bourgeois women with an environment wherein to spend their leisure tirne, were supported by reformers, yet commercial amusements which catered to the working class were condemned for the same practice.lO'
While much of the rhetoric on commercid amusements focussed on the "profit" aspect, another concem underlay reformers' actions. As Peiss notes:
The threat that commercial amusements posed was closely related in [the reformers'] view, to the break dom of the family in industrial society. Just as industrialization had forced fàmily members to seek work away frorn the home, so commercialization split apart in the family in its leisure houdo'
Places like saloons, dance halls, amusement parks and movie theatres replaced the home as the focal point for family memben' non-working tirne. The breakdown of the family unit was a critical issue for reformers as they saw this social institution as a mainstay of society.'"
Implicit in the decentralization of the home as a place of leisure is the erosion of parental, particularly patriarchal, control over the leisure activities of family members, 66
specifically young women. Commercial amusements then, were seen as illicit pleasure spots
and emblematic of the evils ofurban life which contributed to "a rishg tide of prorniscuity
and immoraiity in the ~ity."'~
Reformes' angst over commercial amusements is evident in the above statements.
Yet, these views provide little insight into the nature of the activities carried on in these
venues. Nor do they indicate what these amusements meant to the people who partook of
them. The following discussion sheds light on these issues by examining the rneaning
particular forms of commercial amusements had for the working class and reformers'
reaction to them.
Saloons, Dance Hals and Other Vices
Saloons were an early and continuing target of reform, particularly temperance, efforts. The saloon was a public institution that served as a focal point for socialization among working class males. Predominant forms of entertainment in these enterprises were druiking, gambling and camaraderie. In essence, it was a "working man's club," located proximate to either work or home 1ife.lo5
Reform concem over saloons was directly related to the nature of the business - the selling and consumption of alcohol. Patrons of these facilities were perceived to be loafers who would rather partake of the easily accessible saloon than extend a modicum of effort in pursuit of more healthful leisure activities. Reformers, such as Mary Joplin Clarke, viewed saloons as "appealing to the lowest appetites of humanity," an observation based on the availability of liquor and the perception that prostitutes were fiequent patrons of these 67 establishments.'06 Efforts to regulate and occasiodly close saloons clearly discriminated against the workingtlass particdarly, as the urban bourgeoisie and social elite had access to private ~1ubs.'~~
Saloons were also suspect because of their perceiveci association with gambling.
Gambling could serve a similar purpose as the saloon; that is, as a vehicle for male socialization; "gambling in duect cornpetition reinforced notions of masculine skill and aggression, of winning at another's expense, while at the same time it strengthened male s~lidarity."'~~Gambling was attractive because, in some sense, it was fiordable, it was social and it was available, either at the saloon, in local gambling dens, at race tracks like
Dufferin, or at agricultural exhibitions, such as the Canadian National Exhibition, each of which were located on or near Street car line~.'~
From the reformers' perspective, gambling was "injurious to the moral character of the pe~ple.""~This may have been because gambling was associated with drinking, or that it entailed wasting time and limited income. More likely, however, the cause of reformee' disapproval was gambling's comection to prostitution. Betting, drinking and soliciting helped define gambling and saloons in ternis of sexual misconduct, a sure path to moral
-*Ill
Theatres, particularly vaudeville and burlesque, were also common venues for working class leisure and, thus, targets of reform endeavours. Toronto, starting in the nid- to late-nineteenth century, offered a variety of theatrical fare at venues such as the Star
Burlesque Theatre and the "loftier" St. Lawrence Hall and the Royal Lyceum. Serious theatregoers could enjoy professional productions at the Princess or Royal Alexandra Theatres. ' '*
Attendance at upscale theatres was beyond the means of the average individual.
Burlesque and vaudeville theatres were more accessible both physically and financially.
Admission prices were in keeping with working class income. Establishing theatres in or near working-class neighbourhoods made them accessible. Location and cos were conûibuting factors to theatres becoming a significaot social locale for working-class communities. Working-class fklies could attend an evening's entertainment and in the process meet with neighbours and fnends. '13
For reformers, vaudeville and burlesque houses were "the storm centre of the theatrical situation in Toronto ."'14 Wlereformers recognized that theatre was a permanent fixture on the entertainment scene, they objected to program content and the theatres' base commercialisrn. ' l5
Theatres were seen as "purveyors of public indecency . . ." and particular concem was expressed regarding performers' attire. ' l6 As the following excerpt illustrates, female performers were a specific concem:
We emphatically protest against the exhibitions which make a frank appeaf to the sensuai in men, by exposing on the stage semi-naked women, or women clad in flesh-colored tights as closely resembling nakedness as possible. We would suggest that in cases in which actresses desire to appear in tights, they be compelled to use some color which shall not in any way resemble human flesh. ' l7
Methodist reformers' angst clearly targeted females who performed in these shows. What is interesting is the notion of agency given to these women in tems of their costumes. This view assumed that women consciously and deliberately chose to Wear sensual garments for 69 the singdar purpose of excithg the males in the audience. Nowhere is there an indication of how the males might behave in order to counteract such provocative images. Social survey commissioners expressed very similar views, yet nowhere in their report or the report of the
Department of Temperance and Moral Reform were there indications of what male performers wore or how they rnight excite and arouse the ''weaker sex." The implication of this is that women were seen as the seducer or temptress, while males were their unwitting victims.
As threatening as vaudeville and burlesque theatres were, movie houses (movies) and dance halls were more significant sources of reform concem. The dance halls and movie houses were significant venues for working-class leisure. Movies, in particular, were widely available because of their proximity to working-class neighbourhoods. Many of their locations were already familiar as movie houses replaced vaudeville and burlesque theatres.
Dance halls were also fairly prolific and were ofientimes associated with that other neighbourhood landmark, the saloon. ' '*
Movies were particularly appealing because admission prices were low and programs short. These features made movies convenient for a variety of people, but particularly for worken who still eamed a low wage and worked long hours. The result was a new neighbourhood leisure setting. As Rosenweig notes:
By accommodating both schedules and pocketbooks the movie theatre managed to become - like the saloon, the church and the hternai lodge - a central working-class institution that involved workers on a sustained and regular ba~is."~
Dance halls served a sirnilar function within working-class communities, although their 70 target audience was distinctive from that of the movie house. While the movie theatres atîracted men and women, as well as families, dance halls were a heterosocial environment catering to young, single clientele. ''O As such, bkommerciaidance halls were public spaces where [people] could attend without escorts, choose cornpanions for the evening, and express a range of personal des ire^."'^'
These two fairly dissimilar leisure venues were assailed by reformen for the same reason. "Goings-on" within these establishments were perceived to "'demoralize" patrons.
Movies portrayed images of sexuality to impressionable youth. Modem dance styles, such as the 'hirkey troty', the "tango" and the "gridy bear", conveyed similar images to the participants and audiences.
While dance halls and movie houses were cnticized for their program content and their relationship to alcohol consumption andlor profiteering, the cmof reformers' concern was the uasupe~sednature of heterosocial mingliog.'u The interaction between females and males sharply contrasted traditional Victorian views and beliefs regarding "spatial and psychologicai separation" between the sexes. In contrast, emerging heterosocial (Le., femde- male) interaction represented the potential for sexual and emotion bonding.'" Commercial amusements served to exacerbate this transformation of the Victorian ideology of separateness. In particular, "the growth of Toronto's commercial leisure industry caused especial concem because it encouraged a degree of heterosexual familiarity that reformers did not connect with the/[their] established patterns of ~ourtship."'~
Clear of parental supervision or the scrutiny of moral overseers patrons of dance halls, particularly young women, were fiee to engage strangen in conversation and dance, and, perhaps, even drink. Young people couid also escape prying eyes by retreating Uito darkened baiconies of rnovie houses and potentially engage in some intimacy. In essence, reformers feared that movie houses and dance halls wouid become "public spaces for undue familiarity between the sexes."'26
Faced with the daunting task of attempting to regdate and control commercial amusements, refomers tried to "rationalize social organktion by elUninating urban sexual disorder." To accomplish this goal, reformers realized they had to counteract the draw of commerciaiized leisure oppominities. The key then to re-moralizing society was to offer
"appropriate al te mat ive^."'^^
Refominr Leisure - A~prooriateAlternatives
Recognizing that commercial amusements were both highly popular and an enduring aspect of society, reformers began to relax their views on the ment of leisure pastimes. While opposed to commercialized forms, they realized that "appropriate" forms of recreation and
Ieisure could become "the elixir in the reformers' fonnuia for a refiubished moral and social order."'*' Methodist reformes, in particular, called for a new approach to leisure:
Play has its part in the life of a normal individual, and in some aspect may be as necessary as to pray. The amusements of the people if properly supervised are a means of education and character development . . . We believe it to be the duty of the cornmunity to provide wholesome amusements for its people, prevent as far as possible the commercializing of amusements, and to carefuily supervise al1 places devoted to the entertainment of the masses. '*'
By adopting this approach, reformers attempted to turn the appeal of amusements to their advantage in combatting the demoralization of society. 72
The success of this strategy hinged on two points. First, the activities must be
wholesome and supervised. Wholesome meant that activities had to promote physical well-
being, develop character and be consistent with the Christian conscience. In other words,
these activities "had to be edimg if they were to be considered without sin."'30
Responsibility for delivering wholesome leisure was deemed the domain of agencies
cornmitted to social reform, such as Settlement Houes, Churches via clubs and youth
organizations, and the Young Men's and Young Women's Christian Associations (YMCA,
YWCA). An expanded playground system, especiaily in crowded areas of the city,
supplemented the above-mentioned agencies. Together, it was felt, these organizations and
facilities could provide morally and socially acceptable programs and activities, and could
counteract the draw of commercial amusements. 13'
As important as the delivery agencies were, the nature of their offerings was equaily
or more important if reformen were to divert people from cheap amusements. Mary Joplin
Clarke suggested that the Settlement Houses, churches and the YMCA and YWCA could
cucumvent commercial endeavours b y offering "classes in dancing, sewing and carpentry,"
as well as providing "play schools for small children, dramatics, gymnasium work . . . and
clubs for boys and girls of al1 ages." Dancing, it is assurned, would be of a different nature
than that style condemned by reformers. Sewing and carpentry suggest exposing individuals to practical activities which had both ernployment gendered implications. AI1 these activities clearly met the criteria of being supervised, in that they were offered within highly structured organizations and under the auspices of ever watchful reformers. This ensured that prograrns and activities offered would not be wasteful and contradict their declared purpose."2 73
Social survey commissioners and the churches went one step further by
recommending that sports and athletics be offered as an alternative to commercial leisure
opportunities. Approved activities included hockey, baseball, basketball, croquet, skating and
football. This lia suggests a resurgence of muscular Christianity with its emphasis on
character-building, morally upright and gender-appropriate activities.")
The nature of these ofTerings also illustrates the lengths reformers were prepared to
go in order to counteract the perceived dernoralizing eEect of commercial amusements. In
adopting and prornoting sport and other recreational endeavours as a means of social
regeneration, reformers validated the primacy of those activities in ~ociety.'~~
Summarv
The reform rnovement in Canada represented a mixture of secular and religious
agencies and activists drawn nom the sociai gospel and moral refonn or social purity
movements. The sociai gospel movement was an effort to make Christianity a meaningfid
and pracîical religion. Social gospellen focussed on social redemption through alleviahg problems associated with industrial urbanization, such ris poverty, poor housing and working conditions. Eventually ,this movement broadened its mandate to include problems associated with prostitution, garnbling and drinking and came to recognize the impact of environment on behaviour.
The secularly-based moral reform movement also focussed on drinking, garnbling and prostitution as primary social evils. Many moral refomers were members of the church- going middle-class. While their social gospel counterparts attempted to remake society by 74 concentrating on social probiems, moral refomers approached social problerns via individuals, although they eventually targeted aii of society. This was a class-based approach that also attempted to regulate sexual morality. The social gospel movement was an attempt to apply Christianity in a practical manner to social problems. The moral reform movement, on the other han& attempted to address similar problems through rational management and social action. Both, dtimately, endeavoured to regdate social behaviour dong appropriate lines based on class, gender, and sexuai relations.
Agencies involved in reform work also came nom diverse perspectives. Some were women's groups that concentrated their efforts on elirninating prostitution and ''white slavery" as well as implementing prohibition. Their efforts were designed to ensure that women were capable of fblfilling their uitimate role in society as wives and mothers. Other groups focussed on issues related to children and youths, such as truancy, delinquency and hornelessness. Some brought together religious, labour and business leaders. Ail of these agencies endeavoured to re-create and re-moralize society in terms of "appropriate" behaviour, as they understood the term.
The Methodist Church was probably the most prominent reform agency during the period under study. The Church, either directly or through its members, actively engaged in promoting and/or delivering reform prograrns designed to increase the welfare of the individual and perfect the human race. It also acted as a catalyst for individual efforts as it offered a forum for social consciousness.
The Depariment of Temperance, Prohibition and Moral Reform served as the focal point of the Methodist Church's reform activity. Through critical examination of social 75
issues, the Deparmient and the Church transformed th& agenda fkom merely conversion and
moral reform of the individuai to concentrathg on society at large. Their focus broadened
fÏom prohibition, prostitution and garnbling, to include social issues such as poverty, working
conditions, housing and wholesome recreation.
The Eaton family and Company followed the lead of the reform movement in general
and the Methodist Church in particular, as they undertook an extensive program of philanthropy. Their benevolence also reflected their personal and business values (e-g. supporting agencies that promoted moral well-being, healthfid living, raiional recreation and working wornen). They dernonstrated a strong sense of right and wrong and a cornmitment to helping people improve their lives. This was no simple charity in that Eaton's felt that handouts were ineffective for improving humanity if they were not warranted, productive or useful. Committed to reform endeavours, Eaton's also encouraged empioyees to follow suit, thereby conveying a message about what the family and Company felt were important policies and practices to follow.
The reform movement, endeavouring to stay in step with the changing nature of society, shifted its focus to leisure activities in an effort to circumvent a perceived force that might "cormpt" society. Early concerns focussed on leisure activities conducted on the
Sabbath. Issues related to streetcan and tobogganing brought to a head reformers' fiutrations over "inappropriate" observation of the Lord's Day. Enacting legislation to sanctiQ Sabbath observance, reformers effectively constrained working-class leisure practices by controlling the one day this class had to themselves.
As social practices changed, reform efforts changed. The rise of commercial 76
amusements gave reformers pause and a new foe to fight. Enterprises like saloons, theatres, dance halls and movies became prime targets of reform efforts to control leisure practices.
Initial concern was expressed over the "profit-making" nature of these operations, an ironic perspective given the capitalkt nature of Canadian society. Reformers were also concemed that such amusements contributed to a dysfunctional family already at nsk because industrialization had sent fàmily mernbers out into the workplace. Commercial amusements were felt to exacerbate this situation as families sought leisure opportunities beyond the confines of the home.
Given hancial, temporal and geographic limitations, as well as Sabbath restrictions, it is no surprise that the working-class tumed to "disreputable" amusements for their leisure.
Saloons, theatres (e.g., vaudeville, burlesque and movie), dance halls and the like, were financially and physically accessible to this group. Programs were appealing and schedules were accommodating of both work patterns and pocketbooks. What reformers failed to recognize was that these leisure venues served as sources of socialkation, particularly for working males. Ail reformen saw were perceived social evils, like drinking, gambling and prostitution, that were associated with these ventures. Partaking of such activities was wastefut, which was challenge enough for rniddle-class Protestant reformers who were raised on a steady work ethic diet.
While these concems were well articulated within the reform literature, the main issue appeared to be related to unsupervised heterosocial interactions that were redefwig bourgeoisie understanding of courtship. The problem for reformers became how to counteract the draw of commercial amusements. The answer was "appropriate alternatives," but this ''elwr" had to be wholesome and supe~sed.
In order for altemative leisure practices to be acceptable, they had to be edifjing. To
ensure this, certain agencies were deemed bat suited to deliver programs designed to
counteract the impact of commercial amusements. Settlement houses, the YWCA and
YMCA, and Church clubs and youth groups were considered the most appropriate vehicles
for ensuring that leisure activities met the standards defined by reformers.
The nature of activities provided was also important. In atternpting appeal to those
who rnight nomally pursue commercial amusements, reform agencies offered diverse
activities that were purposeful (e.g., sewing and carpentry). As well, highly popular activities
such as team sports (baseball, hockey and football) were offered, as were gender-appropriate
ones (e.g. tennis, croquet).
Efforts at offsetting commercial amusements took on an air of "muscular
Christianity" in the sense that "appropriate" leisure activities were character-building and
morally upright. They also served to legitimate the role of leisure, and particularly sport, in
society. Finally, the programs and activities put forward by reformes helped to reinforce gender divisions in society.
The reform movement, through its efforts to regulate society, helped to define class, gender and sexual relations in terms of urban bourgeoisie standards. In doing so, reformers also categorized leisure practices dong similar lines and defined some activities as
"immoral" and others as bbappropriate."In attempting to cast "appropriate" leisure practices in terms of their standards, reformen negated the value of working-class leisure practices.
Eaton's endorsement of the reform movement agenda was clearly demonstrated by 78 the family's and company's benefaction. But, if Eaton's tdybelieved in and sanctioned the policies and practices of this movement, their own actions had to transcend the public forum of social and moral reform. In other words, Eaton's had to demonstrate their cornmitment to reform activity in their business practices as well. The following chapter examines this issue. Endnotes
1. Carolyn Strange, Toronto S Girl Problem: The Perils and Plemres of the Ciîy, 1880- 1930 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1995); Christopher Armstrong and H.V. Nelles, The Revenge of the Methodirr Bicycle Company: SundqS~eet Cms adMunicipal Reform in Toronto, 1888-189 7 (Toronto: Peter Ausîin Associates, 1977), 7-8; Carolyn Strange, "From Modem Babylon to a City Upon a Hill: The Toronto Social Survey Commission of 1915 and the Search for Sexual Order in the City," in Patterns of the Past: Interpreting Ontario 's History, ed. Roger Hall, William Westfàil and Laurel Sifton MacDowell (Toronto: Dundurn Press, 1988), 256-57; Wendy Mitchinson, "The WCTU: 'For God, Home and Native Land': A Study of Nineteenth Century Feminism," in Not an Unreczsunable Claim: Women and Reform in Canada, 1880s-1920s, ed. Linda Kealey (Toronto: The Women's Educational Press, 1979), 153.
2. Amstrong and Nelles, Revenge of the Methodist Bicycle Company, 8.
3. Strange, "From Modem Babylon," 256; Strange, Toronto 's Girl Problern, 14.
4. Arthur S. Link and Richard L. McCodck, Progressivism (Arlington Heights, Il. :Harlan Davidson, l983), 2.
5. Lynn D. Gordon, Gender and Higher Educaiion in the Progressive Era (New Haven, Ct.: Yale University Press, 1990), 1-4.
6. Link and McCormick, Progressivism, 22.
7. ibid., 23-24.
8. Strange, Toronto 's Girl Problem, 102.
9. Roger Hutchinson, "The Canadian Sociai Gospel in the Context of Christian Social Ethics," in The Social Gospel in Canada: Papers of the Interdisciplinary Conference on the Social Gospel in Canadu, ed., Richard Allen (Ottawa: National Museum of Canada, 1973), 286-89; David B. Marshall, Secdariring the Fairh: The Canadian Protestant Clergy and the Crisis ofBeliej; 1850-1 940 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, l992), 4-6.
10. Richard Allen, "The Sociai Gospel and Reform Tradition in Canada, 1890-1930," in Prophecy and Profest: Social Movements in Twentiefh-Century Canada, ed. S.D. Clark, J. Paul Grayson and Linda M. Grayson (Toronto: Gage Publishing, 1975), 45-46. Chapter one provided an examination of works relevant to this topic. The premise behind this bnef reexamination is to contextualize the moral reform and social gospel movements in terms of their relationship to social behaviour and leisure practices.
1 1. Richard Allen, "The Background of the Social Gospel in Canada," in The Social Gospel in Canada: Papers of the Interdisciplinary Conference on the Social Gospel in Canada, ed., Richard Allen, (Ottawa: National Museum of Canada, 1973), 3-5.
12. Richard Allen, The Sociul Passion: Religion and Sociul Refom in Canada, 1914-1928 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1971), 3-4; 6.
13. Ramsay Cook, The Regenerators: Social Criticism in Late Victorian EngZish Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985), chapter 1; Marshall, Semlmking the Faith, 35-38. Predestination rneant that individuals could contribute little toward their own sdvation. Rather, they wouid have to wait for divine interventiodaction.
14. Brian J. Fraser, The Social Uplifiers: Presbyterian Progressives and the Social Gospel in Canada, 1875-1915 (Waterloo: Wilfnd Laurier University Press, 1988), 43; Allen, "The Background of the Social Gospel," 28-29.
15. Howard L. Kaye, The Social Meaning of Biology: From Social Danvinism ro Sociobiolugy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986), 12.
16. Cook, The Regenerators, 4, 17.
17. Jefiey COX,The English Churches in Seculm Society: Lambeth, 1870-1930 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982), 265-276.
18. S.D. Clark, J. Paul Grayson and Linda M. Grayson, "The Social Gospel and Early Reform," in Prophecy und Protest: Social Movernents in Twentieth-Century Canada, ed. S.D. Clark, J. Paul Grayson and Linda M. Gray son (Toronto: Gage Publishing, 1975),4 1-42.
19. Linda Keaiey, "Introduction," in Not an Unremnuble Claim: Women and Reform in Canada, 1880s-1BOS, ed. Linda Kealey (Toronto: The Women's Educationd Press, 1979), 3; Mariana Vdverde, The Age of Light, Soap and Water: Mo4Reform in EngIish Canada, 1885-1925 (London: McCleIland & Stewart, l98S), 15.
20. Valverde, nie Age of Lighl. Soap und Water, 16.
2 1. Alfied A. Hunter, Class Tells All: On Social Equulity in Canada, 2nd ed. (Toronto: Butterworths, 1%6), chapter 12.
22. Vdverde, The Age of Light, Soap and Water, 15.
23. Ibid., 32; Paul Rutherford, "Toronto's Metropolis: The Urban Reform Movement in Canada, 1880- 1920," in The Canadian Ci& Essays in Urbun Histo~,ed. Gilbert A. Stelter and Alan F.J. Artibise (Toronto: Macmillan Company, l966), 370-371.
24. Strange, Toronto 3 Girl Problem, 11 2.
25. Allen, The Social Passion, 8; Strange, "From Modem Babylon," 258. 26. Lynne Marks, Revivuls and Roller Rinh: Religion, Leisure und Identity in Late- Nineteenth Century Small-Town Ontario (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996), 16 1 - 165.
27. Strange, "From Modem Babylon," 257-58; Alice Klein and Wayne Roberts, "Besieged innocence: The 'Problem' and the Problems of Working Women - Toronto 1896- 19 14," in Women at Work in Ontario, 1850-1930, ed. Janice Acton, Penny Goldsmith and Bonnie Shepard (Toronto: Canadian Women's Education Press, 1974), 2 14- 17; Strange, Toronto 's Girl Problem, 104; Kealey ,"Introduction," 7.
28. Nancy Adamson, Linda Briskin and Margaret McPhail, Feminists Organking for Change: The Contemporary Woman 's Movement in Canada (Toronto: Oxford Universi~ Press, l988), 3 1-32.
29. J.J. Kelso, Early History of the Humme and Children S Aid Movement in Ontario. 1886- 1893 (Toronto: L.K. Cameron, 191 1). Kelso founded the Children's Aid Society in Toronto, ibid., 68-76.
30. Desmond Morton, Mayor Howland: The Citizen 's Candidate (Toronto: Hakkert, 1973), 56; Armstrong and Nelles, The Revenge of the Methodist Bicycle Company, 5 1-passim; David F. Howell, "The Social Gospel in Canadian Protestantism, 1895- 1925: Implications for Sport" (P1i.D diss., University of Alberta, 1980), 34-3 5.
3 1. Gale Wills, A Murriage of Cornenience: Business and Social Work in Toronto. 1918- 1957 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999, 18.
32. Howell, "The Social Gospel in Canadian Protestantism," 34-35.
33. Diana Pedersen, "'Keeping our Good Girls Good': The YWCA and the 'Girl Problem,' 1870- 1930," Canadiun Women 's Studies 7, no. 4 ( 1986), 20-4. Most settlement houses attempted to provide facilhies and seMces to males and fernales, regardless of age. Some, however, extended a special effort toward b'helpîng'7single working women. These will be discussed in more detail below. For a wmprehensive discussion of the Settlement Movement in Toronto see, Patricia O'Co~or,Good Neighbours: A History of the Toronto Settlement House Movement, 1910-1985 (Toronto: Toronto Association of Neighbourhood Services, 1986), this is a seven volume series. Also see, Allen Irving, Haniet Parsons and Donald Bellamy, Neighbours: Three Social Settlements in Downtown Toronto (Toronto: Canadian Scholars Press, 1995).
34. Alison Prentice, Paula Bourne Cuthbert, Beth Light, Wendy Mitchinson and Naomi Blac k, Canadian Women: A History (Toronto: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 198 8), 177.
3 5. Strange, Toronto s Girl Problem, 1 77-1 80.
3 6. Morton, Mayor Howland, 37. 37. United Church Archives (hereafter UCA), File 77.714L, 905.1, Trinity United Circuir Register 1905- 19 1 3 ;UCA Methodist Church, Department of Evangelism and Social Service (hereafter DESS), Minutes of the Annual Meering of the GenerulBoard, 2 1-22 October 19 13; UCA Series 1,96.026L-2. Several Senior level Eaton's employees were also members of the Moral and Social Reform League at various times in conjunction with andlor overlapping Archibalci's tenure.
38. Valverde, The Age of Light, Soap and Water, 53-55; Howell, "The Social Gospel in Canadian Protestantisrn," 2.
39. The Scribe, Golden Jubilee, 1869-1919: A Book to Cornmernorate the Fifrieth Anniversary of the T. Eaton Company (Toronto: The T. Eaton Company, 19 19), 7 1.
40. Phyllis Airhart, Serving the Presenf Age: Revivalism. Progressivzsm and the Methodist Tradition in Cana& (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1992), 76-77; Marshall, Secularizing the Faith, 69.
4 1. Joy Santink, Timothy Eaton and the Rise of His Department Store (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1WO), 34.
42. William Stephenson, The Store that Timothy Built (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1969), 19.
43. Marshall, Secularizing the Faith, 35-3 8.
44. The Scribe, Golden Jubilee, 73; John Basset, Timothy Eatm (Toronto: Fitzhenry & Whiteside, 1975),20.
45. Santink, Timothy Eoton, 24.
46. Ibid., 160-1 61.
47. Eaton Collection, Archives of Ontario (hereafter EC-AO) F-299-22 1-0- 186. Letter dated 5 March 1894.
48. EC-A0 F-229-6. For example, Timothy Eaton donated approximately $2000.00 to the Young Women's Christian Guild in approximately 1892; EC-A0 F-229-47, a note attached to donations for the Revelstoke Presbyterian Church building fund asked that the recipient "kindly ...not trouble to put our name on the quilt" that was being made to acknowledge the donors.
49. Jesse E. Middleton, The Munic@ality of Toronto: A Hisrory, vol. 1 (Toronto: The Dominion Publishing Company, l923), 2. 50. Henry James Morgan, The Canadiafi Men and Women of the Tirne: A Hond-book of Candian Biography of LNing Characrers, 2nd. ed., (Toronto, William Briggs, 19 12), 363. The reference to Carnegie is attributed to an article on Sir John Craig Eaton fkom Saturdqy Nighr (n d,n.p.).
5 1. Eaton's philanthropy is defined as donations made by individuals, such as directors and senior executives, and employees affiliated with the Company, as well as donations made in the name of the Company itself. Middleton, The Municipaiity of Toronto, 4; The Scribe, Golden Jihilee, 107- 108. Married men continued to receive their full wage while single men received half their regular salary. There is no mention of any women serving during the First World War, therefore, it is not possible to comment on any compensation they may or may not have received.
52. Appendix 1provides a more comprehensive list of Eaton's donations for the period 19 12- 1938. House of Commons, Special Cornmittee on Price Spreads and Mass Buying, vol. 3 (Ottawa: J.O. Patenaude, 1934), 3478. Figures for employee average salaries caiculated from Table 2.
53. Marks, Revivals and RolZer Rinks, 142, 165.
54. Ibid., 166; EC-AO, F-229-22 1-0-1 86, see the letter fiom T. Eaton to Herbert A. Booth, Office of the Commissioner, Temtorial War Office, The Salvation Army, Toronto dated 27 February 1894; EC-AO, F-229-6, see the letter fiom Mrs. Cornelia Booth, Temtorial Headquarters, The Salvation Amy- Toronto, to T. Eaton dated 18 November 1895; EC-A0 F-229- 128.
55. Wils, A Marriage of Convenience, 35.
56 Ibid., 5-6.
57. EC-A0 F-229-64,Box 3. This memo was dated 23 June 1937 and was directed at Group Managers, Section and Department Heads, and Assistant Department Heads.
58. Ibid.
59. EC-A0 F-22947, dated 17 November 1906.
60. Pedersen, "'Keeping our Good Girls Good,'" 23.
6 1. Prentice et al., Canadian Women, 177.
62. Strange, Toronto 's Girl Problem, 177- 178; Wills, A Murriage of Convenience, 16-1 8.
63. Pedersen, "'Keeping Our Good Girls Good, "' 2 1-23 ;Wills, A Marriage of Cornenience, 16; Strange, Toronm 's Girl Problem, 178- 179. 64. William H. Men, "Fresh Air Work" The Ands of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 23 (Jan. - June 1904), 465-470. Allen was a member of the New York Association for Improving the Condition of the Poor.
65. Strange, Toronto 's Girl Problem, 206-207.
66. Wills, A Mmiage of Comtenience, 18.
67. David F. Howell, "The Social Gospel in Canadian Protestantisrn," 10.
68. Ibid., 9; Airhart, Serving the Present Age, 66. Both these agencies worked together to develop and conduct social surveys on Canadian cities in an effort to identiQ sources of vice and to combat it. The Eaton family were staunch, active Methodists as noted in chapter 1 and 3 -
69. Airhart, Serving the Present Age, 10% 108; Marshall, Senrlarizing the Faith, 149- 15 1; Howell, "The Social Gospel in Canadian Protestantism," 9-10.
70. UCA, DESS AnnuaZ Report, 1909- 19 10. 7 1. Valverde, The Age of Light, Soap and Wafer, 53. 72. Airhart, Serving the Present Age, 24.
73. UCA, DESS Annual Report, 191 1-19 12.
74. UCA, DESS Annual Report, 19 12- 19 13.
75. UCA, DESS Annual Report, 1924-25.
76. UCA, DESS Annuai Reports, 1912-1913; 1914-1915; 1919-1920; 1920-1921.
77. John Clarke and Chas. Cntcher, The Devil Makes Wurk: Leisure in Capitalisî Britain (Urbaaa: University of lllinois Press, 19 85), 49.
78. Eileen Yeo and Stephen Yeo, "Ways of Seeing: Control and Leisure Versus Class and Struggle," in Popular Culhue and CZas Conflict 1590-1914: Explorations Ni the History of Labour and Leisure, ed. Eileen Yeo and Stephen Yeo (Sussex: The Harvester Press, 198 1), 133-135.
79. Clarke and Critcher, The Devil Makes Work, 55-60.
80. Yeo and Yeo, "Ways of Seeing," 138.
8 1. Valverde, nie Age of light, Soap and Waer,29. 82. Barbara Schrodt, "Sabbatarianism and Sport in Canadian Society," Journal of Sport History 4, no. 1 (1977), 22.
83. Ibid., 22-23.
84. Armstrong and Nelles, The Revenge ofrhe Methodist Bicycle Company, 50-51. See this work for a cornprehensive analysis of the S~etcarissue.
85. Bruce Kidd, The Strugglefor Canadian Sport (Toronto: Universi@ of Toronto Press, 1996), 19.
86. Schrodt, "Sabbatarianism and Sport," 23.
87. Ibid., 28.
89. Strange, Toronto s Girl Problem, 1 1 8.
90. Armstrong and Nelles, The Revenge of the Methodist Bicycle Company, 57-59. Supporters also argued that Sunday cars would improve church attendance.
9 1. Armstrong and Nelles, The Revenge of the Methodist Bicycle Company, 1 15; Stmnge, "From Modem Babylon," 262.
92. EC-AO,F-229-221-0-186. Eaton surveyed his staff at the opening of the meeting regarding whether or not they supported Sunday streetcars. Of the fifteen men present, one was in favour of the cars, one abstained and twelve were opposed. Eaton did not vote.
93. Strange, "From Modem Babylon," 262.
94. Govemment of Canada, as cited in Schrodt, "Sabbatarianism and Sport," 25.
95. Schrodt, "Sabbatarianism and Sport," 24-27.
96. Gene Howard Homel, "Sliders and Backsliders: Toronto's Sunday Tobogganing Controversy of 191 2," Urban History Review 10, no. 2 (Oct. 198 1), 25.
98. Howell, "The Social Gospel in Canadian Protestantism," 226.
99. Roy Rosenweig, Eight Hours for What We Will: Workers and Leisure in an Industria/ City, 1870-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 60; Mary Joplin Clarke "Report of the Standing Cornmittee on Neighbourhood Work," inSaving the Canadian City: The First Phare. 1880-1920, ed. Paul Rutherford (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, [19 17, 1974), 175-76; UCA, DESS Mimrtes of the Annual Meeting of the General Board, 3-5 September 19 18.
100. UCA, DESS Minutes of the Annual Meeting of the General Board, 2 1 -22 October 1 9 13.
101. Cynthia Wright, '"Ferninine Trifies of Vast Importance': Writing Gender into the History of Consumption," in Gender Conflcts: New Essqys »t Women 's Hislory, ed. Franca Iacovetta and Mariana Valverde (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1992), 235-236; Marshall, Seculurizing the Faith, 127- 1 28.
102. Kathy Peiss, Cheap Amusements: Working Women and Leisure in Turn-of-the-Cenf ury Nav York (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, l986), 179.
103. Ibid.
104. Strange, Toronto 's Girl Pro&lem, 14- 15; Peiss, Cheap Amu~emenis,1 78. The issue of commercial amusements and girls and women will be discussed in detail in chapter four.
105. David Nasaw, Goitzg Out: The Rise and Full of Public Amusements (New York: Basic Books, 1993), 13-14; Rosenweig, Eight Hours, 36.
106. Clarke, "Report of the Standing Committee," 175.
107. Nasaw, Going Out, 10 1; Morton, Mayor Howlund, 62.
108. Peiss, Cheap Amusements, 29.
109. Michael Kiuckner, Toronto: The Wrs, it Was (Toronto: Whitecap Books, 1988), 204.
110. UCA, DESS,"Report of the Committee on Commercidized Amusements," Minutes of the Annuai Meeting of the Generd Boord, 2 1-22 October 191 3.
11 1. Rosenweig, Eight Hours, 55; Peiss, Cheap Amusements, 2 1; Nasaw, Going Oui, 10 1.
112. G.P. de T. Glazebrook, The Story of Toronto (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1971), 219; Kluckner, Toronto: The Way it War,56-57.
11 3. Nasaw, Going Out, 191 ; Peiss, Cheap Amusements, 140- 14 1, 149; Rosenweig, Eight Hours, 193-198.
1 14. Social Survey Commission, Report of the Social Swey Commission of Toronto (Toronto: The Carswell Co., 19 15)- 5 1, hereafter SCC, Report ofihe SSC.
1 15. UCA DESS, "Report of the Committee on Commercialized Amusements," Minutes of the AnndMeeting of the Generul Board, 2 1-22 October, 19 13. 116. Ibid.
117. SSC, Report of the SSC, 52.
1 18. Rosenweig, Eight Hours, 192- 194; Peiss, Cheq Amusements, 149- 158,98- 104.
1 19. Rosenweig, Eight Hours, 195.
120. Strange, Toronto 's Girl Problem, 146-47.
121. Peiss, Cheap Amusements, 106.
122. Peiss, Cheap Amusements, 15 8; Nasaw, Going Our, 104- 1 12.
123. SSC, Report of the SSC, 50-54.
124. Peiss, Cheap Amusements, 6-8.
125. Strange, '%rom Modem Babylon," 265-266.
126. Peiss, Cheap Amusements, 151. Behaviour relating to drink also related to concems over temperance and morality.
127. Strange, "From Modem Babylon," 273.
128. Strange, Toronto 's Girl Problem, 186: Strange, "From Modem Babylon," 269.
129. UCA, DESS, "Report of the Committee on the Church and the City Cornmunity," Minutes of the Annual Meeting of the General Board, 3-5 September 19 18. Emphasis added. l 30. Marshall, SecuZarizing the Fuith, 13 1; SSC, Report of the SSC, 54-55; Howell, "The Social Gospel in Canadian Protestantism," 18 1- 182,226.
13 1. Clarke, "Report of the Standing Committee," 179; SSC, Report of the SSC, 55.
132. Clarke, "Report of the Standing Committee," 180.
133. SSC, Report ofrhe SSC, 55; Howell, "The Social Gospel in Canadian Protestantism," 161.
134. Marshall, Seculurizing the Faith, 13 1. CHAPTER THN3E
THE EATON PATRIARCHY AND EATON'S ETHOS
Introduction
The preceding chapter offered a view of the broader urban social setting in which
Eaton' s operated during the late nineteenth and into the first decades of the twentieth century .
This was a time when urbanization and industriaiizatiori were making a mark on Toronto, especially where people's activities and actions were concemed. Further, industrializationand increased urbanization contributed to changes in manufachiring and improved transportation.
Concurrent with these changes was a general improvement in the standard of living and the nse of a materiallysriented consumer culture. This new socioeconornic direction also led to problems related to social decay.'
These processes and changes, while afTecting almost every aspect of life, had a particular impact on retailing practices. Slowly haggling over prices and the barter system of payment gave way to fixed prices and paying by cash. These changes surfaced during the mid- to late-nineteenth century and continued into the twentieth century as businesses adopted a scientific management approach to controlling operations, improving employee performance and efficiency, thereby enhancing customer relations and increasing profits.'
By the mid-nineteenth century, the drapery establishment had given way to the larger departmentalized store. By the end of that century, the department store, as it carne to be called, had becorne an international phenornenon. In a similar fashion, and around the same tirne, the Bon Marché in Paris, William Whitely's Emporium in London, Macy's Department 89
Store in New York and the T. Eaton Company Ltd. (Toronto), were tmnsformed nom small retail operations into mammoth enterprises.'
[nitially a smail enterprise, Timothy Eaton's store eventually transformed Canadian retail practices, Muenced employee-employer relations and became part of Canadian culture. This was "[a] store that has grown almost with the country itseif and whose geographic spread parailed that of the nation [which could not] fail to . . . have a major impact on the life in that country." As a leading business force in Canada, and Toronto in particular Eaton's would become a major employer of women.
Yet what was the nature of Eaton's? In examining this question, this chapter endeavours to explore its background, examine the major players, and investigate Eaton's retationship to the reform movements of the period in order to identify Eaton's ethos (i.e., philosophy that informed family and Company decisions); and, in tum, explain how that ethos was reflected in the company's treatment of its employees.
Historical Context And Key Plavers5
Timothv Eaton and his Store
Examining Eaton's requires examining its founder, Timothy Eaton, for "the store at al1 times assumes his persona, ferociously independent, aggressive in manner, practical and functional in character, blunt and abrupt in action, and progressive by nature." His pnvate convictions and persona combined with his business attitudes to create the çtamp of the store and his policies and principles were passed on fkom president to president. One clear exarnple of this was Timothy Eaton's opposition to tobacco and alcohol. They were not aiiowed in his home, nor were they sold in the storeO6
Born in Clogher, Irelami, near Belfast, in the mid-1803s,Timothy Eaton Nüted his retailing training when apprenticed to a draper, William Smith, who was a distant relative by mamage. Du~ghis service, Eaton:
. . . learned about the type of employer he wotdd never be. The image of Smith and his inhumanity to his workers . . . Smith never relaxed the master- slave relationship . . . [fostered] in [Eaton] an implacable hatred of class distinction based on the power of wealth.'
Upon completion of his apprenticeship, in 1857, Eaton emigrated to Canada, settling first in
Kirkton and then St. Mary's, (now St. Marys) in what is now Ontario, where he evenhially joined his brother James in the dry goods business. Timothy brought a strong sense of employee welfare and a "profound veneration for the Sabbath . . . and respect for moral law" to business practices. In 1869 Eaton moved to Toronto, having determined that his innovative business practices (e.g., cash only, no bartering) were better suited to a larger environment. This move was the impetus for significant changes in Canadian retailing pracrices. Toronto gave Eaton the oppomuiity to expand his employee relations practices and his work with the Methodist Church and assorted charities?
The notion of free will and self&temnination held a certain appeal for this nsing entrepreneur. Eaton's emphasis on personal engagement was critical to the success of his store. He was "a fhn believer in the need for ever great efforts, he was govemed not only by the prevailing work ethic but also by a strong a belief in a God who was willing to help those who helped thernse~ves.'~To that end, Timothy Eaton wanted his employees to take an active interest in the business, and those who did so were rewarded for their efforts. For 91 example, Olive O. Cox saw her salary rise fiom $3.00 a week to $13.00 between 1904 and
1917, "on account of interest taken in [her] work."" Eaton also wanted his employees to view him as their fiend and he ofien called them "associates" rather than employees. This, he felt, would foster a sense of loyalty. This loyaity was also essentiai to the success of the store:
Mr. Eaton wanted his workers to be partners in the business of public service. He reckoned that he couid never operate a public service organization based upon absolutely square deal principles unless he had loyal people; and loyalty was conditioned upon interest which must be of a personal nature. l1
Nevertheless, such loydty would not develop merely through fiendship and involvement.
Eaton aiso realized that the welfare of his employees was a critical element.12
This concern for employee welfare, while paternalistic, was a consistent and endurhg aspect of Eaton's business and personal phil~sophy.'~Running a protitable business was essentiai; however, Timothy Eaton was equally concemed with improving people's lot in life. To that end, Timothy Eaton ardently supported shorter working hours, better pensions and sick benefits. Tnese were key elements in what was to become the Eaton's employees' welfare scheme. They also reflect Timothy Eaton's belief that such practices would develop heaithy, contented workers.14
Consistent with these convictions was Eaton's view that his employees needed recreation and the opportunity (ie. tirne) for such activities, so that they were rejuvenated for their work and religious observances. These policies wouid become part of Timothy Eaton's business legacy. Eaton died in 1907, succumbing to injuries sustained in a driving accident.
His second son, John Craig, succeeded him.'' 92
Timothy Eaton's main contribution to Canada was made through rethlliking and advancing retail practices. Less visible was the legacy of Eaton's wife, Margaret's. "Maggie"
Eaton was an instrumental, aibeit background figure, in the development of the store.
Serving as one of the original board members when Timothy formed the company in
Toronto, she was considered the 'bofficid welfare officer of the company," besides being a sounding board for her husbaod's business ideas!
Marearet Wilson Eaton and Her School
While "Maggie" Eaton's contributions to the company and early employee welfare programs are significant, it is her contribution to education, particuiarly physical education, that is perhaps the most enduring. Havhg expressed a lifelong interest in education and the theatre, Margaret Eaton became involved with The School of Expression." This Toronto- based school was founded in 1901 by Emma Scott RafX, with the encouragement of
Nathaniel Bwash, prominent Methodist minister and Chancellor of Victoria University.
During the school's early years its curriculum focussed on the interpretation of literature, voice production problems and physical education. "
By 1905 The School of Expression had outgrown its small quarters. In atternpting to remedy the problern of finding new space, Scott RafYapproached Timothy Eaton for help.
Eaton, in tum, directed ber to secure help fkom Dr. Burwash in purchashg land for a new facility. in the end the "land, building and furnishings were the gift of Mr. Timothy Eaton for his wife."I8
The school was incorporated in 1906 under the name of "The Margaret Eaton School 93 of Literature and Expression" WS].This "new" school had a twofold purpose, "30establish the highest standards in the training of teachers of Literature, Dramatic Art and Physical
Education, and to fumish speciai courses for personai c~lture."'~The initial Board of
Directors included Timothy Eaton, Dr. Burwash, who also served as President of the School.
Mrs. Maggie Eaton, and John Craig Eaton. Besides being one of the first such schools, MES provided women with an opportunity to teach women."
The popularity of the school and its program necessitated Merexpansion. New facilities at 415 Yonge Street were secured. Originally the building housed the Central
Branch of the Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA). In 19 17, the complex was purchased by the T. Eaton Company for use by the Eaton Girls' Club (EGC).As the EGC ody used the facility only during the evening, the club made the space available to MES for daytime use. This complex included "a well-equipped gymnasium, a sanitary swimming tank, offices, common rooms, and [a] cafeteria . . . ," al1 of which were shared jointly by
MES and the Eaton Gir1s"CIub."
Graduates of MES would eventually find careers with YWCAs, settlement houses, sumrner camps and the Recreation Department of the T.Eaton Company. In 1942 MES merged with the University of Toronto to become that univenity's physical education department, servuig as the foundation for the first undergraduate program in physical education in Canada The school and all its facilities and equipment were made a gift to the
University of Toronto fiom Eaton's Board of ~uectors."From the outset until its merger with the University of Toronto, "MES provided one of the fht and, until 1941, the most comprehensive program of instruction for those interested in teaching physicai education, particularly women physicai ed~catars.''~
Like Father, Like Son? - Sir John Craip Eaton
Born in Toronto in 1876, John Craig Eaton was educated at the Toronto Mode1
School before furthering his formal education at Upper Canada College. His business training began at an early age when he started working in his father's store on Saturdays and during school holidays?'
As with many budding executives, the younger Eaton started his business career at the bottom as a parcel boy, then moved through the ranks as a clerk, by working in the payroll office, and as a floorwalker. Eaton also worked in the employment office, the mail order branch, and as a manager in several departments. This early, diverse training would ultimately lead to his being made a director of the business in 1898. In 1900 his father made him vice-presesident and a Company director upon the death of his older brother, Edward
Young Eaton."
John Craig (Jack) Eaton was an outgoing, fun-loving socialite who surrounded himself in the trappings of wealth. An ardent sportsman, Jack Eaton engaged in motonng and yachting, and also supported and helped develop various other sporting endeavo~rs.~~He was
"a fine sportsman. He was a lover of God's out-ofdoors. In every manly and healthy fom of amusement and recreaîïon, he had a fnendly interest." Sir John's activities and demeanour present a stark contrast to his austere, deeply religious father. Yet, he was his father's sonsz7
John Craig Eaton's first major challenge as vice-president was the development, construction and operation of the Winnipeg store, which opened in 1905. Modelled 95 structurally, operatiodyand philosophically after the Toronto store, this new enterprise was the first significant expansion of The T. Eaton Co. Limited.*'
The younger Eaton's second and perhaps rnost daunting challenge came with acceptance of the presidency of the company when his father died in 1907. While more flamboyant and outgoing than Timothy Eaton, John Craig Eaton shared the same philosophical views toward the operations of Eaton's, especially where employee welfare was concemed. Policies and practices introduced by the father were continued and, more often than not, improved and expanded by the son. Two significant advancemens were the expansion of the Saturday half-holiday and em ployee we~fare.~'
Like his father, John Craig Eaton cared deeply for his employees, viewing and treating them as family. But also like his father, the younger Eaton strongly opposed unions and was fairly successful in excluding them fiom the c~rnpany.'~For example, Eaton's manufachiring process for cloaks changed fiom predominantly manual to machine labour in the early part of the twentieth cenhiry. The company vowed tbat no jobs wouid be lost in the transition; however, the employees wanted this guaranteed in writing. The company balked and the ensuing conflict resulted in a wallcout and lockout. Mer much negotiation and prodding fiom various sources, Jack Eaton "agreed to settie on the condition that no celebration mark his decision."-" Unfortunately a spontaneous celebration erupted, dashing the possibility of settlement. Eaton's next offer was "reinstatement without concession" providing the employees "apologize." The workers refused and held out for an additional fifieen weeks before giving up and retuming to their jobs. That these workes rehimed to the company suggests that, despite their protest, things were not always bad at Eaton's. It also illustrates the company's resolve against
Also like his father, Jack Eaton could be extremely charitable and paternalistic. This generosity is clearly demo-ted by his continuing to pay the salaries of Eaton's men who enlisted for World War 1. Other examples include providing funding for educational purposes, covering medical expenses of employees and paying employees' life insurance premiums .33
Upon his father's death, full responsibility for the operation of the company shifted to John Craig Eaton upon his father's death. While he ran the company with the assistance of several capable men, including family members, ultimately "ail decisions were his alone."
Sir John received additional support in operating the business fiom his wife Flora McCrae
~aton?
Flora McCrae Eatoa
Flora McCrae entered the Eaton clan upon her marriage to Sir John in 1901. The
McCrae and Eaton families had very similar backgrounds. Both were Irish immigrants and staunch Methodists, "brought up to participate regularly in the duties of church and home.'"'
They appear to have been a good match, sharhg a similar temperament and view of life, and both had a strict Christian ~pbringing.~~
From the beginning of the mamage Lady Eaton's involvement in the company was more or less idormal. Her early introduction to the Company was made by Sir John and her father-in-law, Timothy Eaton. In recounting this expenence, Lady Eaton noted, ". . . it was my father-in-law . . . who taught me mod about business. And what 1 learned fiom the founder of the Company is still valid, still good practice in business t~day."~'
Lady Eaton's activities expanded around 191 8 when her general concem for the company's female employees resulted in the establishment of "Eaton Welfare Secretaries."
These were four hundred women employees, in various aspects ofthe Company's operations, who were to act as confidantes for other female employees who might not have anyone to turn to in difficult times. This informal action and cornmitment changed in 192 1, when Flora
McCrae Eaton was made a company director by her h~sband.~'Lady Eaton's concem for and actions regarding employee welfme dernonstrated that, ". . . in many ways she was the wide- awake conscience and prodder of Eaton management in the field of employee relations. Her deep conviction . . . [was] that a staffs personai goodwill and confidence constituted a primary Company a~set."'~
Lady Eaton's efforts were significant. She may have been a key player, dong with her husband, in ternis of employee relations:
As an Eaton's director, 1 was largely interested in Company-and-employee relations, and in improvement of employee welfare and benefits. I became an active inspecter of al1 Company buildings, in Toronto and elsewhere, As Jack's wife 1had been thoroughly imbued with the Eaton tradition . . . [andl the question of employees' hours and holidays were always important to both of
Lady Eaton's business role intensified upon her husband's death in 1922. Serving as a vocal and active director, she was later made a vice-president under the presidency of
Robert Young [R.Y.]Eaton, Timothy's nephew. Lady Eaton served the company as a director for twenty-one years, seven as vice-president, before retiring in 1942."
Sir John Craig Eaton died of influenza in 1922,just shy of his forty-sixth birthday. He appears to have ken a chenshed figure as the following attests:
Sir John, who was kindness personified and made you feel proud of the privilege of king an employee of The T. Eaton Co. His early death came as a great shock to us all and caused deep sorrow to each and every one of the employees, who felt they had indeed lost a personal fkiend.'2
None of Su John and Lady Eaton's children was old enough to assume the reins of the company in 1922. As a resuit, Sir John was succeeded by his cousin R.Y. Eaton, who had been first vice-president at the tirne. The main condition of his presidency was that he would serve in that capacity until Sir John's youngest child reached the age of twenty-seven years.
R.Y. Eaton was Eaton's third president, perfomùng that role fiom 1922 until his retirement
Robert Youne (RY.) Eaton
R.Y. Eaton was brought to Canada in 1902 by his uncle Timothy Eaton to serve as company secretary. By 19 11 he had become a vice-president. While an effective businessman to that point, many of his major contributions would corne during his tenure as president.*
R.Y. Eaton was a stark contrast to his seemingly engaging cousin John Craig. In fact,
R.Y.was more probably closer in personality to his uncle Tirnothy in that he was an "austere, conservative and shrewd busine~sman.''''~Yet, despite his rather dour demeanour, he was respected by his associates and employees dike. His popularity with employees was for two reasons: his concem for their individual and collective well-being and his recognition of latent ability?
Despite this popularity amongst employees and colleagues, R.Y. Eaton remained 99 outside the public eye for the most part. His quiet, reserved demeanour did not attract the public spotlight, uniike his cousin Sir John Craig Eaton. His business practices were extensions of the work comrnenced by his predecessors. He carried on Sir John's efforts in tems of employee welfare. As for business endeavours, he continued the policies and practices started by his uncle, but although "R.Y.had the deepest veneration for his uncle
Timothy's principles and methods, he was sufficientlyflexible to move with the times.'"' Yet despite his efforts, R.Y. Eaton remained in the shadows behùid numerous developments and innovations at Eat~n's.~~
The evidence indicates that each president, Timothy Eaton, Sir John Craig Eaton, and
R.Y.Eaton, placed his own stamp on the company. Each offered a different leadership style, yet they shared many commonaiities, including philosophies on the proper treatment of humanity. Devout Methodists, the three presidents gave of their the and resources to various philanthropie and social agencies. Each also had a strong cornmitment to employee welfare. In combination with Margaret Wilson Eaton and Flora McCrae Eaton and their voices of matemal ferninism, each of these individuals influenced the operation of the company and, particularly, the treatment of ernp~oyees.~~
The Eaton Famiiy And Ernplovee Welfare
The Eaton family's concem for the well-being of others was not Iimited to, or mirent nom, their concern for the employees or "associates" of the company.From the fust days in Toronto through the depression of the 1930s, Eaton's demonstrated a willingness to improve employees' lot in life through a variety of programs and facilitiedO 1O0
Starting with the founder, this benevolence reflected a cornmitment to improving humanity's lot. In tenns of business practices, this meant being a proponent of shorter workuig hours, company hotidays, better pensions, employee welfare schemes and sick and vacation benefits. Eaton's actions and activities represented both the family's and the company's belief in a "cradie to grave responsibility" to their employees." Unlike the company's and family's socidly-directed aitniism, intemal humanitarianism had implicit strings attached, as the various programs, benefits and wages provided were often conferred with the expectation of fostering employee loyalty.'*
In addition, company welfare schemes were neither conceived nor împlemented by the Directors. Many of the ideas and the means for executing them came fiom Eaton's
Advisory Board. This Board consisted of approximately 18 to 20 senior male managers and executives. Also, the Board was divided into subcommittees whose jurisdiction and responsibilities reflected varying aspects of Eaton's overall operation (see Appendix DI for organizationai schematics detailing location of Advisory Board and subcommittees in the company hierarchy).13
The subcommittees ini tially met bimonthly and heard proposais fkom De partment
Heads and First Assistants. This latter group met rnonthly to consider issues related to their respective responsibilities, as well as various phases of Eaton's operation. The presentation of recommendations from the Heads and Assistants then went through the subcommittees to the Board and then to the Directors. This process was felt to provide representation of issues and concerns of al1 ievels of the company. Rarely did the Board of Directon dismiss proposais and recommendations fiom the Advisory Board." 101 Furthemore. the assistance and programs served other purposes that benefited the company, such as decreased absenteeism and increased and improved productivity. Thus, while employees gained fiom the company's largesse, those benefits were reciprocal.
Time 0fE Eariy CIosing and Workhr Hours
One of the most significant and earliest benefits extended to Eaton employees. particularly those working in the store, was the reduction in the length of the work day and the introduction of the Saturday half-holiday. These changes to customary operating procedures placed Eaton's at the forefiont of business praciices and eamed the company enhanced employee support and loyalty, while sirnultaneously putting the company at odds with most of its customers.
Changes to the length of the work day and work week coincided with the rise of the
Early Closing Movement in Canada This movement originated in England in the 1840s and its supporters drew attention to shop assistants' inability to undertake "healthful recreation and persona1 education" because of the long hours they were required to work. Timothy
Eaton was probably aware of this movernent before it developed in Canada as he did not emigrate fiom ireland until the 1850~.'~
The movernent for improved working hours surfaced in Toronto in 1853 with the founding of the Early Closing Association. This early initiative met with limited success.
However, the Association did draw attention to the implications of limited recreation time on regularchurch attendance. That is, with only Sunday available to them, people might have opted to punue leisure activities rather than attend church. This was a thomy issue for 102
Timothy Eaton because he was a strict Sabbatarian. Eaton even approached his own minister at EhStreet Methodist Church in an attempt to Merthe cause of the Early Closing
Association. This too, even though it publicized the issue, met with limited suc ces^.^^
Typically, during the mid- to late-nineteenth cenubusiness hours were conducted fiom 8:00 a.m. to 1O:OO p.m. during the week, and 8:00 am. until 12:00 midnight on
Saturdays, with ody Sunday off. These conditions were not dissimilar to what Eaton had experienced in Ireland and the cany-over of these practices is not surprising given the number of immigrants in and around Toronto fiom England, Ireland and Scotland. Eaton himself, engaged in such customs. Despite granhg his employees a Saturday haif-holiday in 1886 (i.e., closing at 2:00 p.m.), during July and August the Eaton store remained open until 10:00 p.m. during the week."
By the late- 1880s, the issue of closing hours reached govemment attention. In 1 887 the provincial government passed the Ontario Factories Act which was designed to Iimit the hours women and children worked. The working hours of employees in shops and stores was not addressed until 1888 with the passage of the Ontario Shops Regdation Act. While women and children in factones had their hours limited to an average of 55 per week, shop employees were more likely to work an average of 74 hours per week."
Whether Company changes to working hom were in response to government legislation can be questioned. Supposedly, Timothy Eaton's argument for favouring early closing '%as that al1 boys and girls employed in the store couid go home . . . get an early tea and have a long evening for amusement and recreation." He also hoped that his employees wodd spend their leisure time outdoors in the fkesh air thereby improving their health, 1O3 spending their "haif-holidays with advantage to mind and body." Regardless, by the eariy
1890s the company had moved in a direction that would herald significant changes in employee houd9
By 1891, store employees worked 8:00 am.to 6:00 p.m., except during the Christmas season (Le., one to two weeks pnor to Christmas), when the store stayed open until 10:OO p.m. This practice made Eaton a leader among Toronto businessmen in this regard. By the mid-1890s, the 8:00 to 6:00 work day was extended to include the Christmas period.
Meanwhile, the summer closing hour (Le., July and August) was reduced to 5:00 p.m? The nine-hour work day became the standard, at least in the store, until 1904. At this the, the company reduced the Saturday work &y during the summer (i.e., June, July and August) to
8:00 a.m. to 1 :O0 p-m., while hours during the rest of the week remained the same. By 1910, the Saturday half-holiday was extended to include May and Se~ternber.~'In 19 13, the stating hou for the store was changed to 8:30 a.m. and closing time became 5:30 p.m.. except during the summer months, which remained at five o'clock. The Saiurday half-holiday was extended to dl-year round. The next year, 19 14, saw the store operating hours change once more as the closing time was set at to 5:00 p.m. for the full year. Saturdays remahed the
The next substantial change in employee hours came in 19 19 when, in celebration of the company's fiflieth anniversary, the Saturday half-holiday became a full &y off during
July and August. These full Saturdays off were referred to as "Eaton Recreation Days? In granting these changes, Sir John Craig Eaton noted that, "his father had dreamed of a time when dl men wouid toi1 five days per week, leaving one &y for recreation and another for wonhip. I'm sïmply carrying out my father's ~ishes.'~The full Saturday holiday remained in effect until t 928.6'
The invocation of full Saturday holidays met with a resounding response f?om the
Eaton's employees. Undertaking to convey their appreciation of the company's geshue, personnel of Eaton's (Toronto) engaged the local mouries in order to put on a celebration, at which they presented Sir John with an "Illuminated Address" indicating their thanks and announcing that the employees had raised $20,000 which was to be used for establishing a cot in Sir John's name at the Hospital for Sick Children, in addition to "erecting a suitable addition" to be used for X-ray equiprnent at the same hospitd. The following excerpts from that address convey employee sentiments:
On this the eve of our first dl-Saturday holiday, we the employees of the T. Eaton Co., Limited, Toronto, wish to express our sincere appreciation of your most generous and considerate action . . . in closing the entire business every Saturday aftemoon, and al1 day Saturday during the months of July and August.
This voluntary shortenhg of our working hours is a magnificent climax to the many industrial reforms which the name of "Eaton" will be associated with for some tirne. Your father, the late Timothy Eaton, gave eamest thought and unstinted aid to any measures whereby his employees might become healthier, happier and more usefd citizens . . . With this aim in view he courageously established early closing, followed by the introduction of the Saturday half-holiday for the summer months. You have ever maintained and developed this progressive policy.
In recognition of the latest proof of your leadership in this respect and of the very practical and generous form it has taken, we the many hundreds of men, women, boys and girls, who will benefit so immeasurably by the extra hours thus afTorded for rest and recreation, desire to cornmernorate the occasion with some tangible and permanent evidence of our appreciation and of the high esteem in which you are held?
Eaton's employees had given a similm "Illuminated Address" to Tirnothy Eaton several years 105
earlier, "expressing their appreciation and admiration of his fair and generous treatment," in
reiationship to the founder's efforts around the early closing heurs."
From the late 1920s onward through the 1930s, the Depression had a Iimited effect
on the hours of the cornpany's factory employees. Prior to this period, Eaton's factory
workers' week averaged 43.5 hous, in cornparison to other factories which averaged
anywhere between 48 and 52 hours per week. An average factory work day at Eaton's lasted
nom 7:45 am. until5:3 0 p.m. with an hour for lunch. In the early years of the Depression,
these employees were often given one to two days off staggered throughout the week. Store
employees worked similar hours, nom 8:30 until530, but were expected to be ready at 8:20.
During this period store employees averaged approximately 48 hours a week, while factory
workers still laboured slightly more than 43 hours. Throughout the Depression, Eaton's tx-ied
to keep as many people employed as possible by spreading available work throughout the workforce. While this manoeuver may have compromised the total eaniing power of an individual (e.g., pieceworkea in factories), it ensured that more workers took home some kind of wage?
Wa~es,Privilepes and Recreation
Early wage figures for Eaton's employees are not readily available; however, it appears that wages paid by the company were in keeping with similar operations. For example, in 19 10 the company set a minimum wage of six dollars for dl women 18 years of age and older, and proposed paying saleswomen a minimum of $7.00 per week. This is comparable to the average weekly wages for female employees in Canada during the penod 1910-191 1 (See Table 2.1)."
Eaton's cornmitment to a minimum wage predates provincial govemment initiatives which were not established until the passage of The Minimum Wage Act in 1920. This legislation set wages for femaies at $8.00 weekly for young girls and inexperienced workers, while older and experienced Mreceived $12.56. This latter wage was reduced to $12.50 per week in 1923 when economic conditions impacted upon production costs in factones.
By 1922, Eaton's had set its minimum wage at $13.00 per week for factory workers."
There is no indication of a minimum wage for Eaton's sales clerks, but during this period they were capable of achieving and surpassing the company minimum. During a period £iom 1924 to 1 925, male clerks averaged $23.48 a week, while females managed
$16.36. This is comparable or better than the Canadian average of $24.89 and $13.08, respectively. By the early years of the depression, 1930- 193 1, males at Eaton's eamed
$22 -45, an amount less than the typical Canadian wage for $28.57. The company 's females employees fared slightly better, earning $15.83 in cornparison to a national average of
$15.52.~'
Menjuxtaposed to its nearest cornpetitor, The Robert Simpson Company (Toronto),
Eaton's wage scale is comparable, if not better (See Table 3.1). Compared to Simpson's,
Eaton's tended to employ twice as many females, as well as double the number of male employees.
Even during the difficult early years of the Depression, the company continued to meet the minimum wage of $12.50 per week for experienced, adult females (i.e., over the age of 18 years). hexpenenced employees received $10.00 per week for their first six months ?" 7
'OC 1 v I
I 1O8
and then $1 1.O0 for the next six months until they eventually achieved the minimum $12.50.
During this period married male employees earned an average of $18.00 weekly, while their
single couterparts over 2 l yem of age received $13.00. Single males under 2 1 eamed $8.00
per week. Young factory girls, those under the age of 18 years, started at $6.00 per week,
advancing to $9.00 after six months, and to $10.00 weekly after one year. Evenhially, they
eamed $12.50, the minimum amount eamed by female sales clerks and experienced girls and
wornen working in the mail order operation?
Most employees saw their wages decreased between 1929 and 1933; for example,
the average wage for male employees shrank fiom $24.00 to $19.98. During this same
period, female employees saw their average eamings reduced to $14.07 fiom $16.76. Much
of this reduction was directly attributable to the economic crises caused by the Depression.
However, some of this loss, especially for piece workers in the factory, came as a result of
the Company trying to keep as many employees on the pay-roll as possible by spreading the
work among its employees. Figures in Table 3.2 illustrate this effort." Eaton's wage scheme
may not have placed it at the forefiont of the industry in terrns of employee reimbursement,
but, the extension of benefits and pnvileges to employees provided significant additional
compensation.
Priviiea
Beginning employment in a large operation such as Eaton's could be daunting. To facilitate this move, the Company presented each new employee with a booklet entitled
"Employees' Book of Information." The pamphlet provided employees with information Table 3.2 Average Number of Employees Working for Eaton's Toronto Factories, Stores and Mail Order Operation, 1929 to 1933 1929 1930 1931 1932 1933 - - - - - Toronto Stores' ------Sales Clerks 3,128 3,129 3,116 2,935 2,849 - - -- Sales, Dept. Office Clerks, Etc. 986 1,010 966 875 795 Store Workrooms, Alterations 1,254 1,265 1,174 1,069 997 Lunch Room Ernployees 569 60 1 727 694 709 Reserve Staff 118 172 149 120 157
- - - Total Toronto Stores 6,055 6,177 6,132 5,711 5,484 Factories 3,094 3,043 2,743 2,300 2,351 Factory Workrooms 757 677 666 589 554 Total Factory 3,851 3,720 3,409 2,889 2,905
- - - - Mail Order Merchandise Employees 43 1 42 1 428 385 38 1 - - - - . - - - -- Others 648 607 634 578 583 Total Mail Order 1,079 1,028 1,062 963 964
Total Toronto Employees 14,768 14,777 14,521 13,104 12,654 -- -- Male 6,574 6,597 6,460 5,828 5,546 Female 8,194 8,180 8,061 7,726 7,108 Source: Specid Cornmittee on Price Spreads and Mass Buying: Proceedings and Evidence, Volume 3.
'College Street Store, Eaton's second store, opened in 1930
'hcludes Expense Department employees, managers, executive office staff, delivery, elevator and other service department employees 110
mcessary for carrying out their duties (e.g., fïliing out sales slips), hours of operation, and
employee deportment. Of equal importance, at least fkom the employees' perspective, was
material related to employee "privileges." "Privileges' was an umbrella term used to describe
the breadth of benefits provided, as well as to indicate that such benefits were not an
employee right. Benefits under this scheme ranged fkom employee allowances to services
provided by the Welfare ~epartment."
Many of these plans were financially-oriented. For example, employees with six or
more months of se~cewere entitled to a ten percent discount on purchases made within the
store. The company also allowed employees to pay for their purchases through weekiy
payments; that is, payroll deductions. There was a ceiiing on how much couid be spent in this
fashion, as well as a maximum repayment amount per pay cheque. In this way, Eaton's could
provide financial assistance and budgeting guidance for its ernployees. The payroll deduction plan was ais0 extended to life insurance. htroduced in 1919, the company insurance plan allowed employees to pay their premiums in this manner. Eaton7salso covered ten percent of those premium costs."
in addition to helping employees stretch their eamings, the company offered employee savings plans. These took one of two forms, a straightfomd savings account or a debenture program. Prier to the Depression, employees were able to earn approximately five to six percent interest on their savings accounts. By 1936, however, this percentage decreased to three and a half. The debenture, or bond prograrn, earned six and a half to eight percent during peak years, but fell to five percent by the mid-1930~.~~
Eaton's employees could aiso enjoy educational benefits. The company placed a 111
premium on having educated employees and offered managers full support when engaging
junior male and fernale employees with hi& school or technical school training. While hiring
educated staff was certain to benefit Eaton's, the practice also reflected a class bias in that
individuals with a hi& school or technical school education, especially if they had graduated,
were likely to have corne fiom families who were relatively secure financidly and could,
therefore, afford to keep their children in school longer? That is, parents did not have to
remove their children who were legally old enough to work from school in order to place
them in the workforce as a means of supplementing the family income (e.g. in the case of
lower income fa mi lie^).'^ In contrast, children of socio-economically stable families (e.g.
families of professionais and entrepreneurs) were not needed to help support the family and
could financially afford post-secondary education."
Opportunities for educational advancement dso existed for those without the benefit
of full high school or technical school instruction, as well as for those wishing to better
themselves. Eaton's afforded its staffthe chance to take universisr extension courses, as well
as courses of a more practicd nature, through the Eaton Girls' Club and the Eaton Young
Men's Club. These two organizations served as the focal point for leisure activities at
Eaton' s. They are discussed in more detail below and in the next cha~ter.'
In addition, the Company ran a library through its Efficiency Department. Here employees could borrow books fiom four general categories: Inspirational, Efficiency,
Technical and Saiesmanship. The latter two categories provided employees with the chance to leam more about topics that had direct implications for their employment. Books fkom the
Efficiency category focussed on personnel management or how to cope with work life. The 112 Inspirational selection provided books on the lives of famous and successfûi people or focussed on motivational therne~.~'
As beneficiai as the financial and educational plans were one of Eaton's most significant endeavours was its Welfare Programs. This plan dates to the company's early days in Toronto and came to symbolize a major component of Eaton's operations by the mid-
1930s.
Em~Ioveewelfare
Employee welfare ultimately fell under the jurisdiction of the Welfare Office, and its main responsibility was to oversee employee health and recreation. Health had always been a concem of the company, while a focus on recreation evolved with the advancement of the twentieth century.
Early initiatives appear rudimentary by contemporary standards. initially such efforts involved retaining a company physician and implernenting an employee-operated visitation program. The doctor was provided space within the store to serve as office space and examination rooms for employees and customers."
The visitation program entailed regular home visits to sick employees by one or hvo of their colleagues. The idea behind the program was to keep employee spirits up and to ensure that the ailing individual was receiving proper care. It could also be argued that home visits were used to monitor employee recovery to ensure that no one lingered unnecessarily, for those off work for extended penods continued to receive their regular wage and, when necessary, coal and food? 113
This attention to employee health evolved to include the hiring of a qualified nurse, whose primary responsibility was to provide advice on proper eating, sleeping and exercise habits. Medical care was dso expanded to include three hospitals, one in each store and one in the factory, an x-ray machine, as well as a chiropodia and a dental clinic."
In addition to direct rnedical care, Eaton's paid employees' wages du~gtheir illness. lnitially this involved payment of full wages, however, by the 1930s these payments were reduced to represent only a portion of that arnount. Such a reduction in pay codd be ruinous in the days before universai health care, however, the company aiso aileviated some of the hancial distress related to extended absenteeism by covering medical costs, especiaily those encountered due to hospitalization."
Benevolence of this nature went a long way toward cementing a positive employee- employer relationship. However, this was not a one-way arrangement. Eaton's provision of health care served its purposes well. Healthy employees meant Iess time lost due to absenteeism, there was lower long-terni employee turnover; and the company did not necesçarily, have to continually train new staff.
Eaton's also showed a proactive approach to employee health by monitoring employee well-being on an ongoing basis. The following demonstrates this point:
As serious results usuaily follow neglecf we must aim to avoid neglect of health on the part of employees.
Therefore please arrange that the Welfare Secretary in your Department or some responsible person be appointed to observe da il^ eveiy employee present, and if any are at al1 indisposed advise them to take proper precautions against Muenza. Those who have already been away il1 mutbe cautioned to be extra ~areful.~~ 114
This approach, in terms of both monitoring employees and reporting those who were il1 or nin down, was designed to "maintain the highest standard of heaith amongst . . .employees," and to keep the company's "Sick List down to a minimum."" Such a strategy aiso refiects
Eaton's efforts to maintain its reputation as a "good employer." Sickly employees were sure to draw concem fiom membee of the public who could blame the store.
The T. Eaton Company's concem for employee health is clearly demonstrated through the provision of a rudimentary medical program. However, its most tangible and proactive efforts are evidenced in the company's provision of ernployee recreation.
Recreation for Em~lovees
The recreation opportunities within Eaton's can be categorized into three specific groups: Men's, Girls', and Mixed Recreation. The scope ranged fiom Company picnics, to cooperative use of facilities and to the development and provision of the company's own fa~ilities.'~
Most activities available to employees were extracunicular (e.g. der hours); however, Eaton's tried to introduce cdisthenics into the workplace. hplernented in 192 1 as a means of refieshing employees, calisthenics programs were initially embraced by 18 departrnents within the Company. That number quickly dropped to four witb a fews rnonths, and by the end of ApriI 1921, the Advisory Board deterrnined that the program shouid be discontinued due to a lack of interest, not an uncornmon fate for calisthenics programs.* For example, cdisthenics programs in girls' and women's schools were oRen considered boring and fiequently gave way to sports considered to be more exciting? 115
Edyemcmicular recreational activities primarily involved company picnics to
Lome Park, Victoria Park or Hanlads Point during the summer, and "family" dinners at
Christmas. These &airs were often hosted directly by the Eaton family and included every staffmember. Inevitably, they were hosted on a smaller scale (e.g., departmental picnics) as the company's growth precluded mass gatherings?
While company dinnen were very formal occasions, picnics were rather fiee-spirited events that included a variety of games and sports. Many of these events were divided into gender and age-related categories, such as married men versus single ones, or ladies versus girls. An interesting competition during the 1920s was a short race for girls and rnanied ladies, the former ran a 65-yard race, while the latter ran only 50-yards.=
These represent the main type of fomially-organized CO-edmingling offered by the company during the nineteenth century. They continued into the twentieth century, however, as departments grew and staff demographics changed, many of these events became predominantly single-sex in nature.93
During the twentieth century, CO-edactivities began to take other forms, such as the
Eztonia Carnera Club. Uther mixed ventures included the Fireside CIub, the Drama Club, eventually known as the Masquea, and the Eaton Operatic ~ociety?The Eatonia Camera
Club was formed in June 1912, and held its first competition the following year, drawing entries fkom Eaton's stores and offices around the world (e.g. buying offices in England,
Europe and the United States). Open to any employee, male or female, the Club's objective was to "promote photography as an art and recreation.'"'
The Fireside Club, formed in the early 1920s, met Sunday evenings duMg the winter 116 in the club rooms of the Eaton Girls' Club. These gatherings brought ernployees together to share an evening of singing, religious instruction, and, occasionally, a program of classical music. Although the membership of this group was predominantly male, femaie employees were fkquently invited to joui their male colIeagues.%
The Eaton Choral Society was formed in 1918 and comprised both female and male employees, aithough the women tended to outnumber the men. The group re-formed in 193 1 as the Eaton Operatic Society. This move reflected a transition to musical programs more in keeping with public tastes. The onginal group perfomed choir repertoires, while its reincarnation performed Gilbert and Sullivan light operas at venues such as Massey ~all."
The Toronto Masquers, established in 1933, evolved fiom the Dramatic Society of the Eaton Girls' Club. This development was marked by several significant features. First, the group moved fiom a single-sex organization to a CO-eddrama company. This change also produced a transformation in the nature of productions fiom small scale, "club" performances to N1-scale "professional" events. The Masquen moved beyond the club rooms to perform publicaily and at the national level in the Dominion Drama Festival."
Both the Operatic Society and the Masquers provided performes with the oppomuiity to broaden their talents and pursue goals related to performing. They also provided others behind the scenes with the chance to learn and enhance their skills because much of the physicai components of the various perfomances were provided by the carpenters, dressmakers, painters and others who worked for Eaton's."
Leisure and recreation of a CO-ednature were limited in cornparison to those available through the homosocial worlds of the Eaton Young Men's Club and the Eaton Girls' Club. 117
Both these organizations were descendants of the Eaton Athietic Association (EAA), which
was formed by Jack Eaton in 1910. The EAA's original mandate was to promote a variety
of athletic activities such as hockey, lacrosse, football, baseball, soccer and cricket. However.
the association was best known for its track and field meets, highly cornpetitive events only
open to males (e.g. females excluded), which drew athletes from across Canada and the
United States, including some of Eaton' s own employees. The 19 12 meet was an Olympic
qudiwgmeet sanctioned by the Ontario Amateur Athletic Union. Several of the officials
governing this event were members of the Amateur Athletic Union of Canada. This
particular event was attended by approximately 12,000 spectators.
The Eaton Athietic Association merged with several other Company groups to form
the Eatonia Club in 19 13. This group was a mix of intellectually-oriented organizations, such
as the Literary Society and the Debating Club, with more artistic endeavours like the Camera
Club and the Sketching Club. The merger brought together the predominantly male athletic
association with the CO-edsocial and cerebral groups. 'O'
Despite the arnalgamation of the athletic and culturai organizations and the growth and
expansion of the Eatonia Club, the apparent melding of the sexes remained confined to
"culturally" oriented activities. The Operatic Society and the Masquers, dong with other
artistic and intellectually focussed groups, eventually became the main centres of
heterosocid Ieisure, while the Eaton Young Men's Club and the Eaton Girl's Club retained their homosocial nature. These divisions mirrored the gendered nature of leisure pursuits in
larger society, that is, athletic endeavours tended to be sex-segregated while cultural activities were heterosocial in nature. Such distinctions also reflected women's and girls' lack of oppomuiity for physical activity, while cultural activities were plentifid.
The Eaton Young Men's Club, originally known as the Eaton Boys' Club, offered a
variety of endeavours ranging fiom sports, such as football, baseball, boxing, and swimming,
to educational and social events. The purpose of this club was:
To Develop, through our Social, Physical, Religious and Educationai Programme, the type of young man who will not only be a better employee of the T. Eaton Company, but a better citizen of Canada and an enthusiastic ambassador of goodwili to al1 men.'02
This objective, heavily rerniniscent of Muscular Christianity, was achieved thmugh two
seasonal programs - summer and winter, and with the assistance of two larger agencies, the
Men's Recreation Department and the Young Men's Christian Association.
The Men's Recreation Department oversaw activities such as various sports, the
Checkers Club, the Business Men's and Young Business Men's Clubs. These last two groups
were organized in a similar fashion but were divided by age, with the junior men being those
under twenty-one years of age.Io3 Meetings of the business clubs consisted of dimers and
addresses from prominent business, goveniment and religious leaders. The purpose of these
groups was similar to that of the Eaton Young Men's Club:
[i]t is the purpose of this club to impress upon young men, by encouraging the study of the Institutions, History, Arts, Literahire, and Resources of Canada and the Empire, the need for a more progressive, active and intelligent citizenship.'"
It was also hoped that these intellechial offerings and interactions wodd also develop better
businessmen.
While the intellectual aspects of men's recreation were offered dirough groups such as these, the physical component was addressed through the programs and facilities of the 119
YMCA and the Eaton Yomg Men's Club. Eaton's had a longstanding relatiooship with the
"Y" and encouraged its male employees to take advantage of this alliance.'05Boys under the
age of 17 were particuiarly encouraged. The Company paid half of their membership fees and
ailowed the boys to pay the balance through installment~.'~In addition, Eaton's reimbursed
the boys' portion "at the end of the season if they [had] attended 80% of the Physicai Classes
and the Y.M.C.A. report on conduct etc. are good."'07
Except for hockey and skating, the winter program offerings tended to confine
Eaton's male employees indoors. This lack of fiesh air was remedied during the summer
through the use of the Eaton Boys' Camp at Victoria Park ( 19 17- 1 928) and later at the Eaton
Young Men's Country Club at Scarborough Both facilities were geared toward
providing a relaxing "fiesh air" expenence through sleeping in tents, pursuhg various
sporthg activities, including swimming and golf, and by producing and presenting outdoor
concerts and shows. A predominantly male environment, the camp and country club allowed
mixed interactions during Friday evening socials and dances, to which Eaton' s boys could
invite lady fnends.'"
The initial design of the camps was to allow male employees to take up to two weeks holidays at the facilities. Eventually this practice was extended to overnight and weekend stays as well. To facilitate this, Eaton's provided transportation to and fiom the camps. Buses lefi right &er work and retumed the boys and men the next moniing in thefor work. The facilities were only open to members of the Eaton Young Men's Club, whose membeahip
COS^ was S 1.00. The cost of staying at the camps was $5.00 per week, including meals and transportation. ' 'O 120 Female employees shared similar oppomuiities for leisure and recreation. However, as the next chapter wïil demonstrate, these experiences came with their own set of practices and restrictions. What is worth noting is that initiatives around male recreation and leisure were well established prior to similar programs being instituted for girls and women at
Eaton's. Again, this mirrors opportunities for girls' and women's leisure and recreation beyond the company.
Initiatives around fernales' recreation and leisure, as well as enhancements to other programs, received a boost in the mid-1920s with the creation of the Sir John Craig Eaton
Mernorial Fund. Established by the company directors in 1927, revenue fiom the fund was directed toward employee recreation activities in recognition of Sir John's interest in this aspect of Eaton employees' lives. The fund was open to al1 Eaton recreation prograrns across the countq although Toronto tended to receive the bullc of the money due to the size of the workforce there."' In addition to benefiting existing clubs and programs, the Mernorial Fund underwrote the development of the Christie Street Athletic Field in 1927. Located directly behind one of the company's factories, the grounds included tennis courts for men and girls which were lit for night time play. Horse shoe pits, softbaii âiamonds, and a track were also provided. A hockey rink was erected ddgthe winter, making Christie Street a year-round facility. The grounds also provided lockers for men and a rest room with lockers for girls.'"
Over the years the Memonal Fmd invested hundreds of thousands of dollars into recreation and leisure programs for Eaton's employees (see Appendix TV for expenditures for 192%193 8). As with Company welfie schemes, this largesse was not without motive in that the company Mly expected a retum for its investment. In addition to improving 121
employee well-being, as did other wekeprograms, recreationd and leisure pmuits could
provide Eaton's with economic advantages.
First, employees engaged in recreation were more likely to be in better health, thereby
reducing the number of days lost due to illness and minimizing the amount of money the
company had to pay in health care costs."' Also, according to Eaton's, physically active
employees had the oppominity to interact with other people who might potentially become
Eaton's customee. This interaction gave the company a conduit by which 30keep in touch
with the Public's point of view" regardhg consumer goods. Such contact allowed the
compauy to get a better sense of the public's interests, desires and tas te^."^ The third
economic advantage derived fiom leisure and recreation pursuits, combined with the five-day
work week, was an increased consumer demand for the physical trappings needed for such activities. Satisfaction of this demand, the company felt, would also help to alleviate
unemployment. According to the company, as employees were given more leisure tirne, they would need more equipment, goods that Eaton's could ~upply.''~
Eaton's the& was fblly prepared to encourage its employees to pursue recreational activities, even if these involved taking time off work, for:
... although it may first appear as a form of indulgence, it should not be so regarded, if an employee occasionally - not f?equently, but occasionally - asks for tirne off to engage in sports events, provided it is seen that doing so will be an advantage directly or indirectly to the Business. Rather it is to be commended. ' l6
As with other company-sponsored programs and activities, Eaton's fbil support was conditional on an expected benefit. Summarv
The formation of Eaton's came at a time of significant industrial, urban and economic change in Canada. Al1 of these changes had an impact on the quality of life in uban centres
like Toronto and for diverse groups within those centres, such as the poor and women.
Timothy Eaton strode into this evolving scene and laid the foundation for what would become a cultural symbol of Canada, The T. Eaton Co. Limited. This innovative businessman implemented policies and practices that changed the retail industxy in this coune. In doing so, he aIso changed the working lives of his employees. A strong proponent of the Early Closing Movement, Timothy Eaton implemented shorter working hours during the week and the Saturday half-holiday, thus ensuring that his employees had the opportmity for recreation and leisure, without compromising observation of the Sabbath.
Other initial endeavours included rudimentary welfare and medical schemes.
The institution of such practices demonstrates Timothy Eaton's concem for employee well-being. His actions were also indicative of the paternalistic attitudes of a Victorian businessman who exhibited a "powerful passion for improving the lot of humanity."
Timothy Eaton's successon demonstrated similar characteristics and behaviours. Sir
John Craig Eaton, the second president of the company, was aiso a patemaiistic businessman, although more outgoing and gregarious than his father. Sir Johnapplied Eaton's benevolence to a broader field, by expanding the scope and nature of philanthropie donations. The younger Eaton furthered his father's policies regarding employee benefits and welfare and increased the scope of recreational opportmities available to them. Sir John also carried on his father's opposition to unions. Both men wanted total control over the company and its 123
employees, preferring to reward loyalty with benefits and pnvileges, rather than allow
extemal forces to dictate company policies and practices.
Sir John's successor and cousin, KY.Eaton, followed the format laid down by his
predecessors. An austere, consemative and shrewd businessman, R.Y. Eaton expanded
previous policies, pdcularly those related to welfare programs. Quiet and reserved, R.Y.
was also sufficiently flexible to recognize the continuhg need to foster employee welfare
programs, particularly during the Depression.
While the male Eatons carried out business-oriented policies, the Eaton women,
Margaret Wilson and Flora McCrae, specificaily focussed on the human side of the
enterprise. Maggie Wilson Eaton, Timothy's wife, helpmate and sounding board, served as
the unoficial "welfare officerY7for the company during the early years. Through her work,
within and extemai to the company, she promoted the intellectual, cultural, social and
physical well-king of those with whom she came into contact. Flora McCrae Eaton, Sir
John's wife, served similar roles. However, her position within the company was far fiom
unofficial or informal. As a vice-president and director, she had direct input into Eaton's
operations particularly when it came to ernployee matters. Both women demonstrated
characteristics of matemal feminism in that they were committed to using their company-
related positions, as well as their "morally superior" role to influence others to make the
world a better place. '"
Each of these individuds were devout Methodists whose religious beliefs were evident in their business and social practices. Their philanthropy and attitudes toward employees clearly reflected a collective belief in bettering the lives of individuds and 124 therefore humanity. Private and company philanthropy was directed towards those agencies which sought to achieve this goal. However, the Eatons were not beyond telling those groups how best to use the farnily and company money.
Andysis of their donations reveals a strong commitment to the moral and social reform movement. The family and Company also encouraged employees to donate to similar agencies and provided mechanisms for doing so. This sanction of various charity organkations may have influenced employees to donate to agencies Eaton's approved of.
The company also supported agencies which focussed on "healthfiil" Living, such as
"Fresh Air Funds." They also patronized organizations which provided a blend of social purity and rational recreation. Again, Eaton's endorsement of these groups may have influenced employees. Either way, their actions sent a message regarding that which the family and company felt was worthwhile and appropriate.
This goodwill was not merely extemal. Rather, it was also directed toward employees in the form of decent wages, reduced working hours, Saturday half-holidays, and company welfare schemes, including recreation programs. As with their public philanthropy, this beneficence reflected a belief in and cornmitment to improving humanity's lot.
Employee welfare programs, wages, recreation, and Eaton's largesse to extemal agencies served a similar purpose. Such programs were meant to improve individual and collective well-being, and provide healtKul recreation, without compromishg the spiritual side of life. Such benevolence, however, was also laden with expectations of employee loyalty, reduced absenteeism, improved productivity and reduced labour discontent (i.e., no unions). 125
Eaton's actions reflected the paternalistic sensibilities of the tirne penod.
Philanthropy and employee benefits spoke of a cornmitment to irnproving society and the individuals therein. They also demonstrated that goodwill was given to "appropriate" agencies and activities, very often on Eaton's own terms.
Eaton's activities were also significant to its views and treatrnent of girls and wornen.
As supporters of the reform movement, and in particular of agencies that worked with young women, as well as a major employer of fernales, the Company was sensitive to the concems and issues related to single working women (e.g., prostitution). The company's patronage of reform efforts and involvement in the Methodist Church also made it aware of issues related to commercial amusements and reformers' efforts to provide appropriate alternatives.
These factors iduenced Eaton's treatment of its female staff and the company's provision of leisure programs. ENDNOTES
1. Bill Lancaster, The Depariment Store: A Social History (London: Leicester University Press, 1999, 3; Joy L. Santink, Timothy E~tonand the Rise of His Department Store (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1990), 3-4.
2. Lancaster, The Department Store, 3-4; Susan Porter-Benson, Counter Cultures: SaIeswornen, Managers and Customers in Americnn Deparhent Stores. i89Q-ZWU(Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986), 4.
3. Lancaster, The Deparment Store, 4; Santink, Timothy Eaton, 3.
4. Santink, Timothy Eaton, xii.
5. The following discussion is meant only to introduce the major players at Eaton's rather than to give a comprehensive histoncal account. For comprehensive works on the Eaton family see: John Bassett, Timothy Eafon (Toronto: Fitzhenry & Whiteside, 1975); Mary-Etta Macpherson, Shopkeepersto a Nation: The Eaton 's (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1963); George Nasrnith, Timothy Eaton (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1923); Santink, Timothy Eaton; The Scribe, Golden Jubilee 1869-1919: A Book to Commemorate the Fzjiieth Anniversary of The T. Eaton Co. Limited (Toronto: The T. Eaton Co. Limited, 1919); William Stephenson, nie Store that TNnofhy Builr (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1969).
6. Santink, Timothy Eaton, 7. There are numerou references to this stand throughout the archival files. The no-tobacco policy held until after the second world war, while alcohol has never been sold in the store.
7. Macpherson, Shopkeepers to a Nation, 7-8. There are conflicting accounts of Timothy Eaton's year of birth. For example, the Dictionary of Canadian Biography, dong with Santink and Middleton as 1834. Timothy Eaton's obituary in The Evening Telegram, 3 1 Janiiayy 1907, and Macpherson show his date of birth as 1836."Timothy Eaton," Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. l. 3 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1994), 3 13-3 17. It should be noted that Joy Santink wrote the account of Tirnothy Eaton for the Dictionary; J.E. Middleton, The Municipality ofToronto: A History, vol. 1 (Toronto: The Dominion Publishing Company, 1923), 2. Clogher, County Antrim is 30 miles fiom Belfast, Middleton, The Municipalify of Toronto, 2.
8. The Scribe. Golden Jubilee, 73; See Santink's Timothy Eaton for a detailed description of Timothy Eaton, his business practices, and their impact on Canadian retailing.
9. Santink, Timorhy Eaton, 8-9.
10. Eaton Collection, Archives of Ontario (hereafter EC-AO) F-229- 162-0-968. These increases were noted on pay sheets signed by RY. Eaton who was the Company secretary at the tirne. There was not indication as to why Olive Cox was rewarded or under what circumstances her wages were increased.
1 1. The Scribe, Golden Jubilee, 82.
12. Middleton, Ine Municipality of Toronto, 5 11.
13. Patedism can also be understood as patriarchy. Patriarchy is defined as "systematic organi7ation of male supremacy and female subordination socially, politically, economically and culturdly," Tess Colletf Aiison Easton and Penny Summerfield, Women, Power and Resistance: An Introduction to Women 3 Studies (Buckingham: Open Universiîy Press, 1W6), 6. Patriarchy's core principles are "control, cornpetition, domination and hierarchy," AIian G. Johnson, The Gender ffior: Our PatriwchaZ Legacy (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1997). Patriarchy or patemaiism takes on two forms - positive and negative. Positive patriarchy reflects a caring ador an attempt to help others based on the bLpatriarch's"values and beiiefs. Negative patnarchy is oppressive and devalues human worth. Timothy Eaton and his successos demonstrated this dualistic paeiarchy in their treatment of female employees. These men tried to care for Eaton's female employees but simultaneously devalued them by failing to recognize fernales' abilities and autonomy.
1 3. Stephenson, The Store That Timothy BuiZt, 19. These features will be discussed in greater detail below.
14. N.A. Benson, "The House That Timothy Built," Saturdq Night 23 January 1943, 16; The Scribe, Golden Jubilee, 98. Timothy Eaton's eldest son Edward Young died in 1900 fiom diabetes. He was to have taken the business over fkom his father. Until the îime of his death, E.Y. Eaton had been primarily responsible for the transportation and delivery aspects of the business.
16. Middleton, The Municipality of Toronto, 2; EC-A0 F-229-22 1-0- 149; EC-A0 F-229- 22 1-0- 150, excerpts fiom Jessie Alexander Roberts' unpublished work (1 933), "A Biography of Mrs. Timothy Eaton."
17. John Byl, "Why Physical Educators Should Know About the Margaret Eaton School," CAHPER Jourd59, no. 1 (1993), 10-13; Dorothy N.R. Jackson, A Brief History of Three Schools: nie School of Expression, The Margaret Eaton School of Literature and Expression, The Margaret Eaton School, 1901-1941 (Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1953), 7. Jackson used the name Victoria University while other sources used Victoria Co llege.
18. Jackson, A Brief History, 8.
20. Byl, "My Physical Educaton Should Know," 10-13. Margaret Wilson Eaton would eventually succeed to the presidency of the school upon the death of Nathaniel Bwash. 2 1. Jackson, A Brief Histo~y,1 7.
22. Ibid., 29.
23. Byl, "Why Physicai Educators Should Know," 13.
24. Middleton, The Municipaiiîy of Toronto, 4. John Craig Eaton was made a Knight Bachelor in 1915 for his financial and material contributions to Canada's war effort. Eaton ais0 actively encouraged his employees (male) to enlist and paid part-wages for ail who did for the duration of their service and guaranteed them their jobs upon rem. For the sake of convenience John Craig Eaton will also be referred to as Sir John or Jack; Macpherson, Shopkeepers to a Nafion, 4 1; Middleton, The Municipality of Toronto, 3.
25. Middleton, The MunicipaZity ofloronio, 3. "Business" refers only to the store operations, while "Company" included the broader operations including such fhsas the Guelph Stove Company and the Eaton Knitting Company.
26. The Scribe, Golden Jubilee, 100-1 02; EC-A0 F-229-8-0-214.
27. Excerpt nom mernorial service held at Timothy Eaton Mernorial Church, 9 April 1922, EC-A0 F-229-222 1-0- 1 16.
28. Santink, Timothy Eaton, 140-141. Eaton's becarne a limited stock company under this narne in 189 1. During Timothy Eaton's govemance, the farnily retained control over 80% of al1 shares. By 1934, despite fluctuations over the years, family control rested at 89%, House of Commons, Special Commission on Price Spreads and Mass Buying: Proceedings and Evidence, vol. 3,1934,350 1. See Appendk II for a chronology of the Company's growth for the period under study.
29. Flora McCrae Eaton, Memory 's Wall: The Autobiography of Flora McCrae Eafon (Toronto: Clarke, Invin and Co., l956), 83; Middleton, The Municipafity of Toronto, 3; Stephenson, The Store Thar Timothy Built, 75-passim.
30. Stephenson, The Store Timothy Built, 30.
31. Eileen Sufrin, The Eaton Drive: The Campaign to Organize Canada's Largest Depariment Store. 1948-1952 (Toronto: Fitzhenry Br Whiteside, 1%2), 27.
32, Ibid.
34. Eaton, Memory 's Wall, 83.
35. Stephenson, The Store Timothy Built, 74. 36. Eaton, Memory 's Wall, 46- Flora McCrae Eatoo became Lady Eaton at the time of her husband's knighting. For the sake of convenience she will aiso be referred to as Lady Eaton.
37. Eaton, Memory S Wall, 80.
38. Stephenson, The Store that Timothy Built, 74.
39. Macpherson, Shopkeepers to a Nation, 8 1-82.
40. Eaton, Memory 's Wall, 143.
41. EC-A0 F-229-8-0-18 1, extracts f?om the Minutes of o Meeting ofthe Directors of The T. Eaton Co. Limited held 23 Febniary 1943.
42. EC-A0 F-229-162-0-90 1, employee remininiscences based on questionnaires and interviews. There were numerous such accounts in this file.
43. Macpherson, Shopkeepers to a Nation, 76.
44. Ibid., 77-78.
45. Sufiin, The Eaton Drive, 28.
47. Macpherson, Shopkeepers to a Nation, 88.
49. Eaton's philanthropie efforts are detailed later in this chapter.
50. Stephenson, The Store that Timothy BuiZt, 19; Macpherson, Shopkeepers to a Nation, 30; Bassett, Timothy Eaton, 20.
5 1. Stephenson, The Store that Timothy Built, 19.
52. EC-A0 F-229- 162-0-901 - 1. There was no indication that the reduction in hours related to war work. However, given that the move to reduce working hours started in the late- nineteenth centwy? it is likely that Merreduction in hours CO-incidedwith the war effort.
53. The Scribe, Golden Jubilee, 124.
54. EC-A0 F-229-8-0-94; The Scribe, Golden Jubilee, 124. By the 1930s the Department Heads were meeting weekly while the Advisory Board began to meet bi-weekly, with the Directors in attendance. Special Committee on Price Spreadr, 3 155. 55. Santhk, Timothy Eaton, 85.
56. Ibid., 86; Macpherson, Shopkeepers to a Nation, 2 1-22.
57. The Scribe, Golden Jubilee, 125- 127; Santrnk, Timothy Eaton, 11 6; Nasmith, Timothy Eaton, 2 19-223. To garner support for early closing on Saturday, Eaton asked his women shoppers to vote on "Liberating [their] fellow creatur~s."Facing a potential no vote, Eaton stood behind his employees, rather than the consuners, and invoked the Saturday half- holiday .
58. Santink, Timothy Eaton, 116-1 17.
59. Nasrnith, Timothy Eaton, 233. Nasmith was an acquaintance of Tïmothy Eaton, and his wife was the former Emma Scott Raff of the Margaret Eaton School.
60. Sufrin, The Eaton Drive, 25; EC-AO, F-229- 1- 13, memo from R.Y. Eaton dated 16 November 1925.
6 1. Ibid., memo from KY.Eaton, 21 December 1934; EC-A0 F-229-61, various mernos. The factories and mail order operated nom 8:00 a.m. to 6:00 p.m., Santink, Timofhy Eafon, 116-1 17.
62. EC-A0 F-229-6 1, various memos.
63. Ibid., memo dated late June 1919. The date of this memo was detemillied by comparing it to other memos surrounding it in the file; The Scribe, Golden Jubilee, 132-33.
64. Stephenson, The Store thar Timothy Built, 75.
65. Special Committee on Price Spread, 33 18.
66. The Scribe, Golden Jubilee, 285-288. Timothy Eaton was given a similar "illuminated address" when he reduced Saturday hours to a 1 p.m. closing.
67. EC-A0 F-229-8-0-2 15, excerpt hman article entitied, "A Remarkable Gathering," The Star, 7 February 1904, clipping on file.
68. House of Commons, Royal Commission on Price Spreah: Minutes of Proceedings and Evidence, vol. 4 (Ottawa: J.O. Patenaude, 1934), 4447,4509,4580; Special Committee on Prices Spreacis, vol. 3, 33 18,3 327; EC-A0 F-229-6 1.
69. EC-A0 F-229-6 1, memo £kom R.Y. Eaton to Department Heads and Managers dated 28 March 1910. Labour related archival files within the Eaton Collection have been closed to the public by the Company, thereby making comprehensive consideration of wages difficult. 70. Alison Prentice, Paula Bourne, Gai1 Cuthbert Brandt, Beth Light, Wendy Mitchison and Naomi Black, Canadian Women: A History (Toronto: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. l98Q 228; Strange, Toronto's Girl Problem, 176,200-20 1; Royal Commission on Price Spreadr, 4509. The 1920 legislation did not set a minimum wage for male worken.
71. Special Committee on Price Spreadi and Mas Buying, 1934, Volume 3; Dominion Bureau of Statistics, Seventh Census of Canada, 193 1,vol. 5 (Ottawa: J.O.Patenaude, 193 1).
72. Special Committee on Price Sprearls, 33 19,3323-3 326. These figures are for 1934.
73. Special Committee on Price Spreadr,, 3325,332 1. In 1929, sales for the entire operation totalled $225,361,000. In 1933, the figure was $132,500.00, ibid., 3053. The total aurnber of employees in 1929 was 30,764 with a payroll of $4 1, 198,000. Comparable figures for 1933 were 25,736 and $24,945,000 respectively, ibid., 3055.
74. EC-A0 F-229-0-792; F-229-8-0-2 12; Sufnn, The Eaton Drive, 3 1. Recreation was also considered a privilege, however, it will be discussed separately in the next section.
76. EC-A0 F-229-0-2 12. Wtiile there is no indication of time restrictions on early debenhire invesûnents, by 1936 employees were required to "lock-in" for two years.
77. The Scribe, Golden JubiZee, 123.
78. Prentice et ai., Canadian Women, 214,221.
79. Lynn D. Gordon, Gender and Higher Education in the Progressive Era (New Haven, Cn.: Yale University Press, 1990), 5-6; Robert M. Pike, "Education, Class, and Power in Canada," in Power and Change in Canada, ed., Richard J. Ossenberg (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1980), 119.
81. EC-A0 F-229-162-0-60. Several of the books listed in this file are available in D.B. Weldon Library, The University of Western Ontario. One particular work, How tu Live on Twenty-Four Hours a Day, deals with conducting one's life and dangers to avoid (e.g. poor hygiene, health habits, perds of not exercising).
82. Santink, Timothy Eaton, 197. 83. Ibid.; EC-A0 F-229- 161, 1921 - 1928; F-229-8-0-2 12.
84. The Scribe, Golden Jubilee, 226; Stephenson, The Store thPr Timothy Built, 124; Macpherson, Shopkeepersto a Nation, 88-89; EC-A0 F-229-6 12-0-792; F-229-8-0-220; F- 229-01-13. 85. The Scribe, Golden Jubilee, 226; Santink, Timothy Eaton, 197; Royal Commission on Price Spreads, 4420, passim; EC-A0 F-229-47, vol. 1-4.
86. EC-A0 F-229-61, rnemo fiom R W. Eaton to Superintendent's Office, Department Heads, dated 21 October 1918. Emphasis in the original.
87. EC-A0 F-229-6 1, memo fkom R. W. Eaton to Department Heads, dated 5 November 1923. The concem over empioyee health and public perceptions appears to date back to the mid- 1890s (see EC-A0 F-229-6, memo from Dr. E. Hubert Adams to R.Y. Eaton, 15 April 1896), and was an ongoing concern.
88. The terms Men's, Girls' and Mixed recreation are taken directly fiom the employee information handbook, EC-A0 F-229-8-0-2 12.
89. EC-A0 F-229-6 1, series of memos from March to April 192 1.
90. Men Guttmann, Women and Sm:A History (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991), 106-1 14.
9 1. The Scribe, Golden Jubilee, 223-224; EC-A0 F-229-162-0-897.
100. Stephenson, The Store thai Timothy Built, 7 1; EC-A0 F-229- 162-0-8 80. Eaton' s hockey teams competed in the Ontario Hockey League and the Ontario Hockey Association, as well as for the Allen Cup, emblematic of senior hockey supremacy, EC-A0 F-229-8-043.
102. EC-A0 F-229-162-0-867, extnict from Eaton Young Men's Club brochure. 104. EC-A0 F-299-0- 162-0-72 1, excerpt fkom club brochure.
105. Stephenson, The Store that Timothy Built, 78-79.
106. The Eaton's clubs do not appear to be self-sustaining given that they received fûnding fiom the Sir John Craig Eaton Memonal Fund. Also, Eaton's employees were not the only clients of the YMCA.
107. EC-A0 F-229-6 1, memo fiom A.E. Clarke, dated 28 November 19 18.
108. The Scribe, Golden Jubilee, 139,227-28.
1 12. EC-A0 F-229- 162-0-867; F-229-8-0-2 12. Eaton's Christie Street Complex was only a few blocks fiom the infamous Christie Pits (aka Willowvaie Park). Willowvale park had once been a grave1 pit and favourite spot for swimming; however, the city filled it in and created a park with athletic fields. Christie Pits, as it came to be known, was the site of a riot between Jewish and anti-Semitic groups in Toronto in August 1933. The not represented the rising anti-Sernitic fervour growing in Toronto during the mid-1930s and was linked to Nazism. The riot itself took place foiiowing a sofiball game between predominantly gentile and Jewish teams. SkVmishes arose during the game; but, it was not until a youth unfurled a large swastika that Ml-blown fighting erupted. For a full account of this incident, see Cyril H. Levitt and William Shaffir, The Riot ar Christie Pits (Toronto: Lester & Orpen Dennys, 1987).
113. EC-A0 F-229-6 1, memo fiom J.J. Vaughn to R. W. Eaton, dated 27 February 19 15.
1 14. EC-OA F-229- 1 - 13, memo fiom R.Y. Eaton to Executive Office entitled "Talks to the Training Group," dated 1 5 October 1934.
1 15. EC-A0 F-229- 1- 13, memo fkom R.Y. Eaton to Executive Office entitled "Employment and Unemployrnent Relief Through More Leisure to Employees," dated 4 December 193 1. 1 16. EC-A0 F-229- 1- 13, "Taiking to the Training Group," 4.
117. Nancy Adamson, Linda Briskin, and Margaret McPhail, Ferninist Orgunizing for Change: The Contemporas. Worneds Movemenr in Canada (Toronto, Oxford University Press, 1988), 3 1-32. Matemal ferninism was discussed previously in chapter 2. CAPTER FOUR
SAINTS AND SLNNERS: EATON'S AM) FEMALE LEISURE PRACTICES
Introduction
The narrative to this point has examined the nature of the reform movement and its
efforts to c4re-moralize"Toronto, and to counteract the impact of commercial amusements
by providing and promoting "appropriate" leisure alternatives. Eaton's support of the reform
movernent has been demonstrated through a consideration of its philanthropy, as well as its
employee welfare programs. The focus now shifts toward examlliing the target of concern
for both the reform movement and Eaton's-the working girl-particularly with respect to her
place and activities, both working and leisure, in Toronto.
As noted earlier, Toronto drew new people to its environs, and single working women
were no exception. As they migrated to the city into jobs in factories, offices and retail
operationç, women, or "girls" as they were fkequently called, also pushed the boundaries of
patriarchal control. Living independent of families, either financiaily andor physically, they
did not adhere to traditional noms of restraint imposed upon other single wornen.'
How these "girls" lived their lives became the topic of considerable debate. As much
as women working outside the home was an issue, their non-work tirne was seen to pose a
greater threat to society. Women's entry hto the work force was not perceived as an employment issue, even though they ofien endured homble work conditions (e-g. safety hazarck, unsanitary conditions). Rather, their new role was seen as a social issue:
Since women were defined as the bearers of the mord standard of the nation, their enûy into a workforce dominated by an amorai male ethic, that subjected them to temptation and distracted them from their true calling of motherhood was indeed a cntical aspect of the social cri si^.^
As much as women's working was seen to tear at the moral fibre of society, women's leisure time was seen as a singular dilemma Refonners felt "it was in leisure pursuits that moral
choices were made," and women's leisure practices served as a moral barorneter.'
Female leisure practices, then, presented a special challenge for reformers and their supporters. Yet why was this so? To address this question consideration of the social context of the issue is helpful. Examining the nature of women in Toronto (e.g., group dynamics), and the type of work they engaged in, as well as their relationship to commercial amusements, helps to set the background. Also, the role of employers, specifically Eaton's, played a significant part in achieving the reform movement's goal of "remoralizing" society by providing "appropriate" alternatives to commercial pastimes.
Wornen and Toronto - An Overview
Industrialization altered work patterns and work force demographics significantly as home-based or cottage-style work was tmnsferred to a more "public" venue. As the impact of industriakation advanced, women entered into the wage-labour force in greater numben.
For exarnple, in 1891, fernales represented approximately 13 per cent of Ontario's workforce.
By 1901, this percentage increased slightly to 14.4 as the number of women working increased fiom 95,612 to 108,625. By 1921 females involved in wage-labour totalled
195,106, or approximately 17 per cent of al1 Ontario workers.'
Figures for women in Toronto's labour force are comparable. In 188 1, approximately 136 6400 women, or 20 per cent of the total work force, were employed in three areas: rnanufachinng, domestic or personal service and teaching. By 19 1 1, slightly more than
57,300 females worked in the city. The early 1930s saw this figure increase to approximately
68,000. During the penod nom 1881 to 193 1, areas of employrnent grew fiom the three noted above to 16, including various clencal positions, public administration, sales, building and constniction, and recreation.'
The majonty of these women were single, as it was rare for a woman to combine full domestic responsibilities (e.g., raising a family, runnïng a household) with full-the employrnent. Occasionally, when necessity dictated (e.g., husband's loss of incorne), married women did pursue paid labour. Single women in Toronto represented an average of 15.8 per cent of the total population between 1881 and 1931. During the same penod, the ratio of single adults averaged 1 10.3 females for every 100
As noted, the range of employrnent oppomuiities also expanded with increased industnalization. Domestic or personal service rernained a major source of paid labour. This occupational group represented 9.1 per cent of the female work force in Toronto in 1891, a figure that rose slightly to approxirnately 11 per cent a decade later. By 191 1, personai service workers represented slightly more than a quarter of dlfemales employed in Toronto.'
While senrice remained a consistent employer of females, other areas opened up. For example, in 188 1, approximately 3,200 girls and women worked in manufactunng. This nurnber increased to slightly more than 15,000 twenty years later, although it dropped during the depression (n=12,132). Clencal workers represented 18 percent (n=7716) of total fernale employees in 19 11, while sales employed l2,43 1 females, or 29 per cent of wage-eunuig 137 women. By the 1930s these figures changed with approximately 32 per cent of the fernale
work force engaged in clend work. Sales, on the other hand, accounted for only 8.1 per
cent, and represented growth areas of "white-collar" employment for ~ornen.~
The uicreased presence of girls and women in the work force appears to signal an
acceptance of females' changing role in sociev. While there is no question that change was
afoot, females in the public environs of wage-work, especially non-domestic jobs,
represented disorder? This notion of social disorder was rooted in the perception that female
workers were rnoving beyond patemal control. A single young woman living "independently,
unsupporteci and unsupe~sedby family, community and church," was considered a "woman
adrift" and was seen to be in moral danger.'*
Femaies in the work force were certainly at nsk. Work conditions were often poor,
especially in factories. Numerous reports by factory inspectors, in the early part of the twentieth century, consistently noted the lack of "ventilation (pure air), good lighting, and particularly with separate, modest and clean lavatones."" Concem was even expressed over the interrningling of the sexes and women's exposure to "spitting and smoking men."'2
The Ontario Factory and Shops Act (OFS Act), originally passed in 1884, was expanded in the early part of the twentieth century in order to rectifL many of the above concerns. Some improvement was achieved through this legislation, yet working conditions continued to be an issue through the 1920s and 1930s. Some of the major problems related to long hours, unsanitary work conditions, speedups (e.g. pressure tactics to increase productivity), and the lack of seats for shop workers.I3
Even though Eaton's provided better working conditions than most employers, it was 138 not above reproach. In the early 1890s, the Company was visited by Deputy Staff Inspecter
Vaughan to investigate Eaton's cornpliance with the OFS Act, particularly with regard to
"female clerks and the intemal arrangements of store appointments for their heaith and cornfort." Specifically Vaughan, who worked for David Archibald and the Toronto police department Morality Squad, checked specifically to make sure Eaton's provided suffrcient seaîing for female employees and that washroorn facilities were adequate. Timothy Eaton, who strongly supported Morality Squad endeavours, nevertheles felt his business expenence made him a better judge of female workers' needs and treatment. In fact, he felt his background qualified him to determine what was the best course of action for female employees, especidly with regard to working hours. Eaton opined, "our judgement and experience tell us that the female portion appreciate and give preference to the hours [10 hours weekdays, 6 hom on Saturday], rather than working in a kitchen or dining room of a pnvate house fiom 6 A.M. till 10 P.M., Sundays included, and ody one half day off each week." "
Eaton' s assuaged concem regarding the treatment of its fernale employees before the turn of the cenwbut apprehension over its practices surfaced again during 19 12 and later in the 1930s. incidents of poor treatment of employees during the 1930s were brought to light by the Royal Commission on Price Spreads. Evidence presented to the Commission, including testimony £iom employees, revealed that Eaton's, like other fïrms such as
Simpson's, was guilty of operating itç factories like a sweatshop by cutting wages, increasing work loads, and uskg speedups, or pressure tactics in order to maintain productivity. Eaton's defended itself by arguing that such practices were necessary during the depression as 139
markets were poor, pnces high and the firm was trying to ensure that dl employees earned
the legally mandated minimum wage. The Company also atgued that these practices were
employed because, rather than cut staff, it tried to keep as many people employed as possible,
but B had to eam the income to keep them. Eaton's efforts to retain their workforce was
commendable in Iight of the depression. It also smacks of patemalism, however with the
benevolent employer taking of his employees during difficuit times. l5
Despite dificult working conditions, the perception of moral nsk was rooted in girls' and women's time away nom work. Just as with those who lived away fkom home, females away fiom work were seen to be beyond patriarchal control, fiee to do what they wanted with their Ieisure time. l6
Little attention was paid to female leisure practices prior to the second decade of the twentieth century. Reformes, in attempting to regulate society and, in particda., Sabbath activities tended to focus on male leisure practices." Changing work patterns and the increase in the number of women in the work force combined with the rise of commercial amusements to alter the social landscape:
Fixed hows and wage labour made leisure possible in a way that other foms of women's work.. .did not .. .Unlike both bourgeois and working-class women who did not eam money, they were able to socialize with CO-workers and participate in public amusements in ways that more closely resembled the leisure patterns of working class men."
As wage-eamen, females' work expenences were similar to males in terms of hours of labour. As such, they also expenenced oppodties for leisure in a similar fashion, and while some may have been dtaw to the traditional male leisure domains like saloons, most were amtedto emerging commercial amusements, such as dance halls and movie theatres. 140
Reformers' concem over commercial amusements, as previously discussed, related
primarily to theu demoraiizing effect on society and their perceived contribution to the
disintegration of the family. Wornen's relationship to such amusements drew similar
concem:
Without strict monitoring of working girls' amusements [reformers] predicted, young women would not fînd husbands and establish families; instead they would succumb to moral and biological contagion, passing on their afflictions not ody to their sexual parniers but to the next generation.lg
Femaie involvement with commercial amusements was seen to challenge the boundaries of
respectable, permissible behaviour. It also seemed to endanger women7srole in society as
future mothers and, in doing so, threatened the future of society. The view during this period
was that women's ecgagement in such frivolous pursuits had two outcornes. First, her
physical health would be adversely affected, thereby making it difficult to produce "heafthy"
offspring. Second, and more significantly, men who engaged in commercial amusements
were not of the "best character." As such, they were not the best "marriage prospects.""
Of particular concem were the "good times girls," or "occasional prostitutes." For
some, these were any women who went "unaccompanied by a husband or other suitable
male."" For others, like the Social Survey Commissioners, they were women who freely
socialized with men for fun. Ofien times they were working women who allowed men to
treat them to dinner or drinks or other forms of entertainment, supposedly "in exchange for
sexuai gratification.'"
The young women may have 'keturned the favour" when out merely for fus but the reaiity was often they allowed young men to "treat'' them since their own wages were 141 meagre. While they were perceived to be merely out for fun working girls' pursuit of leisure activities gave them the oppominity to escape the dreariness of their jobs and the constraints of their boarding ho~ses.~
Whether out for a good time or pu-g a relationship on her own terms, the single working woman who enjoyed commercial leisure pursuits was seen to challenge boundaries of respectable behaviour and did not appear to conform with middle-class notions of heterosocial interaction. Her sexual and morai character was seen to be at risk, and by extension, so was society." What was needed was supervised leisure activities that would control heterosocial mingiing and prorniscuous behaviour; wholesorne activities that would ensure the "generai heaith and moral tone" of the city."
Without question reforrn agencies, such as the Young Women's Christian
Association (YWCA), settlement houses and local churches, had a role to play in redefining working women's leisure practices, but employers were also seen to be an influential force.
In fact, Social Survey Commissioners recommended that employers engage a social secretary to supervise female employees' leisure time in an effort to promote "health, mords and effi~iency."~'
Many cornpanies in Toronto employed significant numbers of girls and women. Were they as influential as the reformers suggest (in mntrolling or altering behaviour)? Perhaps.
Eaton's was certainly a major employer of femdes and examination of the company's policies and practices towards the girls and wornen who worked there may help answer this question. Giris and Women at Eaton's
The discussion of Eaton's ethos presented in the previous chapter, particularly in relationship to ernployee welfare, consideration of the company's treatment of femaie employees and running a sweatshop, paint conflicting views of "Canada's Greatest
Department Store." On one hand, the company demonstrated concem for and a willingness to address employee well-being. On the other hanci, paternalistic treatment of employees and pressuring them for reasons of productivity are reflective of Victorian attitudes and capitaiist business conventions. Eaton's practices were not unique to that fm. Nonetheless, as
Toronto's Largest employer of women, the company's actions were open to scrutiny."
Just as Eaton's was noticed as a major employer of fernales, the company's girls and women were aiso under examination, particularly saies staff'. Eaton's was Mly aware that these employees, who were predominantly female, could influence the success of the company. In 19 10, when considenng the minimum wage to pay sales staff, R.Y.Eaton noted:
...the part of our store that our customers come in most contact with and get their impression, favorable or otherwise, is our Salesclerks and our [delivery] Dnvers, especially ou.salesclerks. These should be as well paid as we can afYord, and worth their pay. And higher minimum pay shouid tend to improve the average by cutting out those who cannot eam $7.00 and would in tirne attract the best class of help through out reputation of paying good wages and having only first clan clerks.''
Despite Eaton's willingness to pay "top dollar" most of the sdesclerks were drawn fiom the working class since relatively low pay, difficult working conditions, long days, and the
"popular image of the blowzy shopgirl," kept most middie-class female wage-earners fiom pursuing saies work. Given such demographics, employers like Eaton's were faced with a dilemma: how to attract the "best class" of sales clerk? Cenainly good wages helped, though 143
this could not solve the problem completely. Training and regulations could also help
produce cclass"
The main premise behind training programs was education, especially with respect
to correct speech, sales techniques, merchandising and business ma the ma tic^.'^ Training in
correct speech, dong with other courses such as English and Psychology, was offered
through the Eaton Girls' Club. The courses were "specially planned to meet the needs of girls who have to take their place in the world of business today. Mastery of a wider vocabulary
will be one of the aims of this ~ourse."~'The language used to describe the course suggests that the target audience was working-class because they had to work, unlike middle-class wage-eamen who were thought to deliberately choose to work. Also, enhancing employee vocabulary suggests that femdes taking this cowse had limited verbal skills. This, too, hints at their potentid working-class background as many young women in this social class ofien le fi school to pursue employ~nent.'~
Eaton's also provided trainuig through mentoring systems, training books fiom its omlibrary or in-house programs. The rnentoring or sponsor system entailed having an expenenced clerk "check up and assist the new ones." This system was implemented because, even though the company offered training classes, "it was difficult for new sales clerks to absorb al1 the instruction gi~en."~'This concem was hardy surprising. While some programs focussed on specific aspects of various jobs, most appeared directed toward instructing ernployees how to behave. For exarnple, numerous "training session" talks emphasized neatness, both personal and with regard to work space. Punctuaiity and obeying company deswere also stressed." Other 'kiks" delivered the message that employee behaviour and performance were
linked to benefits bestowed by the company. The following excerpt fkom a talk deiivered to
elevator operators in 19 19 cleariy illustrates this point:
When we ring in out tirne in the morning, and take our places ready to work, we cease to be Mt. Brown, Mr. Jones or Miss Smith, but are representatives of the company. As such it is our duty to do out work conscientiously and well. They give us ou.salaries for our work, but the courtesies we give, and are glad to give; as in that way we cm show our appreciation to the organization that has done so much for us...In renim for ail these benefits, all that is asked of us is cooperation for better ser~ice.~'
Training programs appear to have had a different agenda than the name implies. Their aim
was actudly to dictate employee demeanou. and presentation.
Sales clerks' appearance and conduct were critical to attracting and retaining the
predominady middleclass customers who shopped at Eaton's. Customers' cornfort level
with the sales staff depended on the clerks' business-like behaviour and the customers'
perception of the employees' character. Each new employee was made fuily aware of Eaton's
position on personal appearance and deportment. New staffwere given an "Employees Book
of Information," at the commencement of their service. This booklet covered aspects of
business operations, such as cash register systems, bells and signals, salesrnanship, and
speciai delivery. The handbook also provided employees with information regarding welfare plans, benefits and recreation programs, as discuçsed in the previous ~hapter.'~
Instructions regarding employee behaviour and demeanour were also set out in these handbooks and staff were expected to observe the des in order to "preserve order and harrn~ny."~'Rules were occasionally clearly stated, although they usually were couched in rather diplornatic language, such as the following directive on "Personal Appearance and Deportment":
Your personal appeanuice can do much towards creating confidence. Neatness of your dothes is very essential. Wear clothing that is suitable for business. Women employees are requested not to make themselves conspicuous by wearing waists [blouses] of very sheer material, and brightly colored sweaters, showy jewelry or extreme styles of hair-dressing should be avoided. The primary point is to keep the customers' mind on the goods, not on yomelK.. Be pleasant in your actions and speech. To be disagreeable or sullen creates a feeling of unpleasantness among your associates, and is bound to have a bad effect. Avoid the use of slang in your conservation.. .Y our attitude in the department should at alI times be business like. Avoid lounging on the counter or taiking to each other in the presence of customen ... Chewkg gum, eating candy, whistling, singing, humming, manicuring the nails, dressing the hair, etc. in the presence of customers have not an elevaring tendency, and will not be al10wed.~~ in addition to not using slang, an employee was also instnicted on words and phrases to avoid:
Always use the word 'Madam instead of "Lady" in addressing women customers. In addressing men use "Sir." It is necessary to use "We" in speaicing of the firm. Make it indicate loyaity and confidence, not conceit. Avoid using such expressions as "This here," "That there," 'Wow let me tell you," etc ...Never use such te= of familiarity as "Dear" or "Dearie."39
These types of instructions were ceed over into the 1920s and 1930s, although the language vded slightly over tirne. For example, by the 1920s, women were cautioned to
Wear "appropriate attire" such as dark brown, navy blue, or al1 black. These colours could be trimrned in white. Instructions regarding men's attire were added during this penod.
Previously ignored, male staff were advised to avoid extreme styles in dress. The only relaxation of these descame during the summer monthdo
There is little doubt about the type of appearance and deportment, and by extension image, Eaton's wished to convey through such directives. Yet these instructions aiso carried 146
class and gender biassed messages. Most directives, and especially the detailed ones, targeted
female employees. Little, if anything, was said about male deportment and appearance, and
when a statement was made, it was brief and bland. No reason can be found for the iack of
directives regarding male deportment and appearance. It may be specdation that male
employees desired to, or were king groomed for, manageriai positions. Therefore, they were
serious-mhded and doing what was necessary to move ahead, including dressing and
behaving like managers.
Descriptions of the types of female apparel considered inappropriate conjure up
Mages of flashy "good times girls," who could offend middle-class women customers. Any
clerk dressed that way might also appear flirtatious if deding with a male customer. Concem
over language aiso connotes class bias. ïhe use of slang and the phrases noted above
suggested a lack of L'refinement'7and respectability. Such language was sure to &ont
middle-class sensibilities.
Breach of such directives or any other in the handbook was met with various
disciplinary measures, such as "black marks" on personnel files, verbal reprùnands, or even
fines. The penalty depended upon the infraction and its severity." Irnplicit in these practices
was the understanding that the company expected every employee to obey its directives and requests. As Benson notes, "rule books were a response to the growing size of deparmient stores, a recognition of the need to end arbitrary practices, and a means of exacting genteel behaviour fiom the sales force? The size of the operation made one-on-one contact and instruction vixtuaily impossible. Also, workforce mobility, particularly within the company, required a standardized or uniform code of operations, nile books provided that. Finally, as 147
each employee was expected to "abide" by company directives and regulations, debooks
helped to ensure that every employee behaved in a similar manner. "
The foregoing discussion of company regulations and policies suggests two points:
first, these directives and destargeted primarily sales staff or those most often in contact
with the public; second, limitations defïned by these instructions could make work conditions
arduous. Yet, such practices did not dways produce negative results. As a woman who
worked for Eaton's nom 1889 to 1934 recalled, Wie working conditions were very good. If
an employee had a real interest in their job, obeyed the des, were courteous and kind to
others and had a sense of humor working conditions were sure to be happy and successful."
Other employees, both in the store and the factory, made similar observations."
These employee remembrances give the impression that Eaton's was a good place to
work. Notwithstanding such sentiment, the Company aiso had a dark side which surfaced publicly on two separate occasions: the first was the garment workers strike of 1912. The cause of this work disruption, which saw approximately 1,000 workers waik out, came fiom long standing dissatisfaction over low pay, long hours and exploitive chiid labour practices.
As noted in chapter three, strikers, the vast majority of whom were Jewish females, returned fier 15 weeks without gaining any reai concessions. Ruth Frager argues that the strikers' efforts were undermined by their ethnicity, their class and their gender. As a marginalized group on dl levels, the strikers were unable to garner much support in a predominantly white, Anglo-saxon, Protestant company and city?
The 1934 strike, when 3 8 "white" females walked out, had a similar ending, although the particulars of this event were different. Coming in the midst of the depression, this strike 148 was rooted in Eaton's treatment of its factory workers, both physicdy and financially. As with most firms during the depression, the company's business operations changed. The common practice within the clothing industry, of which the factories were part, was to cut production costs by cutting wages and instigating "speedups" or "dnWigy7.These latter activities entailed homding or verbally harassing ernployees, as well as standing over them, so they would work faster. Occasiondly, physicai contact or "nudging" was employed. As one worker commented, "it wouldn't necessarily be very hard but it made you very mad; it was not nice.'*
The purpose of such tactics was to get employees working hard enough to eam the weekly minimum wage of S 12.50. As wages were tied to the number of pieces, or segments of a garment a pieceworker sewed, productivity was important. Pnce cuts rneant more work had to be finished in order to eam the minimum. By the rnid-1930s, it appeared that pieceworkers at Eaton's were caught in a vicious circle. The majority of salesclerks within the store, in con- had no difficulty earning $12.50 a week as the store implemented a guaranteed wage plan. Of the two groups, femaie factory workers appear to have endured more onerous working conditions?
The company's rationaie for such practices was they were attempting to keep as many people employed as possible. Such action is supemcially commendable. Nonetheless, the impact of these tactics was evident in the testimony given by some Eaton's factory workers before the Royal Commission on Pnce Spreads (1934):' For example, Miss Winnified
Wells, who worked for Eaton's fiom 1916 to 1934, when asked about the physical effects of her work testified: ...I was tired nght out. 1wouid go home at nights and I would be so tired 1 could not eat my supper. 1 couid not sleep at night... 1 would be so tired and stiff going home on the street car, I would just dread getting a seat, because if I sat down, 1 couid not get up again, my knees and legs would be so stiff."
Other witnesses provided similar testimony. They aiso noted that many of the workers often crkd and seemed to be on the verge of nervous exhaution. One employee even confided that she, like others she knew, contemplated suicide.50
These arduous work conditions, particularly for those working in the factory, aiso appear specific to the time penod - the Depression. Throughout the course of the Royal
Commission inquiry, employees atiested that work conditions were fine until the onset of the
Depression. Accordhg to the witnesses, working conditions at Eaton's were very good and they had no difficulty eaming their weekly wages until1929-30, when things changed for the
Working conditions, hom and pay were not the only issues facing girls and women employed by Eaton's. They aiso faced systemic discrimination because of who they were.
The general perception was that women were temporary employees. AIlowed to linger in the work force, eventually they made their way into their "proper" roles of marriage and motherhood. Eaton's attitudes were in keeping with this view, as they noted that most females had less than ten years service and represented the group with the largest turnover rate.s2
Perceptions of female employeest3temporarystatu and worth were reflected in other ways. For example, girls and wornen where consistently paid less than their male colleagues
(see Table 3.1 and Table 4.1). As well, the Company differentiated male salaries based on Table 4.1
Number of Sales Clerks Employed Full The by Eaton's, Toronto, as of 25 October 1929 and 1April 1933 Classified According to Weekly Rates of Salary, Excluding Commission), and by Gender
- - 25 October 1929 1 ApriI 1933 25 October 1929 1 April 1933
Number %of Number % ofTotai Nwnber %ofTotai Number % ofTotai Total
Total 802 100.0 637 100.0 1,534 100.0 1,200 100.0 ------$lWeek $24.50 5 19.98 S 16.76 514.07 Source: Special Committee on Pnce Spreads and Mass Buying, Proceedings and Evidence, vol. 1 (Ottawa: J.O.Patenaude, 1934). marital statu, with manied men behg paid more, white female wages were defined by age
with females over the age of 18 receiving slightly higher pay."
Gender ciifferences also surfaced in length of employment As noted above, female
employees tended to have shorter service records. This short employment experience relates
to what Claudia Goldin cdsthe "turnover hypothesis" which argues:
Most young women were hired at around 16 to 18 years old, and most married in their early menties. Fims, therefore, could treat a five-to-seven- year period as the expected tenue for young women, since most would leave at marriage in any case."
But the company dso employed measures which effectively shortened their tems of
employment. For example, during the Depression Eaton's deliberately temiinated women
because they married. Company directors issued the following memo dated 7 September
RE: Employment of Married Women In connection with the employment of mamed women it was decided that until further notice, girls marryhg husbandi able io support them ore not to remah on the stafffor longer than six months unless spec~~caIZyappmved by the Ernployment @j?ce.''
It was not atypical for companies to let their female employees go during the Depression
once they marrkd. But what is significant about this memo is that it reveals the company's
view that females were girls until they married. Males, on the other hand, were men once they tumed 2 1 years old?
Women's "careers" were also abbreviated, in cornparison to their male counterparts, by retirement stipulations. In a memo dated 20 Juiy 1932, the company directors advised that
"women, with twenty-five years' seMce and over, shall be retired at sixty years of age."s7 152
This was to be carried out "gradually so as to cause as little suffiering and comment as
possible." Women's retirement age was altered slightly in 1934, when it was noted that
"women employees of 55 years of age ... with at least 25 years senice may be retired at the
pleasure of the Company." Men, on the other hand, did not have to retire until age sixty-five,
with twenty-five years service, but that was "at the pleasure of the
Nowhere was the disparity between male and female employees more evident than
in the development and promotion of executives. In an early memo entitled "Developing
Men," KY.Eaton noted that, %e success of this Store, present and fimue, depends mainly
on the efficiency of an adequate number of men carrying out respomibility." This contrasts
Eaton's position regarding the value of fernale salesclerks to the company's suc ces^.^^
Consideration of working conditions, wage disparities and gender biases with regard
to advancement within the company presents a bleak picture of the Eaton's experience.
Companies like Eaton's may have recognized this and attempted to compensate for these conditions through welfare programs and leisure oppomiaities."
Eaton's offered an expansive welfare and benefits program, as discussed in chapter three. It also provided extensive leisure opportunities through its Eaton Girls' Club (EGC),
Eaton Young Men's Club (EYMC), and its choral and theatre groups, as well as other associations. The company's view was that these ventures were for the cornfort of employees. According to R.Y. Eaton, cornfort was used "in its original meaning which...means strength. By cornfort here is meant the kindly consideration which strengthens the recipient." This cornfort was to be found in the Girls' and Young Men's Clubs, as well as baseball, bowling and tennis leagues. These facilities and associations were also meant to provide "entertainment and healthful recreation.'"'
Providing weIfare programs and company-sponsored leisure activities may well have been to "cornfort" employees, for they certainly had the potential to compensate for other less-positive aspects of work. But was this effort necessary or desirable? In terms of business practices, employee welfare and recreation programs were an operating cost, although as noted in previous chapters, there were intangible benefits gained fiom such provisions (e.g., reduced employee turnover, enhanced loyalty, better health). Be that as it may, one could argue that, outside of benefits like hedth care, sick pay and the like, recreation activities could be enjoyed through cornmmity ventures. Yet, as noted in chapter two, comrnunity leisure channels were often IKnited in tems of access or by legislation which aiso controlled availability. Other forms were deemed unacceptable or inappropriate.
Most of the leisue oppornuiities identified thus far were male-centred. Given that there were also other venues for male leisure, such as sports like basebdl, hockey, lacrosse, and football, Eaton's provision of leisure oppominities, appears as an addendum to existing avenues which draws their motives into question. But what of leisure activities for Eaton's female employees beyond what the company supplied? Was the company supplementing an existing market or filling void? Examining leisure for girls and women in Toronto rnay help to answer that questiod2
Leisure and Recreation Pursuits
A Paucity of O~~ortunitiesfor Canadian Females
Just as the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries brought change to wage 154
labour for females, changes in female physicality also emerged Part of this was a reflection
of women's attitudes in the 1880s and l89Os, towards "their rights, their education and their
health.'" This period was not the to see women physically active, as females partook
of sports in the preceding decades, but activities such as fox hunting, ice skating, swimming
and croquet were seen as innocent amusements or "rather purposefut exertion~".~
Advances in technology, changing urban and industrial patterns, and access to
education combined with shifting social attitudes about women's health to alter their
opportunities to engage in sport and leisure vent~res.6~Able to join in activities ranging f?om
bicycling, tennis, golf and equestrianism to curling, lacrosse and ice hockey, female
participants saw such undertakings as a possible avenue for realizing "independence and
individuality." However, these early opportunities were lirnited to "the young, wedthy, and
generally more favoured element of society?
During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, organized leisure practices
were predorninantly the domain of those who had the the and financial means to pursue them. This scenario suggests that femdes who engaged in such activities enjoyed a degree of autonomy to pursue what they wanted. This is tnie to a point. The extent to which women could participate in physical activities like sport was dictated by their biology. Women were prohibited fiom engaging in any undertahg that threatened their reproductive capabilities.
Sports entailing physical contact were especially troublesome and others, Iike basketbail, ice hockey and lacrosse, were modified to minimize strain and protect the participants fiom injuring their "vital" organs.6' In essence, "[b]iological ideas were used specifically to construct social ideas about gender and to defend inequalities between men and women in sports.'*8
Despite these coIlSfraiflts, women's sport and physical activity continued to expand.
The growing profession of physical education took sports to the school systems. University
sport was also on the rise during this period, and Canadian women demonstrated their
abilities on the internationai stage during a period frequently called the "Golden Age" of
women' s sport ( 1 920s and 193 Os). Most attention was focussed on elite women who, for
example, participated at the Olympics or were members of the Edmonton Grads basketbal1
tearn. But these were not the only ones participathg in physical activity. Urbanization and
changing industrial practices (e.g., shorter working days, half-holidays) provided more
leisure the. Working girls also entered the sporting arena in their spare time, as the rise of
sports or athletic leagues attests?
Prior to the second decade of the twentieth century, '%vomenfsrecreational life was
equally inchoate and indiscriminate," mainly because they had little tirne for such pursuits.'O
Leisure patterns changed for this group for several reasons. Wage labour and regular working
hours defined working women's leisure in a manner different fkom that experienced before
or by those in domestic service, for example. But even with greater access to leisure activities
like sports, working women's "fkee the" was open to scrutiny and criticism fiom reformers.
Without proper guidance, girls and women were seen to waste their leisure on commercial amusements."
Agencies like settiement houses and the Young Woxxn's Christian Association
(YWCA) began to supplement existing leisure activities with their own prograrns. These facilities also served as boarding houses? The combination of recreaiion centre and "home" 156 was designed to "provide women workers with a suitably Christian home environment to counteract the temptations of the work-a-&y world." Boarding included rooms, meals and laundry, whereas leisure facilities entailed "reading rooms, gymnasia, tennis courts, and ice rinks." Team sports, such as basketball, were dso promoted. Some homes, like Sherboume
House built by Simpson's Department Store, also "sponsored dramatics, reading and glee
Facilities like senlement houses and the YWCA were designed to serve the needs of working women and often were sponsored by local business; however, they were extemal to those firms. Nevertheless, corporate commitment to these facilities symbolize another change in business and industrial practice, the recognition of the ment of recreation and leisure for employee well-king, as well as gamering economic benefits for the employer.
Another outcome of this change in thinking was the developrnent of Company- sponsored sports and industrial recreation programs. Given fernales' relatively limited access to and oppodties for leisure, it appears that industrial recreation programs served to fil1 a void.
A Brief Ovewiew of Industrial Recreation
The earliest accounts of industrial recreation date to the mid-1800s. The Peacedale
Manufacturing Company of Peacedale, Rhode Island offered the first known activities in
1854. Following that initiative, the Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA) became involveci in providing recreation to indusûial workers in 1868. Other Amencan firms, such as the Conant Thread Company (1870), the Alliston-Chalmers Manufachxing Company 157
(1 882), the Pullman Car Company and the National Cash Register Company, followed suit."
Typically, industrial recreation refers to "those recreation activities which are
provided to satisfy the particular needs and desires of employees of business and industrial bsm,:7sThis narrow, languid definition implies that industrial recreation programs were
strictly employeeilriven and solely for theu benefit. Yet, as several studies carried out on
industrial sport and recreation in Britain and the United States suggest, employes' efforts
were more than mere humanitarianism. For example, in examining the leisure patterns of the
working class in late-nineteenth and early-twentieth cen- in Worcester, Massachusetts,
Rosenweig found that many employers attempted to control the non-working activities of
their employees, especially any related to drinking and gambling, in order to ensure that
productivity was rnaink~ined.'~
hitially, as show in Rosenweig's study and as previously noted, employers and
prominent members of society opposed those foms of working-class leisure that they felt caused or contributed to social degeneration. Saloons were ofken the targets of efforts to reform working-class behaviours, particularly in the case of men. In the case of women, concem was expressed over working women's pursuit of "cheap amusements," those activities related to commercial amusements, such as dance halls, movie theatres and amusement parks. Commercial amusements, it was felt, provided opportunities for unchaperoned mingling of the sexes and led to the morai, and specifically sexual, downfall of women."
While there was extensive concern within the social reform movement over the moral degradation associated with the pursuit of'inappropriate" leisure activities, corporate Canada 158 and America dso expressed their own concerns, but connected these with decreased productivity of employees. For many employers, the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth- centuries represented a period of labour change and unrest. In an effort to quell labour-related problems, many employen sought means to improve working conditions. In doing so, they pursued programs based on '%elfare capitalism." This fom of corporate patemalism found expression in services provided 'Yor the cornfort and improvement, intellechial or social, of the employees, beyond wages paid, which is not a necessity of industry or required by law.""
One avenue of welfare capitalism was industrial recreation.
The growing presence of females in the workforce may have precipitated the rise of industrial recreation prograrns. As Hagen found, some Amencan fïnns instigated "health, sanitation and recreation services," in order to avert criticism regarding their labour practices." These programs also helped enhance the corporate image. In addition, company- sponsored sports potentially offered good advertking for the fim, and were ofien used as a fonn of boosterism.*
The scope of prognuns reflected social and cultural bises. For example, Kathleen
McCrone's examination of Cadbury's and Rowntree's, two English chocolate manufacturers, reflected that country's preference for netball, Swedish gymnastics and fieid hockey." berican firms, like General Electric, Goodyear and the National Cash Register Company, supported calisthenics,as weil as basketball, track and field, softball and bowling." Canadian firms, such as Westclox in Peterborough, Ontario and Toronto's Patterson Candy Company, promoted sports like sofiball, basketball and track and field."
Many firms employing recreation as part of their industrial welfare programs, 159
provided or emphasized sports. In addition to the ones mentioned, golf, tennis, swimming,
bicycling and archery were often popular, especially in the early part of the twentieth centuiy.
By the 1920s, team sports were on the rise and sports, in general, became the "centerpiece
of many company recreation prograrns."" Supporthg sports was a logical choice for
companies because most employees knew of sports and probably had some level of interest
in them. Yet, for some firms sports were not al1 they offered. Radio clubs, evening schools
and company dances were dso organized to help fil1 employees' fiee ti~ne.'~
ûther bs,while promoting sports for their fernale employees, adhered to traditional
views regarding giris' and women's roles in society. For exarnple, Rowntree's instituted
"compulsory sewing and housewifery classes for girls under the age of 17." Programs like these suggest two diings: first, without the company's intervention, young girls might miss this training because they were employed outside the home. Second, classes like sewing and housewifery were critical for every young woman's future?
Some firms even took their employees farther afield by providing them with summer vacation camps. Escape to the country was the undertaking of refonn agencies like Fresh Air
Funds. Companies like General Electric and Cadbury's also believed in the idea that summer camps couid provide "heaithfùl" retreats fiom crowded cities."
Providing extemal facilities, such as summer camps, appears to have been rare.
Similarly, severai studies found that few hsdeveloped their own recreation facilities.
Lacking space or unwilling to spend money on such ventures, many fims turned to local agencies, like the YMCA or YWCA, to operate their prograrns. Some even took advantage of commercial enterprises, such as bowling alleys, to provide their employees with recreationd ~~portunities.~*
As noted above, employers were becoxning sensitive to potential labour discontent.
In an attempt to address the personal and psychologicai aspects of employee relations, many sought to introduce sport and recreation as a panacea Leisure activities, such as sports, were thought to boost employee morde and increase loyaity to the company thereby reducing discord and employee Furthemore, company-sponsored recreation, as opposed to commercial amusements, were believed to "contribute to personal growth, citizenship and the general health of the workers." This last concern was particularly tnie in terms of
"appropriate" Ieisw activities of female employee~.~~
Give~?the rise of non-work related sport and recreation, the inclusion of industrial recreation activities appears in keeping with the times, thereby reflecting "how... workers chose to spend their leisure the, the values embraced by the companies and the employees and the accepted definition of masculinity and femininity.'*' However, the provision of industriai sport and recreation was not for the sole benefit of the employee. Equally important, although rarely publicly stated, was the relationship between industrial recreation and employee productivity. The provision of industrial recreation programs also served to improve the public image of business and indu- as it "demonstxate[d] a company's progressive attitude." Many companies, including Eaton's were highly conscious of their public rep~tation.~
As a major employer of females whose every action, especially duhg their non- working hours, was open to scrutiny, Eaton's was nghtiy concemed about its image. This fact and the reasons cited above may have been the catalyst for the company instigating its own industrial welfare and recreation programs.
Eaton's and Female Emdovees' Leisure
Almost fiom the outset, male employees had numerous opportunities for sport,
recreation and leisure. Little was done for girls and women until approximately the second
decade of the twentieth century. There were company outings such as picnics and the
Winnipeg store, founded in 1905, had a women' s basebail team starting in 19 13 .93
At the same tirne, a new organization was fomiing in Toronto - the Eatonia Club.
This club was an arnalgamation of the Eaton Athietic Association (EAA), Literary and
Dramatic Societies and the Debating, Camera and Skating Clubs. For three dollars, girls and women could use the gymnasium (e-g. physical culture classes, basketball) and swimrning tank, both with instructresses. They were also given access to the Ladies' parlour. For three to five dollars, their male colleagues enjoyed smoking and parlour rooms, a library, swimrning tank, gymnasiurn (e.g., boxing, wrestling), gymnastics equipment (e.g., parallel bars, German horse, flying rings), rowing machines, basketball, indoor baseball and other sports.94
The Eatonia Club was located in the YMCA building at 415 Yonge Street. The company had purchased land mouad Welland and Moore Avenue for EAA meets, but the project fell through as employees preferred to play sports in their own neighbourhoods. The activities of the Eatonia Club were suspended during World War 1.''
The first major sep towards addressing the leisure needs of female employees came in 191 8 with the establishment of the Eaton Women's Club, for "senior women employees" 162
and a "Girls' Club for juniors," for those 20 yaas of age and under. These two groups joined
to form the Eaton Girls' Club (EGC) in 1923.% This club took over the Eatonia Club space
at 41 5 Yonge Street and this facility included a gymnasiurn, library, sewing room, dining
room and sitting rooms, one of which was "designated as a special room where under
suitable chaperonage, such members as live in boarding houses, may receive their young men
£iiend~."~' Interestingly, the provision of an "approved" courting area reflects some of the
concerns expressed by mord reformers regarding young women, young men and
unsupe~sedleisure. This concern with the mord behaviour and respectability of the
company's female employees became an underlying theme in the work of the Eaton Girls'
Club and its affiliated organizations.
The Eaton Girls' Club served as the heart of girls' and women's leisure. The purpose
of the club was not clearly articulated in the early years, unlike its male counterpart the Eaton
Boys' Club (later the Eaton Young Men's Club). This latter group was organized:
...to benefit the boys in every way - mentally and physically, thus helping them to fit themselves for the great oppominities of the business world. Al1 of its activities are open to any of ouboys, and no boy can fiord to miss this splendid means of self impr~vernent.~'
By the rnid- 1920s' however, the EGC identified its mission as improving physical and mental
heaith, developing iruiate qualities such as leadership, the spint of fkiendliness, and companionship. While prornoting these features, the Girls' Club also provided instruction and opporRuiities to engage in a variety of leisure activities. The cultural side was addressed through the dramatics group and the chorus, both of which became CO-edactivities, aithough they had no counterpart in the Eaton Young Men's Club? 163
Club members' physical well-being was taken care of through the "Physical
Education Department." The gymnasium cornponent included clogging (clog dancing), gymnastics, corrective classes (e.g., proper posture), fencing, apparatus work, and field hockey. Dancing was providing in three forms: aesthetic, ballet and social, while sports included badminton and basketball. As time passed some of these activities were modified, dropped or expanded. Sports usually feil into the latter category. By the mid- to late- 1930s, bowling, volleyball, sofiball and track were added to the original offerings of basketball and badminton. Other sports, like baseball, were offered, however, such "manly" activities gave way to more appropriate sports. Al1 activities were offered under the guidance of competent instmcton, many of whom were trained at universities or physical education c01Ieges.'~~
There were few Iimitations on participation in these activities except that each participant was required to submit to a physicai examination. The purpose of these examinations was to ensure that each girl was physically able to partake of the various activities and to provide proper training for those who were not. The tests were rerniniscent of earlier physical examinations carried out on young women as they entered colleges and universities. They were also in keeping with the company's policy of having new employees undergo physicals in order to assure their suitability for empl~yrnent.'~'
While the Girls' Club actively promoted sports, the emphasis was on the social nature of the activity rather than athleticism and cornpetition. This, too, was in keeping with the notions of fiiendliness and companionship. Often games were followed by "refieshments and desserts." This emphasis also reflected contemporary thinking on the nature of women's sport and physical activity. Many physical educators, at the time, felt athleticism and 164 competition were characteristics ascnbed to male spoa and, therefore, contradicted femininity. The other side of the competition and athleticisrn coin was that these activities were perceived to threaten the health of girls and women, especiaily their reproductive health. 'O'
Femininity and domesticity were reidorced through the provision of a variety of courses. Initially, sewing, millinery, embroidery and dress desigrhg were offered, although over time only sewing was retained.'" While most of the courses reflected types of factory work available, annual reports of the Girls' Club indicate that most participants made their own clothes, including cloaks7 underwear and wedding dresses. Home economics, later called cooking school, was also offered. This was "a practicai course in cooking for business girls, and also include[d] a study of foods, their preparation, etc."'w The implication here, and with the sewing courses, was that business girls had compromised domestic aspects of their training for their ultimate role by working.
In addition to these familial types of activities, the Girls' Club attempted to enhance its members' education by offering a senes of lectures on subjects like curent events,
"Women To-day," personal hygiene, home nursing, correct speech, music appreciation,
"social usage" and "home adjustments." Like sewing and cooking, the courses were geared toward preparing girls and women for their lives after working. Lectures on "Women To- day" included topics such as "women's place in society - vocation, leisure, money, men, children, morals and happiness." Social usage encornpassed "charm, personality, individuality, appearance, manner and manners, and general des of etiquette." Home adjustments included subjects "of interest to every business girl, dealing with Eugenics - 165
social, financial, psychological and physiological of the home."'05 It is interesting that
eugenics was a sub-topic of home adjustments, considering that it focuses on issues of
fertility, rnaternity, reproduction, and, by extension, the future of the nation (read Anglo-
Saxon race).'M
Social hygiene was aiso an aspect of the home adjustments course. Like eugenics,
social hygiene was "a philosophy of race bettement," through education and medical
treatment. Eugenics, htintroduced by Francis Galton in 1883, meant %e study of the agencies under social control that may improve or impair the racial qualities of firture generations, either physicaily or mentally."'07 Eugenics education couid help to ensure babies were bom bealthy thereby reducing mortality and morbidity rates among mothers and babies.'08 However, eugenics was more exireme in its approach to irnproving humanity, and was not above invoking quarantines or sterilizing individuals who might produce "feeble" offspnngs. '09
In addition to courses, lectures and physical activity, members were encouraged to join various sub-groups like the Outdoor Club, the Lnspecton' Club which helped to develop leadership skills and the Social Service Club. This last group reflected the Eaton family's and the company's commitrnent to philanthropie endeavours.ltOThe Social SeMce Club worked towards "lend[ing] a helping hand to others less fortmate" than club members. Club efforts resulted in the donation of money, clothing, quilts, and layettes to local mateniity hospitals, settlement houses and poor families. l' '
Clearly targeting the working girl, these lectures were designed to prepare her for her fiiture role in Canadian society. Judghg by the content of some of the Girls' Club courses, 166
the young women were also king inculcated with notions of racial purity and appropriate
sexual behaviour. In fact, the description of the home adjustmenîs course in the 1933 Annuaf
Report noted, "social service figures show[ed] that about 75% of young peoples' problerns
are sex... This course as it gaios in popularity, will render our girls a great service."
Encouraging members to partake in the Social Service Club also suggests an effort to foster
a concem for others, especially those who were less forninate. While clearly directed toward
helping others in society, this approach could also be directed toward caring for family
members. ' l2
The nature of the Girls' Club activities and programs, when compared to those of the
Eaton Young Men's Club, reinforce this gendered outiook. Activities of the Eaton Young
Men's Club (EYMC)focussed predominantly on sports and were provided through the use
of YMCA facilities. There do not appear to be any courses offered, although members of the
EYMC did have access to university extension programs. The Club also offered weekly dinner meetings where prominent business and political leaders spoke. While the "Girls" were being prepared for domesticity as good, heaithy wives and mothers, the "Young Meny' were being groomed to be business men. This reinforcernent of socially appropriate roles refiects the "private-public" spheres of social relations. l l3
The private-public dichotomy also surfaces in the nature of club facilities. The
EYMC used YMCA facilities. They also competed regularly in sports leagues with other than just Eaton's tearns. The Eaton Girls' Club was a "private" enterprise in the sense that its building was owned by Eaton's. As well, membeship in the Club was restncted to
Eaton's employees, although sorne courses were open to non-employees. Girls' Club 167
members occasionally ventured beyond the Club to compete in a basketball league with
teams fkom other clubs, the Nomial School and the YWCA. This, however, appears to be the
extent of "public" activities.' l4
The EGC appears to have kena popular addition to the company's welfare scheme.
Early figures suggest that the Club had 2000 members in 1919. By the 1930s, the annual
membership averaged 108 1. Members came fiom all aspects of the company's operations;
although, by this period many of the girls and women fiom the factory stopped participating
because of the cost associated with the club and the physical toll of their work conditions.
Annual membership fees were S 1.O0 for seniors and fi@ cents for juniors. In addition, each
course and activity (e.g., sewing, basketball) cost $1.00, although some concessions were
made for members enrolling in more than one activity. %y 1936, membership costs climbed to $3-00, but included a season of gym classes with a swim and one other activity. Additional
courses could be taken for $2.00 each.'15
The success of the Eaton Girls' Club gave rise to the establishment of Shadow Lake summer vacation camp. Founded in 1923. Shadow Lake was designed to provide a restful respite fiom work and the city. Promotion of the camp presented it as idyllic. "Shadow Lake, with its 225 acres of beautifid woods, hills and a laice is located at Bdantrae, Ontario, within
35 miles of Toronto. With aa altitude of over 1000 above sea level, it is an unusually healthy spot.'"16 The reference to altitude alludes to the camp having plenty of '%sh air," something that rnay have been lacking both at work and in the city.
The camp had extensive facilities, including five sleeping cabins for campers, a dining hall, visitor cabins and a recreation bungalow, an "attractive, airy building," complete 168
with fireplace, piano and Victrola Campers were also provided with Uwell cooked, tasty and
ooUnshuig7'rneals. Camp equipment and facilities included rowboats, sailboats, swimming
facilities, basebaii diarnonds, basketball courts, and a nine-hole golf course. As well, campes
codd take advantage of equestrian lessons or merely "rest."'"
While many of these activities were typical working-class activities, the inclusion of
sailing, golf and equestrian activities suggest an attempt tu inûoduce employees to more
"re£hed" leisure pastimes, activities usually associated with middle- and upper-class Ieisure practices. The emphasis on hedthy meals is also interesthg in that single working women and girls were often cnticized for scrimping on meals and quality food in order to Save
money for other purchases (e-g., clothing) and activities (e.g., amusements). Organizers of
Shadow Lake may have tried to instill the ment of quality rneal~.''~
Just as the Eaton Girls' Club had its male counterpart in the Eaton Young Men's
Club, Shadow Lake's cornpiement was the Eaton Young Men's Country Club (EYMCC).
On the surface Shadow Lake Camp and the Eaton Young Men's Country Club, the summer retreat for male employees, seem very similm. Both ofTered ernployees a chance for a healthful escape fiom the city, and many of the activities provided were comparable (e.g. swimming, tennis, go If). However, there are several contrashg features. For example, the
"Girls" stayed in "sleeping bungalows" (i.e., cabins), while the "Young Men" roughed it by sleeping in tents. ' l9
The Country Club was located withui a streetcar's ride of the store and factory, thereby allowing males daily access to its facilities. Young Men could stay uvernight as the
Company arranged their transportation between work and the camp. Shadow Lake, in 169
contrast, was located 35 miles north of Toronto and was accessible only by private vehicle
or rail. As a result, the Girls' camp was only available during vacations or on ~eekends."~
The cost of these camps also reflects gender disparities within both the workplace and
the recreational setting. Shadow Lake fees for Eaton Girls' Club memben were $7.00 per
week, and $8 .O0 for non-mernbers, with daily rates of % 1.25 and S 1.50 respectively .Rail fare
was approximately $2.00 rem. The cost per week for Young Men's Club members was
only $5.00, while transportation costs were small. The disparity in these figures is enhanced
by the fact that male employees typically made $7.00 per week more than theu female
counterparts.12' Disparities strongly affected the girls and women using this facility no matter
what the reason for the difference in cost.
Both Shadow Lake and the Eaton Girls' Club were open to al1 female employees of
the Company. In fact, fiom its opening, Shadow Lake was open to non-Eaton employees,
should space permit. By the 1930s, the Girls' Club had also opened its doors to non- employees, as well as employees from Eaton's subsidiaries. In promoting the oppomuiities available at these facilities, emphasis was placed on the wholesome nature of the environments and activities and the idea that both the camp and the club could help improve the mental and physical well-being of the participants. In essence, Eaton's attempted to instill habits of clean, heaithy living in its femaie employees, while provîding them with an b'appropnate" alternative to commercial amusements.
The Club and Camp also opened their doors to their male colleagues. Occasionally this interaction involved sports, such as with their respective bah-&ton clubs. Most interaction, though, took the form of social gatherings, such as dances and special dinner~.'~~ 170 The EYMC reciprocated with their own social programs, ofien inviting "girls fiom the store"
for weekly Fday night dances which were over by 1 1:O0 p.m. There was no indication as
to what tirne the girls' dances e~~ded.'~~
Recreation and leisure opportunities continued unabated through the Depression to
World War Two. Some activities changed due to demand, few were cancelled due to
hancial comTtraints because they were either fully supported or subsidized by the Sir John
Craig Eaton Mernorial Fund which was established to promote recreation and sport. Set up
in 1927, this fund was also responsible for the creation of the Christie Street Athletic Fields.
From ifs inception until the end of the 1938 season, the memonal fuod provided
approximately $51 7,000 for four major areas of recreation: the Christie Street Athletic
Cornplex, the Eaton Young Men's Club and Country Club, the Eaton Girls' Club and
Shadow Lake Camp, and the Choral and Operatic Society. The Christie Street facility and the Choral and Operatic Society each gamered approximately seven per cent of this funding.
The balance went to the Eaton Girls' organizations and Young Men's operations, with the former receiving approximately 46 per cent of the funds, while theu male colleagues secured approximately 39 per cent. lu
This discrepancy did not go unnoticed. h 193 1, the Superintendent's office noted that, for employees under the age of twenty-five, the company paid approximately $4.00 per female employee and $2.00 per male employee for recreation. This difference was cause for concem, as the following excerpt illustrates: "One question that suggests itself is whether or not, in view of the fact that we look to our young men for fiture executives, - is this proportion equitable?" Given the company's push to promote young men, Eaton's recreation 171
expenditures appear to have put its practices at odds with Company policies, at least its
explicit policies. On the other hanci, Eaton's may have invested more in the Girls' Club and
Camp because female employees were not expected to stay with the Company long, and this
funding could help train them for their fuhue ro1esE6
Summarv
Single working femaies in Toronto pushed the boundaries ofpatriarchal cootrol, both
familial and social. Entering into wage-labour compounded this social situation. While work
was an issue, their non-work time posed a greater concem. This was nota labour issue, rather
it was social in nature because worbg girls' and wornen's mord character was threatened
by entering a work force dominated by an antithetical male ethic (e.g. capitalistic,
cornpetitive, individualistic and public). This situation was also seen to endanger fernales'
future roles as wives and mothers. Leisure time was particularly critical since this was when
mord decisions were made. During this Megirls and wornen were away fiom parental or
employer control. Enjoying a degree of autonomy, they could make decisions regarding their
behaviour, especidy their sexual behaviour. Their free thne enabled them to challenge, and
in some ways break, the traditional paradigm of "proper wornanhood." As a result, female
leisure time became society's moral barometer, in the sense that this was when fernales could and might rnake decisions that wouid compromise their character (e.g. drink, engage in sex).
It was dso a thewhen they might be unwisely influenced by others.
These attitudes evolved as a resdt of industriaikation and altered work patterns and oppomuiities. During the late nineteenth century, employment choices were limited to three 172
main categories: manufacfuring, domestic or personal service, and teaching. By the l93Os,
girls and wornen could pumie a greater range of jobs, ranging fiorn administrative, clencal
and sales to recreation. Fernales pursuing these "careers" were predominantiy single and
represented approximately 16 per cent of the total work force between 188 1 and 1931. The
majority were employed in the new "white-collar" clencal and sales categories.
Increases in employrnent signalled change, aithough females' larger public presence
represented disorder for reformers. Girls and women in the work force were beyond parental control and were seen to be "adrift." While the work environment was challenging for males and fernales, the latter were particularly vulnerable as work conditions were often physically, emotionally, and psychologically arduous and unhealthy. Eaton' s was not exempt fiom these conditions. Although better than most fms, they, ~OO,were guilty of paying low wages, invoking heavy work loads and using pressure tactics to increase productivity. Yet the perception of risk focussed maidy on moral risk and it was related to time away nom work.
This was similar to the concem expressed about girls and single women being away fiom home - they were seen to be beyond patriarchal control.
The focus on female leisure was not really an issue until approximately the second decade of the mentieth century. By that tirne, changing work patterns had enabled girls and women to experience work in a fahion similar to males; that is, women worked regular hours. They also experienced leisure in a somewhat comparable manner, although females were more likely to be attracted to commercial amusements than merely to saloons.
Reformers felt that femaie leisure pursuits needed to be watched and controlled to ensure that eligible girls and women did not miss a chance to find a proper husband. The 173
irony is that some women probably did miss finding a suitable husband, suitable at least by
their standards not reformers'. Qudity of character was at issue here and commercial
amusements were thought not to attract the right soa of people. "Girls" out for a good time
were particularly at risk. By pursuing "cheap amusements" they put their sexual and moral
character at risk, and, by extension they threatened the fùture of society.
Leisure practices, fkom reformers' perspective, needed to be redefined in an
appropriate manner. The YWC A, settlement houses, and simila.operations had a role to play
in this. So did employers such as Eaton's. Yet, Eaton's was seen by many to be both saint, as demonstrated by the family's and company's philanthropy, and as sinner, as evidenced by their employment practices during the Depression. These factors reflected Victonan attitudes and capitalist business practices.
As a major employer of fernales, Eaton's was under scmtiny for its treatment of employees. But its employees were also under scmtiny. The company wanted Mwhodeait with the public to convey an image that would make the company 's middle-class clientele cornfortable. To achieve this, Eaton's paid decent wages in an effort to attract the "best class" of clerks. The company also instigated stafftraining to ensure employees met the company's standards, particdarly in ternis of demeanor and presentation. These were refined through various desand regulations, and, arguably, through the company's leisure programs. For example, the types of activities available at Shadow Lake (e.g., sailing, golf, tennis, equestnanism), were certainly more in keeping with middle and upper class practices. The decom and etiquette embedded in these leisure pastimes set a standard. But they also gave
Eaton's femaie employees a better understanding of some of their customers' worlds, as well as cornmon topics of conversation.
Directives regarding conduct and appearance carried class and gender biases. Female employees were clearly the target of the various training programs. There was also an assumption that these girls and women had a working-class background a lack of social skills and limited education - aU things that codd be corrected. The use of directives that were supported by penalties provided the company with a way to elicit respectable behaviour fiom the staff.
Even though working conditions were good for the most part, female employees faced systemic discrimination. They were viewed as tempolary or short-term employees.
They were paid less than their male colleagues and forced to retire earlier. During the
Depression they were not allowed to keep their jobs if their husbands could support them.
Finally, fernales were not considered executive material.
Provision of welfare programs and leisure facilities may have been compensation for such conditions. However, the company's motive for providing these benefits could be questioned. Recreation and welfare programs were an operating cost, but they were probably cheaper than paying every employee a fair wage. Wages applied to everyone, but not everyone took advantage of company benefits. Why did Eaton's go to these lengths? While welfare benefits like covering medical costs and providing sick pay were difficdt to find elsewhere, could the same be said of recreation facilities? Was Eaton's trying to fil1 a void or merely to supplement existing opportunities?
There were other recreation programs and facilities available through boarding and settlement houses, the YWCA and similar organizations. These agencies also addressed the 175 reform movement's concem over "appropriate" activities. In addition, local companies seemed to be committing to rational recreation as they supported these organizations. But, they also showed their cornmitment by developing their own recreation programs.
Industrial recreation programs have been around since the mid-1800s. These were tied to both social and industriai refom and were designed to control employees' social behaviour, enhance their loyaity to the Company, increase productivity, reduce thelost due to illness and employee turnover, and quel1 labour unrrst. The rising number of girls and women in the work force may have acted as a catalyst for the expansion of these programs.
Certainly, industrial recreation programs could ensure the health and well-being of fernales, thereby averting criticism over labour practices.
These programs included gender-appropriate sports (e-g., modified des, beyond public puwiew). They also entailed courses and lectures that focussed on developing domestic abilities like sewing, cooking and home adjustments. Promotion of industrial recreation programs seemed a timely response to labour needs and social concerns over women and girls.
Eaton's situation was not very different fiom that of most fimis incorporating industrial recreation prognuns into their business plans. Male employees at Eaton's had a long history of leisure opportunities. Their female counterparts, however, did not enjoy the same chances until the second decade of the twentieth centuxy, when society was expressing concem over working girls' and women's pursuit of cheap commercial amusements.
The main vehicles for female leisure at Eaton's were the Eaton Girls' Club and the summer camp at Shadow Lake. Facilities were comprehensive, including club rooms, a 176 gymnasium, swimming tank, sewing and cooking rooms and a cafeteria. There was even a special meeting room where young women could entertain their male fiiends, under suitable chaperonage of course. The facilities and programs provided by the Company differed little fiom those offered in other industrial recreation programs or by reform-related agencies like settlement houses and the YWCA.
The EGC and Shadow Lake camp were also a timely response to a variety of needs, particularly those that related to the weIl-king of working girls and women. To this end, the club proposed to promote the physical and mental well-being of its members and to help develop desirable qualities. This was to be achieved through a variety of programs, courses and lectures.
Physical activity programs focussed on the social aspect of play and downplayed athieticism and competition. These two traits had no place in club activity since they contradicted notions of femininity. But, by reducing these aspects of sport and play, the club dso ensured that members' health, particularly their reproductive health, was protected.
Additionally, the de-emphasis of competition served to reinforce the double standards prevalent in the company's other practices. While their male counterparts were with provided competitive oppodties, such as hockey and track meets, female employees were denied the same chances. However, what role members played in deciding the nature of activities offered is not c1ea.r.
Domesticity and feminullty were important aspects of the courses and lectures provided by and through the EGC. While providing training in domestic skills such as cooking and sewing, these "educationai" experiences also reinforced notions of racial 177 dvaland purity through eugenics and social hygiene. Girls' and single wornen's ultirnate role was aiso promoted through encouraging members to engage in social senrice work. By helping out those who were less forninate, club members were exposed to a sense of numiring and compassion that could also be expressed in a maternai role.
Even though the EGC and the Eaton Young Men's Club had similar facilities and programs, their goals were cleariy distinct and gendered. The former were directed toward domesticity, while the latter were being groomed for the business world. This difference was enunciated with the concem expressed over the difference in fiinding. Analysis shows that this "public-private" and sepamte spheres dichotomy was aiso evident in the facilities and programs of each. The fact that each club codd oniy attend activities at the invitation of the other reuiforced this separation, as well as senhg to control heterosocial intermingling.
The nature of the Girls' Club also suggests separateness. Both were promoted as healthful retreats from the rigours and perils of the work world. The Club had its own building, while the camp was isolated north of the city. But the types of programs and activities offered at both also set hem apart. Golf, tennis and equestnanism, dong with the way in which these and other activities were to be enjoyed, suggests a class separation. These ventures were usually associated with middle-class leisure practices. The lack of cornpetition and athleticism also reflects a similar bias, as &en found in the sport and play of college and
University women. The very essence of the Club and the Camp also reflects and reinforces the efforts the Company extended in order to cultivate a particular image for both itself and its female employees. 1. Carolyn Strange, Toronto 's Girl Problem: me Perils and Pleawes of the City, 1880- 1930 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1995),4-6.
2. Alice Klein and Wayne Roberts, "Besieged Innocence: The 'Problem' and Problems of Working Women - Toronto, 1896-1914," in Women at Work in Ontario. 1850-1930, ed., Janice Acton, Penny Goldsmith and Bonnie Shepard (Toronto: Canadian Women' s Education Press, 1974), 2 12-2 13.
3. Carolyn Strange, "From Modem Babylon to a City on a Hill: nie Toronto Social Swey Commission of 19 15 and the Search for Sexuai Order in the City," in Pattern of the Part: Interpreting Ontario's History, ed. Roger Hall, William Westfall and Laurel Sefion MacDowell (Toronto: Dundurn Press, 1988), 256.
4. Dominion Bureau of Statistics, Cemus of Canada, 192 1, vol. 5 (Ottawa: J.O. Patenaude, 19%).
5. Strange, Toronto S Girl Problem, 218-221, Tables A.3, A.6, A.8. Table A.8 gives a detailed breakdown of the sixteen major employment areas.
6. Lizabeth Cohen, Making a New Deal: Industrial Workers in Chicago, 1919- 1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 199-20 1; Strange, Toronto S Girl Problem, 2 1 5, Table A.2; Klein and Roberts, "Besieged Innocence," 10.
7. Marjorie Grifi Cohen, Women's Work Morkets. and Economic Development in Nineteenth-Century Ontario (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, l988), 179, Table 26; Strange, Toronto S Girl Problem, 220, Table A.6.
8. Strange, Toronto 's Girl Problem, 220-22 1, Tables A.6, A.7; Klein and Roberts, "Besieged Innocence," 8-9'25.
9. Strange, "From Modem Babylon," 26 1.
10. Diana Pedersen, "'A Building for Her': The YWCA in the Canadian City," Urban History Review 15, no. 3 (Febniary 1987), 227. Chapter 5 will deal in detail with ways in which single women's activities, behaviours and opportunities both conformed to and challenged traditional notions of femininity and women's place in society.
1 1. Strange, "From Modem Babylon," 266.
12. Klein and Roberts, "Besieged Innocence," 222-225.
13. Klein and Roberts, "Besieged hocence," 223; Ruth A Frager, "Class, Ethnicity, and Gender in the Eaton Strikes of 1912 and 1934," in Gender Conjlicts: New Essays in Women 's History, ed. Franca Iacovetta and Mariana Valverde (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1992), 19 1. 14. Eaton Collection - Archives of Ontario (hereafter EC-AO), F-229-6,Private Office Correspondence; Ietter fiom Tùnothy Eaton to Staff inspecter Archibdd dated 8 March 1890. See chapter three for a discussion of working hours at Eaton's.
15. House of Commons, Report of the Royal Commission on Price Spreads, vol. 1 (Ottawa: J.O. Patenaude, 193 7). Several female employees attested to these practices. The Royal Commission was a scathing indictment of business practices in Canada. While Eaton's was a major target of the inquiry, other finns such as Simpson's and The Bay were aiso investigated, as were other companies in industries such as manufacturing, fishing and mining.
16. Sûange, Toronto 's Girl Problem, 177; Pedersen, "'A Building for Her,'" 227.
17. Strange, "From Modem Babylon," 262-263; Kathy Peiss, Cheq Amusements: Working Women and Leisure in Turn-of-the-Century New York (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986), 5.
18. Strange, Toronto 's Girl Problem, 1 17. The nature of commercial amusements was discussed in chapter two.
19. Strange, Toronto 's Girl Problem, 1 17-1 18.
20. Klein and Roberts, "Besieged Innocence," 226.
21. Don Dawson, "The Rational Subordination of Women's Leisure Under Patriarchal Capitalism," Society and Leisure 1 1, no. 2 (Summer 1988), 403, emphasis added.
22. Strange, Toronto's Girl ProHem, 123; Strange, "From Modem Babylon," 264-265, emphasis added.
23. Peiss, Cheap Amusements, 5 1-55; Strange, Toronto 's Girl Problem, 9.
24. Strange, Toronto's Girl Problem, 16; United Church Archives, Department of Evangelism and Social Services (UCA, DESS), Minutes of the Annual Meeting of the General Board, 3-5 September, 19 18.
25. Social Survey Commission, Report of the Social Survey Commission of Toronto (Toronto: The Canwell Co., 19 1S), 54-55. Hereafter, SSC, Report of the SSC.
26. SSC, Report ifthe SSC, 39.
27. Strange, Toronto 's Girl Problem, 3 1 ;Joy L. Santink, Timothy Eafon and the Rise ofHs Depariment Store (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1990), 199-200. 28. EC-A0 F-229-61, Welfare Office Outgoing Messages Apnl 192 1 - December 1928, memo fiom R.Y. Eaton dated 28 March 1910, emphasis added.
29. Susan Porter Benson, Counter Cultures: Saleswomen, Managers, and C~omersin American Department Stores, 1890-1940 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986), 128- 30. Emphasis added.
30. Benson, Counter Cultures, 3 1.
3 1. EC-A0 F-229- 171, vol. 1, notes to employees, 19 19- 1950, emphasis added.
32. Alison Prentice, Paula Boume, Gai1 Cuthbert Brandt, Beth Light, Wendy Mitchinson and Naomi Black, Canadian Women: A History (Toronto: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1988), 24 1-242.
33. EC-A0 F-229-64, Superintendent's Office Notices, 1925- 1932.
35. EC-A0 F-229- 162-0-909, tak given to elevator operators by Mrs. Stiil during the week of 13 January 19 19. Emphasis in the original.
36. Benson, Counter Cultures, 209; Smge, Toronto S Girl Problem, 189; Klein and Roberts, "Besieged Innocence," 2 17; EC-A0 F-229-8-0-2 12, Employees Book of Information, 193 6.
3 7. EC-A0 F-229- 1 62-0792, Employees Book of Information, 191 8, 15.
38. Ibid, 17- 1 8, emphasis added.
39. Ibid., 43.
42. Benson, Counter Cultures, 139.
44. EC-A0 F-162-0-90 1, employee reminiscences based on questionnaires and interviews. 45. Frager, "Class, Ethnicity, and Gender," 189-204; William Stephenson, nte Store that Timothy Built (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1969), 98; Eileen SW,me Eaton Drive: 7he cmpaign to Organize Canada S Largest Department Store, 1948-1952 (Toronto: Fitzhenry & Whiteside, 1982), 27. See Frager for a detailed discussion of the 19 12 and 1934 mikes. Because Eaton's personnel files are closed, it is difficdt to determine the ethnic composition of the company's work force. Nevertheless, examination of the religious demographics of Eaton's employees, as presented in Appendur IV,provides some insight into this issue.
46. Report of the Royal Commission on Price Spreah, 109-1 1 1,4446-8,4452.
47. Ibid., 4380-87; Canada, Special Committee on Price Spreadr and Mass Buying: Proceedings and Evidence (Ottawa: J.O. Patenaude, 1934), 3323-3326.
48. EC-A0 F-229-61; Royd Commission on Price Spreadr, 4520.
49. Royal Commission on Price Spreadr, 4462.
50. Ibid., 4569.
5 1. Royal Commission on Price Spreah, 446 1-62-4518,455849,4569.
52. Strange, Toronto s Girl Problem, 20 1 -202; Special Commission on Price Spreab, 3 3 68- 69.
53. Report of the Royal Commission on Price Spreadr, vol. 1,406-409; Special Cornmittee on Price SpreadF, 333 1-40.
54. Claudia Goldin, Understanding the Gender Gap: An Economic History of American Women (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 172.
55. EC-A0 F-229-6 1, emphasis added.
58. SpeciaZ Committee on Price Spreuds, 332 1, ernphasis added.
59. EC-A0 F-229-13-1, memo dated 26 August, 19 13.
60. Strange, Toronto 's Girl Problem, 203.
6 1. EC-A0 F-229-8-0-98, R.Y.Eaton speechto the Eaton Business Men's Club, 2 December 1928. Members of this club were department managers, their first assistants and Company executives. By conveying this image of leisure practices, Eaton's was fostering the cornpany's perception of the ment of leisure in the minds of influentid employees.
62. Several broader sport history works discuss, in varying detail, the range, depth and of nature of male-centred leisure activities available in Toronto and Canada. See, Richard Gruneau and David Whitson, Hockey Nighl in Canada: Sport. Identities and Culturd Politics (Toronto: Garamond Press, 1993); Bruce Kidd The Stniggle for Canadian Sport (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996);Aian Metcalfe, Canada Lemto Play: The Emergence of Organized Sport. Idil 7- 191 4 (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1987); Don Morrow, Mary Keyes, Wayne Simpson, Frank Cosentino and Ron Lappage, A Concise History of Sport in Canada (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1989): Moms Mott, ed., Sports in Canada: Historical Readings (Toronto: Copp Clark Pitman, 1989).
63. M. AM Hall and Dorothy Richardson, Fair Ball: Towards Sex Equality in Canadion Schools (Ottawa:Canadian Advisory Council on the Status of Women, 1982), 32.
64. M. Ann Hall, "Rarely Have We Asked Why: Reflectioos on Canadian Women's Experience in Sport," Atlantis 6, no. 1 (1980), 53.
65. Hall, "Rarely Have We Asked Why," 53.
66. M. Ann Hall, "A History of Women's Sport in Canada Prior to World War I" (master's thesis, University of Alberta, 1968), 6 1.
67. Helen LensSj, Ouf ofBoundî: Wumen Sport and Sexualty (Toronto: Women's Press, 1986), 55; Morrow et al., A Concise Histoty, 234-35; Helen Lenskyj, "Whose Sport? Whose Tradition? Canadian Women and Sport in the Twentieth Century," The Intemational Journal of Sport History 9, no. 1 (April 1992), 145-146.
68. Jennifer Hargreaves, Sporting Fernules: Critical Issues in the History and Sociology of Wonzen 's Sporfs (London: Routledge, 1994), 43.
69. Morrow et al ., A Concise Hisiory, 23 6;Kidd, The Stnigglefor Canadian Sport, 95; Hall, "AHistory of Women's Sport," 11 6- 1 17.
70. Wayne Roberts, Honest Womunhood: Feminism. Femininity, and CZass Comciousness Among Toronto Working Women, 1893 to 1914 (Toronto: New Hogtown Press, 1976), 49.
71. Monys Hagen, "Industrial Hamiony Through Sports: The industrial Recreation Movernent and Women's Sports," (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1990), 6- 1 o.
72. Strange, Toronto 's Girl Problem, 178-80; Sîrange, "Frorn Modem Babylon," 2 17- 18.
73. Diana Pedersen, "'Keeping Our Good Girls Good': The YWCAand the 'Girl Problem,' 1870- 1 930," Canadian Women S Studies 7,no. 4 (1986), 20.
74. Don L. Neer, "'hdustry," The Annals ofthe American Academy of Political and Social Science 3 1 3 (September 1957): 79-82; J.R. Schleppi, "'It Pays' : John H. Patterson and Industrial Recreation at the National Cash Register Company," Journal of Sport History 6, no. 3 (Winter 1979): 20-28.
75. Jackson M. Anderson, Indushial Recreation: A Guide to Its Organization and Administration (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1955), 5.
76. Roy Rosenweig, Eight Hours for Whar We Wiii: Workets and Leisure in an Industriai City, 1870-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983). For studies on industrial recreation in the United States see Lyme Emery, "From Lowe11 Miiis to Halls of Farne: Industrial League Sports for Women," in Women and Sport: Inferdiscipl»ury Perspectives, ed. D. Margaret Costa and Sharon R. Guthrie, 107- 121, (Champaign, Il.: Human Kïnetics, 1994); Hagen, "Industriai Hannony Through Sports"; J.R. Schieppi, "'It Pays'". For a study of working class women's leisure in Bntain, see Catriona M. Parratt, "With Little Means or Tirne: Working-Class Women and Leisure in Late Victorian and Edwardian England," (Ph-D. diss., Ohio State University, 1994). What linle consideration has been given to industnal recreation in Canada is found in Joan Sangster, "The Softball Solution: Female Workers, Male Managers and the Operation of Patemalism at Westclox, 19234960," Labour/Le Travail 32 (Fall 1992): 167-199.
77. Rosenweig, Eight Hours for Whaf We WiIZ; Peiss, Cheap Amusements; Strange, Toronto S Girl Problem.
78. U.S. Department of Labour, Bureau of Statistics 1919, as cited in Hagen, "Industrial Harmony," 1.
79. Hagen, "Industriai Harmony Through Sports," 2 1.
80. Joan Sangster, "The Sofiball Solution," Labour/Le Travail 32 (Fall 1993), 192.
8 1. Kathieen McCrone, "Class, Gender and English Women's Sport, c. 1890- 19 14," Joud of Sport Histmy 18, no. 1 (Spring 1991), 173-77.
82. Hagen,"Industriai Hannony Through Sports," 33-34; Lyme Emery, '%rom Lowell Mills to Halls of Fame," 108-09.
83. Sangster, "The Softball Solution," 189; Kidd, The Stmggie for Canadian Sport, 95-96.
84. Hagen, "Industrial Harmony Through Sports," 187-88.
85. Cohen, Muking o New Deal, 177.
86. McCrone, "Class, Gender and English Women's Sport," 177.
87. Hagen, "Industrial Harmony Through Sports," 32; McCrone, "Class, Gender and English Women's Sport," 174. 88. Sangster, "The Softball Solution," 189; McCrone, "Class, Gender and English Women's Sport," 176-77; Emery, "From Lowell Mills," 109.
89. Emery, "From Lowell Mills," 110.
90. Hagen "Industrial Harrnony Through Sports," 34.
92. Ibid., 107. The point regarding the gendered nature of activities is reveded through the types of activities provided and pursued. For example, in the case of Eaton's, many of the activities provided for the male employees were in keeping with "manly pursuits," such as camping in tents, and were designed to make young men future executives. On the other hand, recreational activities for girls and wornen were usually designed to irnprove and maintain hedth and to prepare them for their future roles as wives and mothers. EC-A0 recreation files, Eaton Girls' Club files.
94. EC-A0 F-229- 162-0-880. Boys under 18 were charged $3.00, while those 18 and over paid $5.00 to use the facilities. There was no mention of instnictors for male members.
97. The Scribe, Golden Jubilee, 226.
100. EC-A0 F-229- 171, Eaton Girls' Club Brochures, 192%1 93 8; F-229- 162-0-865; F-229- 182 OIS; F-229-183. Some of the instmctors came fiom the Margaret Eaton School which provided instruction in various subjects including physicai education.
102. EC-A0 F-229-162-0-865; F-229- 163. The purpose of the Club and the nature of the activities offered were extracted fiom several brochures, ca. 1920s-1 93 Os, advertising ventures carried on at and by the Eaton Girls' Club; Susan Cahn, Coming on Stmng: Gender and SexuaIity in Twenfiefh-CenturyWomen 's Sport (New York: Free Press, 1994), 27-30; Hargreaves, Sporting Fernales, 3 1 ;Lenskyj, Out of Bowrds, 3640. 104. EC-A0 F-229- 183, Eaton Girls' Club Annual Reports, 1933- 193 8. The Recreation Office files are faVly extensive, although it appears that no effort was made to submit comprehensive annual reports until 1933.
105. EC-A0 F-229- 171, Girls' Club brochure dated 24 September 193 1.
106. Cahn, Coming On Sirong, 29; Strange, Toronto 's Girl ProbZem, 1 12- 1 15. 107. Francis Galton, Inquiries info Hman Facuity andlts Developmenf (New York: Dutton, 1907), as cited in Angus McLaren, Our Own Mmter Race: Eugenics in Canada, 1885-1$45 (Toronto: McCIelland & Stewart, 1!BO), 15.
108. McLaren, Our Own Mmer Race, 35.
109. Strange, Toronto 's GirZ ProbZem, 204-205.
1 10. EC-A0 F-229-171, EGC brochures 1929-1938.
11 1. EC-A0 F-229- 183, EGC Annual Reports, 1933-1938.
112. EC-A0 F-229-183, Eaton Girls' Club AnnuaZ Report 1933, 5.
11 3. EC-A0 F-229- 162-0-867; F-229- 183, Annual Report of Men S Recreation, 1930- 1938.
1 14. Ibid.; EC-A0 F-229- 183, EGC Annual Reports, 1933-1938.
1 15. EC-A0 F-229- 162-0-60; F-229- 162-0-6 1; Royal Commission on Price Spreodr, vol. 4,4474; EC-A0 F-229- 182 O/S; F-229- 162-0-86s. Membership numbers were reported as a total for the years 1933 to 1936. Detailed figures were reported in 1937 and 1938. Appendix V presents a detailed sumrnary of rnembership breakdown by departrnent for the years 1937 and 1938. AU employees would have been familiar with these various organizations and programs as fliers and brochures were distributed with employee pay envelopes, EC- A0 F-229-8-3 58.
1 16. EC-A0 F-229- 171, Shadow Lake Camp brochure, 1924.
117. Ibid.
1f 8. EC-A0 F-229- 171, Shadow Lake Camp brochure dated 26 June 1924; Strange, Toronto 's GirZ Problem, 180-8 1; Peiss, Cheap Amusements, 52-53. 121. EC-A0 F-229- 17 1; House of Comrnons, Speciul Cornmirtee on Price Spreads and Mars Buying: Proceedings und Evidence, vol. 3 (Ottawa: J.O. Patenaude, 1934), 33 18,3327. It is possible that Shadow Lake cost more, but both sites belonged to Eaton's. AIso, taxes may have ken lower at Shadow Lake as it was Merfiom the city. As well, maintenance cost rnay have been higher as the Girls' camp had more buildings (e.g. cabins versus tents), but the EYMCC had a swimrning tank not a lake. Shadow Lake received much of its food from Shadow Lake Farm which was close to the camp, so transportation costs should have been lower. Also, the women and girls were responsible for their own transportation costs while EYMC members had their costs subsidized by the company. Finally, the Sir John Craig Eaton Mernorial Fund provided more money to the EGC than to the EYMC, which shouid have reduced the cost more. The bottom line was using the summer camps cost the girls and women more, yet they made less money.
122. EC-A0 F-229-171, Shadow Lake Camp Brochure, 1924; F-229-183, EGC Annual Report, 1933-1938.
123. EC-A0 F-229- 183, Anmal Report of Men 's Recreation, 1930- 1938; EGC Annuol Reports, 1933-1938.
124, EC-A0 F-229-182 O/S; F-229- 17 1, EGC brochures, 1929- 1938. CHAPTER FNE
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
This study is an dysisof social forces which had an impact on Eaton's
Toronto business practices, especially related to the company's female employees.
It illustrates that the social gospel and moral reform movements of the time were so strong they manifested themselves in Eaton7semployee welfare programs. In tum, this manifestation infiuenced female employees' leisure in terms of the nature of programs and activities offered as well as the values and attitudes attached to those programs and activities. This research also shows how powerful segments of society were able to constnict the leisure practices of working females to resemble an image appropnated fiom middle class values and standards.
The reform movement in Canada represented a mixture of secular and religious agencies and activists drawn fiom the social gospel and moral reform or social purity movements. This was a class-based approach to social reform that also attempted to regulate sexual morality. Members of this movement were mainly fiom the rniddle classes and included clerics, women, business men al1 with certain standing in society (e.g., moral, hanciai, social, matemal ferninists).
The social gospel movement was an attempt to apply Christianiîy to social problems in a practical manner. Social gospellers were thus secularizingChristianity, making it socially relevant both fiom the churches7and congregations' perspective.
Christianity, in general, needed to be in touch with the people more and to address concerns and issues related to urban living. 188 The moral reform movement, on the other hand, addressed similar problems
through rational management and social action. This secdar movement attempted
to refondrefine less desirable elements of society. This action often involved
businessmen and was linked to chic boosterism as much as societal refonn based on
moral principles. These social reformen wanted to reduce social disruption and
contamination of "Toronto the Good."
Both the social gospel and moral reform movements endeavoured to regulate
social behaviour dong appropnate lines based on class, gender, and sexual relations.
Reformers wanted to bring the lower classes, especially girls and women who had
strayed or seemed adrift, in iine with contemporary middle class values. This was
particularly the case for sexud relations as heterosocial mingling was to be carried
out solely dong lines the middle classes understood and to which they could relate.
Middle class angst over heterosocial interaction arose because ofthe changing pattern
of relationships evolving between the sexes. Males and females enjoyed more
keedom and there appeared to be less concem for propriety (or at least a middle class
sense of propriety).
Agencies involved in reform work were diverse in perspectives. Many reformers were part of church-based organizations, women's groups, muscular-
Christian agencies (e.g., YMCA, YWCA), and other secdar organizations. These agencies endeavoured to re-create and re-moralize society in terms of "appropriate" behaviour, as they understood the concept. Their efforts seemed to reflect an attempt to gain some understanding of and control over male-female relationships and leisure activities.
The Methodist Church was probably the most prominent refom agency
during the first third of the twentieth century. The Church, either directly or through
its memben, actively engaged in promoting ador deiive~grefonn program
designed to increase the welfare of the individual and improve the human race. It aiso
acted as a catalyst for individual efforts as it offered a forum for social consciousness.
The church's undertakings reflect an effort to be socially relevant. In fact, Methodism
made a concerted attempt not only to Save souls, but to save them as much for the
"here" as the hereafler.
The Department of Temperance, Prohibition and Mord Refonn served as the
focal point of the Methodist Church' s reform activity. This agency directed its efforts
toward reforming society by focussïng on problems related to prohibition, prostitution, gambling, poverty, working conditions, and housing. The Department
also tumed to wholesome recreation as a social antidote. This endeavour was to counteract the impact of commercial amusements that represented popular leisure pastimes for working-class people.
Reformers were also concemed about people's behaviour (working-class behaviour) in general and med to elevate them financially by alleviating poverty and poor housing. Moral amelioration came through addressing problerns of prostitution and gambling which reformers saw as wasteful activities. Commercial amusements dso fell hto the category of wasteful activities. Such undertakings challenged and threatened to undermine the Protestant work ethic so ingrained in middle-class reformes' psyche.
The Eaton family, staunch Methodists, and their company Mysupported
and followed the lead of the reform movement. Both the family and the company
undertook extensive philanthropie programs. Their benevolence also reflected personal cornmiment to helping othes. This generosity showed the comection between their cornmitment to the reform movement and their business values (e-g., supporting agencies that promoted moral well-king, heaithful living, rational recreation and working women).
Eaton's believed in and supported the reform movement agenda, but the company also served as a conduit for refom movement ideals. Eaton's helped deliver the reform message through its business practices, policies, and programs because the company exemplified reform beliefs. Eaton's ethos also gave the reform movement access to people it might not have reached as the family's and company's actions targeted Eaton employees, some of whom may not have been regular chuchgoers.
Committed to reforrn endeavours, Eaton's also encouraged employees to follow suit, thereby conveying a message about what the family and company felt was important.
Following company expectations was easy for those who supported sirnilar initiatives, but Eaton's could also achieve cornpliance through foste~gloyalty to the company. Loyalty to the company implied acceptance of the reform movement since
Eaton's and the reform movement were very much intertwined. Given that most
Eaton's employees were fiom the working classes, following the company's lead was easier than resistance and potentiai unemploymeut. 191
Eaton's philanthropy showed a cornmitment to helping people improve their
lives. However, this was in tenns of how people like the Eatons thought others ought
to live their lives, based on the Eaton family's standards and values, not necessarily
the standards and values of the people affected. This move to improve others' lives
was not always based on the standards or values of those agencies delivering the
reform message (e.g., the Salvation Amyor soup kitchens). Eaton's activities were
always on the company's tems.
The reform movement, endeavouring to stay in step with the changing nature
of society, shifted its focus to leisure activities to circumvent a perceived force that
might "compt" society. Nlowing the working class to pursue its own typelstyle of
leisure practices meant reformen and their allies, like the Eatons, could not control
the former group's behaviour. Uncontrolled behaviour posed a threat to the well-
being of society.
As social practices changed, reform efforts escaiated. The rise of commercial
amusements, during the eariy twentieth century, gave refomers pause and a new foe to fight. Enterprises like saloons, theatres, dance halls and movies became prime
targets of reform efforts to control leisure practices. Initial concem was expressed over the "profit-making" nature of these operations, an ironic perspective given the capitalist nature of Canadian society. Reformers were also concemed that such amusements contributed to a dysfunctiooal family already at risk because industnalization had sent family members away fkom a domestic setting and out into the workplace. Commercial amusements were felt to exacerbate this situation as families sougbt leisure opportunities beyond the confines of the home.
1 would suggest that it was not really the "profit-making" nature of commercial amusements that caused reformers' concem. Rather it appears that it was the rnan.neT in which profits were made that was problematic for reformers. That is, when monies were earned fiom gambling, drinking, and questionable sexuai behaviour reformers became agitated. It is also ironic that commercial establishments such as department stores, whose purpose was to earn a profit, could provide urban bourgeois women with an environment in which to spend their leisure time and money, but working-class women were not afforded the same Iuxury. Bourgeois women could visit establishments such as Eaton's, wander through merchandise displays, and spend money adorthe with little to show for their efforts except, perhaps, some purchases. In contrast, working class females who wandered around looking at various exhibitions, such as those found in amusement parks, and spent some time and/or money, were condemned for having nothing to show for their efforts (except perhaps a sullied reputation).
Commercial amusements, such as dance halls, amusement parks and movies, enjoyed by working-class people chailenged middle class realities and sensibilities.
Refomers failed to recognize that these leisure venues served as sources for socialization. These places also enabled working-class people to demonstrate a freeness or openness of interaction not experienced by rniddleslasses. Working-class participants of these leisure foms may have been more "demonstrative" in their behaviours, especially toward members of the opposite sex. Al1 reformers saw were 193
perceived social evils, like drinking, garnbling and prostitution associated with these
ventures. Partaking of such activities was wasteful - challenge enough for middle-
class.
Condemnation of workingclass leisure practices was based on middle class
values and standards. There was no recognition of similarities between groups; that
is, each had a need for leisure as leisure or respite fiom work and not based on the
nature of specific leisure activities. Rather, emphasis was placed on difference, with
difference being perceived as something bad and something to be corrected. A major
issue, over tirne, was unsupe~sedheterosocial interactions that were redefining
bourgeoisie understanding of courtship. Evolving heterosocial interactions
contravened "accepted" rniddle-class notions of courtship patterns. Again these were
new and differenf therefore unacceptable. It is almost as if worlcing-class behaviours
were unacceptable because the reformers and their cohorts did not initiate the change.
These new practices were also something social gospellers and their ilk couid not relate to or understand.
The problem for reformers became how to counteract the lure of commercial amusements and change behaviours associated wiîh such pastimes. The answer was
""appropriate alternatives," but this elkir had to be wholesome and supervised.
Comtering efforts had to be made in the language and in the ternis that reformers and their supporters could understand. It was not suficient merely to offer something else. That something else had to be grounded in the familiar for reformers; that is, the
"appropriate alternatives" had to exempliS. those values held by the middle classes. 194
This was particularly the case for providing antidotes for working females. Middle class females were "good daughters," then "good wives" and mothers who were ensconced in the home, not cavoning in public.
Efforts at offsetting commercial amusements look on an air of b'muscular
Christianity" in the sense that "appropriate" leisure activities were perceived to be character-building and morally upright. They also served to legitimate the role of leisure, and particularly sport, in society. FinaIIy, the programs and activities put fonvard by refonners helped to reinforce gender divisions in society. These activities had to reform the soui and character of those engaging in activities and they had to be suitable in terms of gender. Appropriate alternatives for males had to exude a rnuscular-Christian ethos, while activities for females were to reinforce femininity and domesticity.
The refom movement, through its efforts to regdate society, helped to defme class, gender and sexual relations under urbau bourgeoisie standards. In doing so, refonners also categorized leisure practices dong sùnilar lines and defined some activities as "immoral" and others as "appropriate." in attempting to cast
"appropnate" leisure practices in their standards, reformen negated the value of workingsIass leisure practices.
Eaton's endorsement of the reform movement was demonstrated clear1y by the family's and company's benefaction and business practices. Tiiothy Eaton was an innovative businessman who carried out policies and practices that changed the working lives of his employees. Important, particularly to leisure practices, was the 195
implementation of shorter working hours during the week and the Saturday half-
holiday. The latter effectivelyensured that Eaton's employees had the oppominity for
recreation and leisure witbout compromising the Sabbath. This initiative showed a
significant cornmitment to leisure opportunities but it was on Timothy Eaton's terms
(comparable to his philanthropy). Eaton's actions demonstrated his attitude, beliefs,
and values as he attempted to control employee behaviour by letting them know just
what he deemed worthwhile.
Eaton's concern for employee well-being, no matter how innovative or
honoinable, was also indifative of the paternalistic attitudes of a Victorian
businessman. Timothy Eaton was a typical middle-class patnarch who let employees
know what was "good for them" as based on his standards, with little recognition of
what the employee might value. This was a posture adopted by die two subsequent
presidents who wanted total control over the company and its employees, preferring
to reward loyalty with benefits and privileges, rather than ailow extemal forces to
dictate company policies and practices. This point relates directly to union
interference, but there are similarities between anti-unionism and reforrn activities
and values. Eaton's attitudes and values strongiy suggest that the company did allow
outside influences, but only those that they supported and could control. As with philanthropy, allowing extemai influences to idem Eaton's action and practices would be on their terms.
The Eaton family women were not removed fiom such underiakings, nor were their actions much different ftom the Eaton men. Margaret Wilson Eaton and Flora 196
McCrae Eaton focussed specifically on the human side of the enterprise. Maggie
Eaton's role as unofficial "welfare office? for the company dining the early years, enabled her to promote the intellechial, culturai, social and physical weil-king of those with whom she came into contact. Flora McCrae Eaton enjoyed a similar role, although she had direct input into Eaton's operations particularly when it came to ernpioyee mattea. Both women displayed characteristics of materna1 ferninisrn in that they were committed to using their company-related positions, and their
"moral1y" and socially superior roles to influence others according to their understancihg of propnety and demeanor.
Maggie Eaton and Flora McCrae Eaton provided matemal rationaie for welfare programs as "moral guardians" of society. Their activities aiso reflected the
"nurttuing" nature al1 women were supposed to display and have as an innate quality.
As well, these ladies served as "appropriate" role models for girls and women working for the Company.
There is no question that Eaton's had a stmng commitment to and connection with the reform movement The company also supported agencies that focussed on
"hea1thfi.d" living, as well as patronizing organizations that provided a blend of social purity and rational recreation. Eaton's actions sent a strong message about what the farnily and company felt was worthwhile and appropnate.
They gave generously to "appropriate" agencies and activities. This selective charity also reflected an element of control and manipulation. If you wanted funding fkom Eaton's you would be more successful if you met their standards. This was a 197
potentially manipdative situation since the need for such hinding could transform agencies seeking financial assistance fiom the company.
Eaton's cornmitment to the refonn movement manifested itself in its employee welfare programs - aimed at "uplifting" or "elevating" employees through leisure programs, educationd opportunities and cultural underiakings. The provision of courses from the University of Toronto gave employees access to middle class values as demollstrated in the education of the period. Lectures by leading businessmen not only exposed potential executives to modem business practices, but it ais0 exposed them to "role models" that Eaton's valued.
Eaton's activities were also significant to its views and treatment of girls and women. As supporters of the reform movernent, and in particular of agencies that worked with young women, and as a major employer of females, the company was sensitive to the concerns and issues related to single working women (e.g., prostitution). The company's patronage toward reform efforts and its involvement in the Methodist Church also made it aware of issues related to commercial amusements and reformen' efforts to provide appropriate alternatives. niese factors influenced Eaton's treatment of its fernale staff and the company's provision of leisure programs.
Single working females in Toronto pushed the boundaries of patriarchal control, both familial and social. Working girls who lived at home experienced some separation fkom parental control as they worked outside the home. However, single working girls and women living away fkom home were attempting to live on their 198
own terms and were a significant concem for reformers and their supporters.
While female work was an issue, fendes' non-work time posed a greater
concern. This was not a labour issue. Rather, it was considered social in nature
because working girls' and women's moral character was threatened by entering the
work force. [ncreases in employment signalled change, although fernales' larger
public presence represented disorder for reformea. Girls and women in the work
force were beyond parental control and were seen to be "'adrift." Eaton's female
ernployees were not immune nom such concem.
The perception of risk focussed mdyon moral risk and was related to time
away fiom work. Leaving the home for the public venue of employment, girls and
women called into question al1 that was sacred about females' position in society.
Employment aiso challenged their traditional position in society; that is, they entered
the male domain of wage labour. By leaving home, these working "girls" threatened the fiiture of society as they abandoned their traditional role as wife and mother and abandoned their traditional location - the home. In short, women moved out into the public domain and public view.
Changing work patterns enabled girls and women to experience work in a fashion similar to males. They also experienced leisure in a somewhat comparable manner, although females were more likely to be attnicted to diverse commercial amusements than merely to saloons. Leisure the, in particular, was seen as a critical issue since this was when moral decisions were made. Leisure, too, became a moral issue because of females' perceived inability to control their behaviour. This 199
patriarchai perception of working girls' activities is reminiscent of views that women
and girls were irrational and not capable of making decisions for themselves. The
assumption was that females would engage in "disreputable" activities and wouid
contravene any influence exerted on them growing up (e.g., familial and religious
influence regarding appropriate behaviour). Working girls' and women's fiee the
enabied them to challenge, and in some ways break, the traditional paradigm of "true
womanhood." As a result, female leisure time became society's moral barorneter.
Leisure time was seen to be a penod when girls and women would make decisions
that would compromise their character and undermine or even destroy their destiny.
Girls and women who worked and pursued leisure pastimes beyond the home
expenenced Iife more dong the lines of their male counterparts. As a result, changes
in work and leisure brought the public and private closer together, thereby blwïng
the Iine between the "separate spheres."
Reformers felt that female leisure pursuits needed to be watched and
controlled to ensure that eligible girls and women did not miss a chance to find a
proper husband. Quality of character was at here and commercial amusements were
thought to attract the 'kong" sort of person. Girls out for a good time were
particularly at risk. By pursuing "cheap amusements," they put their sexuai and moral character at risk, and, by extension they threatened the future of society. However, this stereotype was based on rniddle class reformers' definition of suitable mates
(e.g., mentally and physically heaithy, no degenerates or socially suspect inâividuals).
This perspective implied that the quality of the "breeding stock" and not love should be the basis of a relationship.
Leisure practices for working fernales, fiom the reformen' position, needed to be redefmed. Activities were to be wholesome and edifjring, and in keeping with what the reformers saw as the "nght" type of activity. Appropriate leisure pmctices also had to cultivate and reinforce behaviours that helped girls and women achieve their ultimate position in society, as well as foster characteristics that reinforced appropnate behaviours (e.g., niendliness, companionship) rather than contravened them (athieticism, cornpetition).
Eaton's views of female propnety, whether related to leisure or ernployment, fell dong the same lines as the refonn movernent's. The company wanted staffwho dealt with the public to convey an image that would make its middle-class clientele cornfortable. To achieve this, Eaton's paid decent wages in an effort to attract the
"bat class" of clerks. The company also instigated stafftraining to ensure employees met the company's standards, particularly in terms of demeanor and presentation.
These were refmed through various desand regulations, and, arguably, through the company 's leisure programs.
Eaton's was looking to control ernployees and instill the company's standard regarding individual character and behaviour through its every point of contact it with employees. In essence, Eaton's instituted an ongoing process of "refXng9' employees, particularly female employees. Directives regarding conduct and appearance carried class and gender biases. Female employees were clearly the target of the various training programs. There was also an assumption that these girls and 201
women had a working-class background, a lack of social skills and limited education
- al1 things that codd be corrected. The use of directives that were supported by penalties provided the company with a way to elicit respectable behaviour hmthe staff.
These directives conveyed the assurnption that females working at Eaton's were not personally capable of carrying out their responsibilities in a manner keeping with company views, rather they had to be "insmicted" on how to act. This also reinforced stereotypic perceptions of working class stahis, lack of education and social skills. Not only did the company use training methods, it also used coercion to enforce cornpliance to company standards. As well, Eaton's used subtle inducements such as employee benefits of which recreatiodeisure programs were part. This was a three-pronged approach aimed at getting employees to behave the way the company thought they ought to deport themselves.
Al1 of these actions were directed primarily at fernale employees. Their male colleagues, for the most part, were excluded fiom such rigid control. This was probably grounded in the belief that males were interested in or groomed for executive and managerial positions. Therefore, they were 'bpredisposed" to behave and dress accordingly. That is, males were seen as sensible and mature while females were seen as "flighty" and in need of guidance.
Female employees also faced other foms of systernic discrimination (e.g ., temporary employrnent, low wages, termination upon marriage, excluded fiom executive privilege). But, they were also a necessary ingredient in the company's 202
operation and offered a cheaper form of labour than employing predominantly male
clerks. Lack of worth or potentiai also served to define their position within the
company as less important. Provision of welfare programs and leisure facilities may
have been compensation for such conditions. However, the company's motive for
providing these benefits could be questioned. Why did Eaton's go to these iengths?
Industrial recreation programs were tied to both social and industrial refom
and were designed to control employees' social behaviour, enhance their loydty to
the company, increase productivity, reduce the lost due to illness and employee
turnover, and quel1 labour unrest. The rising number of girls and women in the work
force rnay have acted as a catalyst for the expansion of these programs. Promotion
of industrial recreation programs seemed a tirnely response to labour needs and social
concems over women and girls. Eaton's provision of such programs aiso seems to
have been propitious both fiom the perspective of labour practices and social
concems. The cornpany's situation was not very different f?om that of most hs incorporating industrial recreation programs hto their business plans (e.g., Pullman,
Generai Electnc).
The Eaton Girls' Club and Shadow Lake Camp addressed a variety of needs, particularly those that related to the well-being of working girls and women. These venues offered access to recreational oppomuiities, as well as offering training appropnate to femdes' role in society. Club and Camp activities also exposed participants to refined activities, such as tennis, golf and equestrianism, pastimes usually associated with middle- and upper-class leisure practices. As well, the Girls' 203
Club and Shadow Lake helped ensure continued and/or irnproved health necessary
for producing healthy children, to say nothing of helping to ensure healthy workers.
Femaies' proper role in society was reidorced through a continual emphasis
on dornesticity and fernininity which were important aspects of the courses and
lectures provided by and through the Girls' Club. Program offerings also reinforced
notions of racial survival and purity through eugenics and social hygiene. Girls' and
single women's ultimate role was also promoted as club memben were continually
exposed to a sense of nurturing and compassion that could also be expressed in a
matemal role.
Physical activity programs focussed on the social aspect of play and
discouraged athleticism and competition. These two traits had no place in club
activity since they contradicted reformers' notions of femininity. Yet the de-emphasis
of competition served to reinforce the double standards prevalent in the company's
other practices. The leisure activities of both male and female employees reflected perceptions of their respective roles in society and in business. Males were expected to be competitive and have a life outside the home. Females, on the other hand, were not expected to be competitive; they were to be numiring and supportive and to operate within the home. Any absence fiom the home was only to be temporary.
Single girls and women could work for a while but ultimately they were to marry and rnarried women had no business in business.
Even though the Eaton Girls Club and its affiliates and the Eaton Young
Men's Club had similar facilities and programs, theù goals were distinct and 204 gendered. First of dl, each group effectively controlled heterosocial intenningling.
Access to each other's programs and facilities was done under the strictest of
conditions and only with appropnate supervision. Also, the very nature of the Girls'
Club and Shadow Lake Camp suggest separateness. The Girls' Club limited
interaction with agencies extemal to Eaton's. There was no relationship comparable
to that enjoyed by the Young Men's Club who fieely participated at the local YMCA.
As well, Shadow Lake Camp's physical location was isolated and this isolation
helped control heterosociai mingiing. It also reflects a "private" image as the Club and Camp operated in "separate spheres" from their male counterparts. This segregation reflected male and female separateness in terms of societal positions.
The very essence of the Club and the Camp also reflects and reinforces the efforts the company extended in order to cultivate a particula. image both for itself and its female employees. Coupled with Eatoo's other business practices directed at its female employees, the company clearly demo-ted the influence of the reform movement with respect to "appropnate" behaviour.
Conclusion
There was a strong undercurent of social and moral reform in Toronto during the early decades of the twentieth centuiy. The reform movement wedded rniddle class values with a secularized Christianity in an effort to modiQ the behaviour of the "working class." The impact of the reform movement was most evident in its stmggles against "cheap amusements." Attempting to counteract the perceived 205 unsuitable nature of commercial leisure opportunities, reformers legitimated certain forms of "appropriate" pastimes, such as team sports and gender-specific activities.
This legitimation not only sanctified approved sports and games, it also reinforced gender roles and muscular Christianity. Yet reformers failed to recognize that leisure activities, even when associated with "cheap amusements," served as effective socializing agents and had ment in and of themselves.
The reform movement was a pervasive social force that infiuenced people's lives. It also attempted to change and control leisure. The extent of its efforts reached into the working lives of people via companies, such as Eaton's, which became conduits to working-class people to achieve social and moral reforn.
Eaton's social value system was grounded in the beliefs of Methodist social reform. The reform movement gave the family and the company socio-religious justification for their actions. Dernonstrating its social conscience through its benevolence, Eaton's undertook to improve the lives of diverse people. Yet this care represented a dudistic paternalism, especially were female employees where concerned. The company's business practices and leisure provisions were educationai and supportive, yet clearly were designed to change the way female employees behaved on the job and at play.
Eaton's practices dso Iegitimated "appropnate" leisure activities as the company reinforced the ment of the activities provided and the reform movement's position regarding such pastimes. Leisure oppomuiities provided by Eaton's reinforced the ide& of the reform movement in that they were edifjmg and gender 206 appropriate. Participation in Eaton' s sponsored leisure programs meant exposing oneself to rniddle-class values and reforme-' perception of leisure and, by extension, adopting or allowing oneself to be influenced by the reform movement, thereby redefinllg one's own sense of leisure and place in society. APPENDICES APPENDIX 1
SELECTED CHARITABLE DONATIONS APPENDIX 1 SELECTED T-EATON COMPANY DONATIONS, 1912-1938
The following is a list of groups Eaton's donated to f?om 19 12 untill938. These groups were included in this kt on the basis of their relationship to moraVsociaf refom. Donations took on various forrns (e.g., money, goods, etc.); although most were monetary in nature. Many of these donations were solicited hmspecific individuals; however, they were paid, for the most part, fiom company fun&.
There were numerous large donations to various hospitais. Also, several church and creche donations were designated for 'fiesh air fûnds." In addition, many contributions were made to individuds, mostly women, with the designation of 'poor woman" attached to the file. Finally, the company gave goods and money to unernployed men and women, including unemployed veterans, during the 193 Os.
Donations in excess of $100.00 are noted and figures are rounded to the nearest dollar. -----u------
DONATIONS: 1912-1916
Archibald hspector Aged Men'dWomen's Home (Industrial Refuge) AME Colored Church Anglican Camps Alexander industrial School BME Church (colored) Boy's Home Grafton, Ont. Creche Numerous churches of varying denominations Trinity Methodist Church - Young Men's Club (piano $228.00) Dale Church - Rev. Morrow ($1000.00) Davisville Church - Rev. W.F. Campbell (towards cushions $ 100.00) Evangelic Settlement ($600.00+) EhStreet Methodist - Rev. Dr. Wilson ($300.00+) Earlscout Church - Rev. P. Bryce (DA account opened to help supply poor with groceries and shoes, $285.00) Fred Victor Mission ($200.00+) Girls' Home ($100.00+) Girls' Friendy Society ($100.00) Georgina House Building Fund Home for incurable Children Home for Incurables IODE Ontario Sunday School Association ($300.00) Ontario Safety League ($450.00) Protestant Orphans Fund ($ 1 00.00t) Queen's Street Day Nursery ($100.00+) Reading Camp Association (5 100.00) Salvation Army Fresh Air Camp ($100.00) Salvation Amy - various fun& ($300.00+) Toronto Relief Society University Sedernent ($1 00.0W) Upper Canada Bible Society ($200.00) Victoria Industrial School
DONATIONS: 19 17-1920
AME Church (colored) Aiexandria industrial School Associated ChmitiedFederation of Charities ($1000.00) BME Colored Church ($100.00+) Grafton Creche Fresh Air Outing Boys' Home Children's Aid Society Creche - Victoria Street ($100.00+) Danforth Day Nursery Evangelic Settiement Frontier College (Reading Compassion) ($275.00) Fred Victor Mission Girls' Home ($100.00+) Girls' Friendly Society (% 100.00) House of Industry ($1 00.00+) Holy Trinity Church (organ fünd) ($1 00.00) The Haven Industrial Refuge ($100.00+) IODE Local Council of Women Little Sister Club Muskoka Settiement Mission (16 100.00+) Ontario Sunday School Association ($200.00) Ontario Safety League ($600.00) Protestant ûrphans Home (61 00.00+) Presbyterian Mission to Jews ($100.00+) People's Social Research Institute @.Y. Eaton) ($100.00)
Lord's Day Alliance ($200.00/year) Loyal True Blue Orphanage (3 1000.00+) National Council of Education ($500.00/year, 1924- 1926) Neighborhood Workers ' Association ($220.00+/year) National Coderence on Social Work National Council of Women (S 1OO.OO/year) Ontario Prohibition Union (1924, $2000.00) Salvation Army ($7000.00+) Social Service Council of Canada (1924-26, $1000.00) Social Service Council of Ontario (1924-26, $750.00) Star Fresh Air Fund Toronto Social Hygiene Council(5 100.00) Toronto Conference Deaconess Fresh Air Fund University Settlement Camp (S 1O0 .OO) YMCA ($l6,5OO.OO+) YWCA (1925-27, $500.00/year)
DONATIONS 1927 - 1938 (order by subject area)
York Township Public Welfare Board (1 932) ($1050.00) National Recreation Association (1 93 1) ($500.00) Canadian National Committee for Mental Hygiene (1 929-193 3) ($5000.00/year)
Health League of Canada (1927 - $6000.00; 1931 - $2000.00; 1936 0% 500.00)
Religion - Protestant
international Sunday School Convention (1930, $850.00) Toronto Bible College (1 93 8, $500.00) Upper Canada Bible Society (1 929, '6 1000.00) Salvation Army (1 927- 1938, $33,400.00)
Wel fare
Bolton Fresh Air Camp ( 1928-3 1, $500.00/year) Red Cross Society (consistent donation over tirne period) Community Welfare Council of Ontario (1930, $500.00) Earlscourt Children's Home (1 933, $1000.00) Federation for Community Senices (1 927- 1938, $1 7 1200.00 - includes donations by Company, directors and employees) Federation of Catholic Charities (1 927- 193 8, $14450.00) Protestant Children's Hornes (1 932, $1500.00) Star Fresh Air Fund (1936, $3600.00) National Jewish Welfare Fund of Toronto (1 927-1938, $lO8OO.OO) Welfare Federation, Montreal (1 932, 1937-38, $4000.00/year) Boy Scouts, Girl Guides, Brownies, YMCA, YWCA annual recipients APPENDIX II
HISTORICAL TIME LmS PRESIDENTS OF TEE 'KEATON COMPANY FOrnING TO WWII
Timothy Eaton 1869- 1907
Su John Craig Eaton 1907- 1922
Robert Young &Y.) Eaton 1922- 1942
SIGNIFLCANT DATES, EVENTS AND PLAYERS IN COMPANY'S GROWTH
The T. Eaton Co. Limited
Timothy Eaton bom near Ballyrnena, Co. Antrim, Ireland
Timothy ernigrates to Ontario, first to Glen Williams near Toronto, then to Kirkon, Ontario
Joins brother James in St. Mary's where they open a dry goods store
9 December, opens his store in Toronto at 178 Yonge Street Advertises that T. Eaton & Co. is based on cash sdes ody
introduces the famous slogan "Goods Satisfactory or Money Refunded"
August, moves fiom 178 to 190 Yonge Street
First catalogue published
SATURDAY UF-HOLIDAYS INSTIGATED FOR JULY AND AUGUST
Eaton's becomes a Iimited stock Company under the name The T. Eaton Co. Lirnited
Wholesale business incorponited as Wilson & Co., owned totally by Eaton's and nin by Timothy's eldest son, Edward Young (E.Y.) Eaton
Toronto Store enlarged with the addition of Albert Street section Buying office opened in London, England Paris buying office opened
E.Y. Eaton, vice-president and Timothy's heir, dies of diabetes John Craig, youngest son made vice-president
Eaton's begins a Ml-page daily ad in the Toronto Star
Robert Young (R.Y.)Eaton, Timothy's nephew, brought to Canada fiom Ireland to become Secretary of the Company
Mail order business (based on the catalogue) moves to a separate building with iîs own staff
Mid-July, Winnipeg store opens First Santa Claus Parade runs in Toronto
January, Timothy dies John Craig Eaton takes over as presideot R. Y. made first vice-president
John Craig Eaton begins collecting land under the name Business Properties Ltd. for the College Street Store
Timothy Eaton Mernorial Church erected on St. Clair Avenue, Toronto
John Craig Eaton knighted in recognition of Eaton's wartime services Eaton's opens a knitting factory in Hamilton, Ontario
First order office (Catalogue Sales Office) opened in Oakville
March' Sir John Craig Eaton dies R.Y. Eaton made president under the condition that he wodd nin the Ccmpany until the youngest of Sir John's four sons reached the age of 27 at which thethe directors would choose one of them to nui the store
Eaton's purchases Goodwin's store in Montred in order to convert it into one of their own Knitting factory becomes a separate Company under the name Eaton Knitting Co.
Montreal store opens Regina store opens Hamilton store opens Moncton store opens
Halifax store opens Saskatoon store opens Purchase of twenty-one Canadian Department Stores (CDS) across Ontario Eatons continues to run them as CDSs until1949 when the name is changed to Eatons
1929 Calgary store opens Edmonton store opens
1930 College Street store opens in Toronto, mainly as a house fumishings store
193 1 Eaton Auditorium opens in the College Street Store
1 942 John David Eaton, son of Sir John, becomes president R.Y. Eaton steps down
Source: Archives of Ontario. Preliminary Inventory of the T. Euton RecordF, vol. 1 (Series 1- 100). Jan71990. Prepared by Linda Cobon, Lorraine O'Donnell, Tom Belton, Carolyn Heald, Larry Weiler. APPENDIX III
COMPANY ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE
APPENDIX IV
IRELIGIOUS DEMOGRAPmCS OF EATON'S EMPLOYEES Analysis of Toronto Eaton's Staff and Toronto City Population by Religious Denominations
Toronto (Proper) Eaton's Staff 1931 Census October 1934
Nurnber Percent Number Percent Anglicans 198,92 1 31.5 401 1 33.5 United Church 136,181 21.6 3135 26.1 Presbyterians 96,482 15.3 2484 20.7 Baptists 32,176 5.1 71 1 5.9 Roman Catholics 90,532 14.3 914 7.6 Jews 45,205 171 1.4 Christian Science 2,905 37 .3 Salvation Army 3,326 93 .a Others 23,923 322 2.7 Not Stated 1,456 120 1.O
Total 63 1,207 100.0 Il998 100.0
Breakdown by Unit - Toronto Staff
Store Factory Number Percent Anglicans 2868 822 401 1 33.5 United Church 2305 569 3135 26.1 Presbyterians 1773 493 2484 20.7 Baptists 474 164 71 1 5 -9 Roman Catholics 510 341 914 7.6 Jews Il 160 171 1.4 Christian Science 30 6 37 .3 Salvation Army 64 27 93 -8 Others 217 86 322 2.7 Not Stated 84 32 120 1.O
Total 8336 962 2700 11998 100.0
Source: EC-OA F229-28 Box 13 APPENDIX V
SELEClED EATON'S RECREATION EXPENDITURES APPENDIX V MEMORFAL FUlYD EXPENDITURIES FOR EATON'S RECREATION PROGRAMS, 1927-1938
CSR EGCC EYMCC ECS
TOTAL 35,283.64 239,197.96 202,241.70 40,187.07 Source: EC-OA, F-229- 129-8
CODES: CSR - Christie Street Recreation Complex ECS - Eaton Choral and Operatic Society EGCC - Eaton Girls' Club and Camp EYMCC - EatonYoung Men's Club and Country Club SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
Primary Sources
Archives of Ontario. T. Eaton Collection, Archives of Ontario, Toronto. Ontano.
Canada- Dominion Bureau of Statistics. Census of Canada, vol. 5. Ottawa: J.O. Patenaude, 1921.
Canada. Dominion Bureau of Statistics. Census of Canada, vol. 5. Ottawa: J.O. Patenaude, 1931.
Canada- House of Commons. Report of the Royal Commission on Price Spreads, vol. 1. Ottawa: J.0 Patenaude, 193 7.
Canada. House of Commons.Royal Commission on Price Spreadr: Minutes of Proceedings and Evidence, vol. 4. Ottawa: J.O. Patenaude, 1934.
Canada. House of Commons. Special Cornmittee on Price Spreads and Mass Buying: Proceedings and Evidence, vol. 3. Ottawa: J.O. Patenaude, 1934.
Clarke, Mary Joplin. "Report of the Standing Codttee on Neighbourhood Work." In Swing the Canadian City: The First Phase, 1880-1 920,Paul Rutherford, ed., 172- 93. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, [ 19 171, 1974.
Social Survey Commission. Report ofthe Socid Swvey Commission of Toronto. Toronto: The Carswell Co., 19 15.
United Church Archives, Victoria College, University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario.
Secondary Sources
Adamson, Nancy, Linda Briskin and Margaret McPhail. Feminist Organizingfor Change: The Cmtemporary Wornen S Movement in Canacia. Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1988.
Airhart, Phyllis. Sewing the Present Age: Revivalisrn, Progressivism und the Methodist Tradition in Canada. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1922. Allen, Richard. The Social Passion: Religion and Social Reform in Canada. 1914-1928. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 197 1.
."The Background of the Social Gospel in Canada" In The Social Gospel in Canada: Papers of the Interdisciplinnory Conference on the Social Gospel in Canada, ed., Richard Ailen, 2-34. Ottawa: National Museum of Canada, 1975.
. "The Social Gospel and the Refom Tradition in Canada, 1890- 1928." in Prophecy and Protest: Social Movements in Twentieth-Century Canada, edited by Samuel D. Clark, J. Paul Grayson and Linda M. Grayson, 45-61. Toronto: Gage Educational Publishing, 1975.
Allen, William H. "Fresh Air Work." The Annals of the American Academy of Polifical and Social Science 23 (Jan.-June 1904):464-7 1.
Anderson, Jackson M. IndwtriaZ Recreation: A Guide to its ûrganization and Adrninistraltion. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1955.
Armstrong, Christopher and H.V. Nelles. The Revenge of the Methodist Bicycle Company: Sun@ Street Cars and Municipal Reforrn in Toronto, 1888-189 7. Toronto: Peter Martin Associates, 1977.
Bassett, John M. Timothy Eaton. Toronto: Fitzhenry & Whiteside, 1975.
Bates, Thomas R. "Gramsci and the Theory of Hegemony ." Journal of the History of Idem 36 (April-June 1975): 35 1-66.
Benson, N.A. "The House That Timothy Built." Saturday Night, 23 January 1943, 16,64.
Byl, John. "Why Physical Educators Shodd Know About the Margaret Eaton School." CAHPER Journal 59, no. 1 (1 993): 1 O- 13.
Cahn, Susan. Coming on Snong: Gender and Sexuality in Twentieth-Century Women 's Sport. New York: Free Press, 1994.
Clark, S.D., J. Paul Grayson, and Linda M. Grayson. "The Social Gospel and Early Reform." In Prophecy and Protest: Social Movements in Twentieth-Century Canada, edited by S.D. Clark, J. Paul Grayson and Linda M. Grayson, 39-44. Toronto: Gage Publishing, 1975.
Clarke, John and Chas Critcher. The Devil Makes Work: Leisure in Capitalist Britain. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985. Cohen, Lizabeth. Muking a New Deal: Industrial Workers in Chicago, 1919-1939. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990.
Cohen, Majorie Griffin. Women 'sWork, Markets, and Econornic Development in Nineteenth Century Ontario. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1988.
Cook, Ramsay. The Regenerators: Social Criticism in Late Victorian English Canada Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985.
Cosslett, Tess, Alison Easton and Penny Sumrnerfïeld. Women P ower and Resistance: An Introduction to Women 's Sludies. Buckingham: Open University Press, 1996.
Cox, Jeffrey . The English Churches in Seculm Society.- Lambeth, 18 70-1 930. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982.
Dawson, Don. "The Rational Subordination of Women's Leisure Under Patriarchal Capitdism." Society and Leisure 1 1, no. 2 (Summer 1988): 397-4 1 1.
Eaton, Flora McCrea. Memory 's Wall: The A utobiogruphy of Fïora McCrea Eaton. Toronto: Clarke, Iiwin and Co., 1956.
Emery, Lynne. "From Lowell Mills to the Hds of Fame: Industrial League Sport for Women." In Women and Sport: Interdisciplinary Perspectives, edited by D. Margaret Costa and Sharon R Guthne, 107-2 1. Champaign, 11. : Human Kinetics, 1994.
Forcese, Dennis. The Canudian Clms Shwcture. 4th ed. Toronto: McCraw-Hill Ryerson, 1997.
Frager, Ruth A. "Class, Ethnicity, and Gender in the Eaton Strikes of 19 12 and 1934." In Gender Conjicts: Nau Essays on Women S History, edited by Franca Iacovetta and Mariana Valverde, 1 89-228. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1992.
Fraser, Brian J. The Social Uplifirs: Presbyterian Progressives and the Social Gospel in Canada, 1875-19 15. Waterloo: Wilnid Laurier University Press, 1988.
Goldin, Claudia. Understanding the Gender Gap: An Economic History ofAmerican Women. New York: Oxford University Press, 1990.
Gordon, Lynn D. Gender and Higher Education in the Progressive Era. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1990.
Glazebrook, G.P.de T. The Story of Toronto. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1971. Grabb, Edward. "General Introduction: Conceptual Issues in the Study of Social Inequality." In Sociai Inequalities in Cana&: Patterns. Problems, Policies, edited by Edward Grabb and Neil Guppy, xi-&. Scarborough: Prentice-Hall, Canada, 1993.
Gramsci, Antonio. Selectionsfiom the Prison Notebooks, edited and translated by Quentin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith. New York: International Publishing, 197 1.
Green, Eileen, Sandra Hebron and Diana Woodward. Women's Leisure, mat Leisure? London: Macmillan, 1990.
Gruneau, Richard and David Whitson. Hockey Night in Canada: Sport, Identities and Cultural Poiitics. Toronto: Garamond Press, 1993.
Guttrnann, Allen. Women 's Sport: A History. New York: Columbia University Press, 199 1.
Hagen, Monys. "Industrial Harmony Through Sports: The Industrial Recreation Movement and Women' s Sport." Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1990.
Hall, M. AM. "A History of Women's Sport in Canada Prior to World War L" Master's thesis, University of Alberta, 1968.
. "Rarely Have We Asked Why: Reflections on Canadian Women's Experience in Sport." Atlantis 7, no. 7 (1 980): 5 1-60.
Hall. M. Ann and Dorothy Richardson. Fair W:Towardî Sex Equaiity Ni Canadian Schools. Ottawa: Canadian Advisory Council on the Status of Women, 1982.
Hargreaves, Jennifer. Sporting Fernales: Criticai Issues in the History and Sociology of Women 's Sport. London: Routledge, 1994.
Henderson, Karla A., M. Deborah Bialeschki, Susan M. Shaw and Valerie J. Freysinger. A Leisure ofone 's Own: A Feminist Perspective on Women 's Leisure. State College, Pa.: Venture Publishing, 1989.
Homel, Gene Howard. "Sliden and Backsliders: Toronto's Sunday Toboganning Controversy of 1912.' Urban History Review L O, no. 2 (Oct. 198 1): 25-34.
Howell, David F. "The Sociai Gospel in Canadian Protestantism, 1895- 1925: Implications for Sport." Ph.D. diss., University of Alberta, 1980.
Hunter, Altied A. Clas Tells All: On Social Inequality in Cda.2nd. ed. Toronto: Butterworths, 1986. Hutchison, Roger. "The Canadian Social Gospel in the Context of Christian Social Ethics." In The Social Gospel in Cana&" Pupers of the Interdisciplinmy Conference on the Social Gospel in Canada, edited by Richard Allen, 286-316. Ottawa: National Museum of Canada, 1973.
IrWig, Allen, Harriet Parsons, and Donald Bellarny. Neighbours: Three Social Seftlements in Downfown Toronto. Toronto: Canadian Scholars Press, 1 995.
Jackson, Dorothy N.R. A Brief History of Three Schools: The School of Ekpression The Margaref Eaton School of Literature and Expression, 17ie Murgaret Eaton School. 1901-1941. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1953.
Johnson, Allan G. The Gender Xnor: Unrmeling ûur Patriarchal Legocy. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1997.
Johnson, Leo A. "The Development of Class in Canada in the Twentieth Century." In Studies in Canadian Social History, edited by Michiel Hom and Ronaid Sabourin, 2 1 3 -54. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1 974.
Jones, Gary L. "Elite Culture, Popular Culture and the Politics of Hegemony." History of European Idear 16, 1-3 (1 993): 235-40.
Kaye, Howard L. The Social Meaning of Modern Biology: From Social Danvinism to SociobioZogy. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986.
Kealey, Linda. "Introduction." In A Not Unremonable Claim: Women and Reform in Cana& 1880s-1920~~edited by Linda Kealey, 1-14. Toronto: The Women's Educational Press, 1979.
Kelly, John R. Leisure. 3rd. ed. Boston: AlIyn & Bacon, 1996.
Kelso, J.J. E4History of the Humane and Children's Aid Movemenf in Ontario. 1886- 1893. Toronto: L.K. Carneron, 1 9 1 1.
Kidd, Bruce. Ine StmggZe for CaMdicn Spwî. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1 996.
Klein, Alice and Wayne Roberts. "Besieged Innocence: The 'Problem' and the Problems of Working Women - Toronto 1 896- 1 9 14.' In Women ut Work in Ontario, 1850-1930, edited by Janice Acton, Penny Goldsmith and Bonnie Shepard, 21 1-59. Toronto: Women's Educatiod Press, 1974.
Kluckner, Michael. Toronto: The Wv it Wm.Toronto: Whitecap Books, 1988. Lancaster, Bill. The Department Store: A Social Hislory. London: Leicester University Press, 1995.
Lenskyj, Helen. Out of Boundr: Women,Sport andSexuuZity. Toronto: Women's Press, 1986.
. "Whose Sport? Whose Tradition? Canadian Women and Sport in the Twentieth Centuxy." The International Journal of the History of Sport 9, no. 1 (April 1992): 141-50.
Levitt, Cyril H. and William Shaffir. The Riot at Christie Pits. Toronto: Lester & Orpen Demys, 1987.
Link Arthur S. and Richard L. McCormick. Progressivism. Arlington Heights, Il.: Harlm Davidson, 1983.
Macpherson, Mary Etta. Shopkepers ro a Nation: The Eatom. Toronto: McCIelIand & Stewart, 1963.
Marks, L~M.Rivuis and Roller Rinkr :Religion, Leisure and Identity in Late-Nineteenth- Century Smoll-Town Ontario. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996.
Marshall, David B. Secularizing the Faith: Cmadian Protestant CZerg~and the Crisis of Belief; 1850-1940. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1992.
McCrone, Kathleen E. "Class, Gender, and Engiish Women's Sport, c. 1890- 19 14." Journal ofsport History 1 8, no. 1 (Spring 199 1 ): 159-82.
Metcal fe, Alm. Canada Lemto Play: The Emergence of Organized Sport, 180 7-1 9 1 7. Toronto: McClelIand & Stewart, 1987.
Middleton, Jesse E. The MunicipaIity of Toronto: A History. Vol. 1. Toronto: The Dominion Publishing Company, 1923.
Mitchinson, Wendy. "The WCTU: 'For God, Home and Nativ- Land': A Study of Nineteenth Cenhuy Feminism." In A Not Unremnable Cluim: Women and Reform NI Canada, 1880s-1920s, Linda Kealey, ed., pp. 151-67. Toronto: The Women's Press, 1979.
Morgan, Henry James. The Conadion Men and Wornen of the Time: A W-book of Cunadian Biogmphy of living Characters, 2nd. ed. Toronto: William Briggs, 1912. Morrow, Don, Mary Keyes, Wayne Simpson, Frank Cosentino and Ron Lappage. A Concise History of Sport in Canada. Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1989.
Morton, Desmond. Mqyor Howland: The Citizen's Candidate. Toronto: Hakkert, 1973.
Mott, Morris, ed. Sports in Cam&: Historieal Readings. Toronto: Copp Clark Pitman, 1989.
Nasaw, David. Going ûut The Rise and Fa22 of Public Amusements. New York: Basic Books, 1993.
Nasrnith, George. TimofhyEaton. Toronto: McCleUand & Stewart, 1923.
Neer, Don L. "Industry." The Annals of the American Academy of Political und Social Science 3 13 (September 1957), 79-82.
O'Connor, Patricia. Good Neighbours: A History of the Toronto Settlement House Movement, 1910-1985. Toronto: Toronto Association of Neighbourhood Services, 1986.
Parratt, Catriona M. "With Little Means or Tirne: Working-Class Women and Leisure in Later Victorian and Edwardian England." Ph.D. diss., Ohio State University, 1994.
Pedersen, Diana "'Keeping Our Good Girls Good': The YWCA and the 'Girl Problem,' 18704930." Canadian Womon SIudies 7,no. 4 (1986):20-4.
. "'A Building for Her': The YWCA and the Canadian Ciiy." Ukban Histmy Review 15, no. 3 (February 1987): 225-41.
Peiss, Kathy. Cheap Amusements: Working Women andLeisure in Turn-of-the-CenturyNew York. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986.
Pike, Robert M. "Education, Class, and Power in Canada" In Power and Change in Canada, ed., Richard Ossenberg, 106-45.Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1980.
Porter-Benson, Susan. Counter Cultures: Saleswomen, Managers and C~ornersin American Deparment Stores, 1890- 1940. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986.
Prentice, Alison, Paula Boume, Gai1 Cuthbert Brandt, Beth Light, Wendy Mitchinson and Naomi Black. Cmdian Women: A History. Toronto: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1988. Roberts, Wayne. Honest Womanhood: Feminism, Fernininiîy, and CZms Consciou»less Among Toronto Working Wornen. 1893 to 1914. Toronto: New Hogtown Press, 1976.
Rosenweig, Roy. Eight Hoursfor Whar We WiZZ: Workers and Leisure in an Industrial City, 1870-1 929. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983.
Rutherford, Paul. "Tomorrow's Metropdis: The Urban Reform Movement in Canada, 1880- 1920." In The Canadian Ci@ Essays in Urban Hisiory, edited by Gilbert A. Stelter and Alan F.J. Artibise, 368-92. Toronto: Macmillan Company, 1986.
Sangter, Joan. "The Softball Solution: Female Workers, Male Managers and the Operation of Patemalism at Westclox, 1923-60." LaboudLe Travail 32 (Fdl 1992): 167-99.
San* Joy. Timothy Eaton and the Rise of His Department Store. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1990.
. "Timothy Eaton." Dictionury of Canadian Biography, vol. 13, 3 13- 17. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1994.
Scase, Richard. CIass. Minneapolis, Mn.: University of Minnesota Press, 1992.
Schleppi, John. "'It Pays': John H. Patterson and industrial Recreation at the National Cash Register Company." Journal of Sport History 6,3 (Winter 1979): 20-28.
Schrodt, Barbara. "Sabbatarianism and Canadian Sporî." Journal of Sport History 4, no. 1 (1 977): 22-3 3.
Scott, Joan Wallach. Gender and the Politics ofHistory. New York: Columbia University Press, 1988.
Stephenson, William. The Store Thni Timothy Built. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1969.
Strange, Carolyn. "From Modem Babylon to a City Upon a Hill: The Toronto Social Survey Commission of 1915 and the Search for Sexual Order in the City." In Patterns of the Past: lnterpreting Ontario 's History, edited by Roger Hall, William Wedall and Laurel Sefton MacDowell, 255-77. Toronto: Dundurn Press, 1988.
. Toronto's Girl Problern: The Perils and Pleusures of the City, 1880-1930. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1995.
Sunin, EiIeen. The Eaton Drive: neCampaign to Organize Canuda 's Largesi Department Store, 1948 to 1952. Toronto: Fitzhenry & Miiteside, 1982. The Scribe. Golden Jubilee. 1869-1 919: A Book to Cornmernorate the Fwieth Anniversary of the T. Eaton Company. Toronto: The T. Eaton Company, 1919.
"Timothy Eaton." Obituary, The Evening Telegram 3 1 January 1907, 6.
Tsuchiya, Hiroko. "The Making of Hard Playing Americans: The Legitimization of Working Class Leisure, 1890- 1929." Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1989.
Valverde, Mariana. The Age of Light. SOQ~and Water: Moral Reforrn in English Canada. 1885-1925. London: McClelland & Stewart, 1985.
Veblen, Thorstein. me Theory of the Leisure Clars, unabridged. New York: Dover Publications, 1994.
Williams, Raymond. Culrure and Society, 1780-1 950. London: Chatto & Windus, 1960.
Wills, Gd.A Mmiage of Cornenience: Business and Social Work in Toronto. 1918-1 95 7. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1995.
Wimbush, Enca and Margaret Talbot, ed. Relative Freedoms: Women and Leisure. Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1988.
Wright, Cynthia. "'Ferninine Trifles of Vast Importance': Writing Gender into the History of Consumption." In Gender Conjicts: New Essays on Women f History, edited by Franca Iacovetta and Mariana Valverde, 229-60. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1992.
Yeo, Eileen and Stephen Yeo. "Ways of Seeing: Control and Leisure Versus Class and Struggle." In Populm Culture and CZms Confict 1590-19 14: Explorations in the History of Labour and Leisure, edited by Eileen Yeo and Stephen Yeo, 128-54. Sussex: The Harvester Press, 198 1. l MAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (QA-3)
APPLIEO INIAGE . lnc - 1653 East Main Street ----. - Rochester. NY 14609 USA ------Phone: ilW48~-03OO ---- Fax 71 61200-5989