Facts and Evidence - a Case for the Eradication of Cannabis
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301-United Kingdom: the Conservative Party *Note: All Code Justifications Which Appear in ALL CAPS Were Part of the Original ICPP Project (Janda, 1980)
#301-United Kingdom: The Conservative Party *Note: All code justifications which appear in ALL CAPS were part of the original ICPP project (Janda, 1980). All other code justifications were subsequently provided by those credited after said justification. Variable 9.01: Nationalization of Structure 1950-1990: 5 CONSERVATIVE PARTY WAS ORGANIZED INTO TWELVE AREA COUNCILS IN ENGLAND AND WALES AND TWO DIVISIONS IN SCOTLAND. AREA COUNCILS MET FROM TWO TO FOUR TIMES YEARLY, WHILE AREA EXECUTIVE COMMITTEES FUNCTIONED IN THE INTERIM. AN AGENT OF THE CENTRAL OFFICE REPRESENTED THE INTERESTS OF THE NATIONAL PARTY, ACTING AS HONORARY SECRETARY FOR THE AREA COUNCIL. THESE REGIONAL ORGANIZATIONS IN THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY, WHICH HAD NO RESTRICTIONS ON THE TOPICS THEY COULD DISCUSS, EXERCISED SOMEWHAT MORE INDEPENDENCE OF ACTION THAN THEIR COUNTERPARTS IN THE LABOUR PARTY. (JANDA, 1980: 209) Norton notes that, "In terms of its internal organization, the party is hierarchical." (Norton, 1991:136) The hierarchy runs from the national organs through eleven regional offices in England, one in Wales and two in Scotland. Concerning the hierarchy and flow of authority, Kelly notes that even at the Conservative Local Government Conference and Exhibition, matters were arranged and managed at the national level. (Kelly,1989:58-9) [By Paul Sum] The Conservative Party in its 1974 Manifesto (Craig, 1975: 446), agreed the following: "In Scotland, we will: set up a Scottish Assembly; give the Secretary of State for Scotland, acting with the Scottish assembly, the power to decide how to spend Scotland's share of the U.K. budget; establish a Scottish development fund to provide substantial help with both the new problems created by oil, and with Scotland's old deprived areas; transfer the Oil Division of the Department of Energy to Scotland." [By Renata Chopra] As described in the Conservative Party publication The Right Approach (1976), Scotland feels that the Parliament and the government are out of touch with its needs. -
Mrs. Thatcher's Return to Victorian Values
proceedings of the British Academy, 78, 9-29 Mrs. Thatcher’s Return to Victorian Values RAPHAEL SAMUEL University of Oxford I ‘VICTORIAN’was still being used as a routine term of opprobrium when, in the run-up to the 1983 election, Mrs. Thatcher annexed ‘Victorian values’ to her Party’s platform and turned them into a talisman for lost stabilities. It is still commonly used today as a byword for the repressive just as (a strange neologism of the 1940s) ‘Dickensian’ is used as a short-hand expression to describe conditions of squalor and want. In Mrs. Thatcher’s lexicon, ‘Victorian’ seems to have been an interchangeable term for the traditional and the old-fashioned, though when the occasion demanded she was not averse to using it in a perjorative sense. Marxism, she liked to say, was a Victorian, (or mid-Victorian) ideo1ogy;l and she criticised ninetenth-century paternalism as propounded by Disraeli as anachronistic.2 Read 12 December 1990. 0 The British Academy 1992. Thanks are due to Jonathan Clark and Christopher Smout for a critical reading of the first draft of this piece; to Fran Bennett of Child Poverty Action for advice on the ‘Scroungermania’ scare of 1975-6; and to the historians taking part in the ‘History Workshop’ symposium on ‘Victorian Values’ in 1983: Gareth Stedman Jones; Michael Ignatieff; Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall. Margaret Thatcher, Address to the Bow Group, 6 May 1978, reprinted in Bow Group, The Right Angle, London, 1979. ‘The Healthy State’, address to a Social Services Conference at Liverpool, 3 December 1976, in Margaret Thatcher, Let Our Children Grow Tall, London, 1977, p. -
The Leave Alliance
THE LEAVE ALLIANCE Flexcit The Market Solution to leaving the EU Dr Richard A E North with Robert Oulds of the Bruges Group and the assistance of readers of EUReferendum.com Dedicated to Peter Troy 9 February 2016 final v. 04 Our vision Our vision is for a United Kingdom as a self-governing, self-confident, free trading nation state, releasing the potential of its citizens through direct democratic control of both national and local government and providing maximum freedom and responsibility for its people. The history of Britain for a thousand years has been as a merchant and maritime power playing its full role in European and world affairs while living under its own laws. It is our view that the UK can flourish again as an independent state trading both with our friends in the EU and the rest of Europe, while developing other relationships throughout the world as trading patterns evolve. For an age, the United Kingdom has freely engaged as an independent country in alliances and treaties with other countries. It has a long history of entering into commercial agreements and conventions at an inter-governmental level. We wish to uphold that tradition. The ability of the people of the United Kingdom to determine their own independent future and use their wealth of executive, legislative and judicial experience to help, inspire and shape political developments through international bodies, and to improve world trade and the wellbeing of all peoples will only be possible when they are free of the undemocratic and moribund European Union. The prosperity of the people depends on being able to exercise the fundamental right and necessity of self-determination, thus taking control of their opportunities and destiny in an inter-governmental global future with the ability to swiftly correct and improve when errors occur. -
Political Divisions in the European Parliament
THE AUTHORS Gawain Towler was Conservative candidate in Glasgow Maryhill in the 2001 General Election. He has worked in the European Parliament for two years, and is the Commonwealth Editor of the World Parliamentarian Magazine. He is a member of the Bow Group and a former Vice-Chairman of the Conservative Graduates. Emmanuel Bordez is a staff member for the French unattached MEPs. After graduating in Political Science (Université de Bordeaux), he worked in local government in France in a senior advisory capacity. He has advised French eurosceptic MEPs (including P. de Villiers of Mouvement pour la France) since 1994. This paper represents his personal view. Dr Lee Rotherham was Conservative Candidate in St Helens South in the 2001 General Election. He is Secretary of Conservatives Against a Federal Europe, and has been Special Adviser on European Affairs to three successive Shadow Foreign Secretaries. The aim of the Centre for Policy Studies is to develop and promote policies that provide freedom and encouragement for individuals to pursue the aspirations they have for themselves and their families, within the security and obligations of a stable and law-abiding nation. The views expressed in our publications are, however, the sole responsibility of the authors. Contributions are chosen for their value in informing public debate and should not be taken as representing a corporate view of the CPS or of its Directors. The CPS values its independence and does not carry on activities with the intention of affecting public support for any registered political party or for candidates at election, or to influence voters in a referendum. -
Give and Take: How Conservatives Think About Welfare
How conservatives think about w elfare Ryan Shorthouse and David Kirkby GIVE AND TAKE How conservatives think about welfare Ryan Shorthouse and David Kirkby The moral right of the authors has been asserted. All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both the copyright owner and the publisher of this book. Bright Blue is an independent think tank and pressure group for liberal conservatism. Bright Blue takes complete responsibility for the views expressed in this publication, and these do not necessarily reflect the views of the sponsors. Director: Ryan Shorthouse Chair: Matthew d’Ancona Members of the board: Diane Banks, Philip Clarke, Alexandra Jezeph, Rachel Johnson First published in Great Britain in 2014 by Bright Blue Campaign ISBN: 978-1-911128-02-1 www.brightblue.org.uk Copyright © Bright Blue Campaign, 2014 Contents About the authors 4 Acknowledgements 5 Executive summary 6 1 Introduction 19 2 Methodology 29 3 How conservatives think about benefit claimants 34 4 How conservatives think about the purpose of welfare 53 5 How conservatives think about the sources of welfare 66 6 Variation amongst conservatives 81 7 Policies to improve the welfare system 96 Annex one: Roundtable attendee list 112 Annex two: Polling questions 113 Annex three: Questions and metrics used for social and economic conservative classification 121 About the authors Ryan Shorthouse Ryan is the Founder and Director of Bright Blue. -
The Inner Workings of British Political Parties the Interaction of Organisational Structures and Their Impact on Political Behaviours
REPORT The Inner Workings of British Political Parties The Interaction of Organisational Structures and their Impact on Political Behaviours Ben Westerman About the Author Ben Westerman is a Research Fellow at the Constitution Society specialising in the internal anthropology of political parties. He also works as an adviser on the implications of Brexit for a number of large organisations and policy makers across sectors. He has previously worked for the Labour Party, on the Remain campaign and in Parliament. He holds degrees from Bristol University and King’s College, London. The Inner Workings of British Political Parties: The Interaction of Organisational Structures and their Impact on Political Behaviours Introduction Since June 2016, British politics has entered isn’t working’,3 ‘Bollocks to Brexit’,4 or ‘New Labour into an unprecedented period of volatility and New Danger’5 to get a sense of the tribalism this fragmentation as the decision to leave the European system has engendered. Moreover, for almost Union has ushered in a fundamental realignment a century, this antiquated system has enforced of the UK’s major political groupings. With the the domination of the Conservative and Labour nation bracing itself for its fourth major electoral Parties. Ninety-five years since Ramsay MacDonald event in five years, it remains to be seen how and to became the first Labour Prime Minister, no other what degree this realignment will take place under party has successfully formed a government the highly specific conditions of a majoritarian (national governments notwithstanding), and every electoral system. The general election of winter government since Attlee’s 1945 administration has 2019 may well come to be seen as a definitive point been formed by either the Conservative or Labour in British political history. -
A Balanced Centre-Right Agenda on Immigration
Ryan Shorthouse and David Kirkby A balanced centre-right agenda on immigration Understanding how Conservative voters think about immigration A BALANCED CENTRE-RIGHT AGENDA ON IMMIGRATION Understanding how Conservative voters think about immigration Ryan Shorthouse and David Kirkby The moral right of the authors has been asserted. All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both the copyright owner and the publisher of this book. Bright Blue is an independent think tank and pressure group for liberal conservatism. Bright Blue takes complete responsibility for the views expressed in this publication, and these do not necessarily reflect the views of the sponsor. Director: Ryan Shorthouse Chair: Matthew d’Ancona Members of the board: Diane Banks, Philip Clarke, Alexandra Jezeph, Rachel Johnson First published in Great Britain in 2015 by Bright Blue Campaign www.brightblue.org.uk Copyright © Bright Blue Campaign, 2015 Designed by Soapbox, www.soapbox.co.uk Contents About the authors 4 Acknowledgements 5 1 Introduction 6 2 Methodology 10 3 Improving the immigration system 15 4 Who should we let into the UK? 22 5 The impact of immigration 38 6 Personal experience with immigrants 48 7 Conclusion 61 Annex one: Polling questions 65 Annex two: Questions and metrics used for social and economic conservative classification 77 About the authors Ryan Shorthouse Ryan is the Founder and Director of Bright Blue. -
New Approaches in History HARRIS Published2018 GREEN SM
King’s Research Portal DOI: 10.1007/978-3-319-70211-7 Document Version Early version, also known as pre-print Link to publication record in King's Research Portal Citation for published version (APA): Harris, A. (2018). ‘Pope Norman’, Griffin’s Report and Roman Catholic reactions to homosexual law reform, 1954–1971 . In M. Chapman, & D. Janes (Eds.), New Approaches in History and Theology to Same-Sex Love and Desire (pp. 93-116). (Genders and Sexualities in History). Palgrave Macmillan. https://doi.org/10.1007/978- 3-319-70211-7 Citing this paper Please note that where the full-text provided on King's Research Portal is the Author Accepted Manuscript or Post-Print version this may differ from the final Published version. If citing, it is advised that you check and use the publisher's definitive version for pagination, volume/issue, and date of publication details. And where the final published version is provided on the Research Portal, if citing you are again advised to check the publisher's website for any subsequent corrections. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the Research Portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognize and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. •Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the Research Portal for the purpose of private study or research. •You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain •You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the Research Portal Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. -
What Does Leave Look Like V5.Pdf
2 Contents Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 3 No clear or credible plan for an alternative ..................................................................... 5 The Norway model? ........................................................................................................... 7 The Swiss model? .............................................................................................................. 9 Iceland and Liechtenstein? ............................................................................................. 11 Macedonia and Andorra? ................................................................................................ 13 The Isle of Man and the Channel Islands? ..................................................................... 13 Turkey? ............................................................................................................................. 13 Australia? .......................................................................................................................... 14 South Korea? .................................................................................................................... 15 Ukraine, Moldova, or Morocco? ...................................................................................... 15 Vanuatu, Brunei and Nicaragua? .................................................................................... 16 Canada? ........................................................................................................................... -
Think Tanks, Television News and Impartiality
Journalism Studies ISSN: 1461-670X (Print) 1469-9699 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rjos20 Think Tanks, Television News and Impartiality Justin Lewis & Stephen Cushion To cite this article: Justin Lewis & Stephen Cushion (2017): Think Tanks, Television News and Impartiality, Journalism Studies, DOI: 10.1080/1461670X.2017.1389295 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/1461670X.2017.1389295 © 2017 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group Published online: 26 Oct 2017. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 605 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rjos20 THINK TANKS, TELEVISION NEWS AND IMPARTIALITY The ideological balance of sources in BBC programming Justin Lewis and Stephen Cushion Is the use of think tanks ideologically balanced in BBC news and current affairs programming? This study answers this question empirically by establishing which think tanks are referenced in different BBC programming in 2009 and 2015, and then classifying them according to their ideological aims (either left, right, centrist or non-partisan). We draw on a sample size of over 30,000 BBC news and current affairs programmes in 2009 and 2015 to measure how often these think tanks were men- tioned or quoted. Overall, BBC news reveals a clear preference for non-partisan or centrist think tanks. However, when the Labour Party was in power in 2009, left and right-leaning think tanks received similar levels of coverage, but in 2015, when the Conservative Party was in government, right-leaning think tanks outnumbered left-leaning think tanks by around two to one. -
Breakthrough Britain Ending the Costs of Social Breakdown
Breakthrough Britain Ending the costs of social breakdown Volume 3: Educational Failure Chairman: Ryan Robson Policy recommendations to the Conservative Party Social Justice Policy Group Chairman, Rt Hon Iain Duncan Smith MP July 2007 Contents Section 1: Executive Summary 3 Section 2: YouGov Polling April-May 2007 13 Section 3: Educating the disadvantaged: 15 from failure to success Section 4: Policy Recommendations 22 4.1 Every Parent Matters 22 4.1.1 The State of the Nation 4.1.2 Parental Responsibility 4.1.3 Parental Involvement 4.1.4 Parental Support 4.1.5 Parental Empowerment 4.1.6 Looked-After Children 4.2 Leadership in Schools 53 4.2.1 The State of the Nation 4.2.2 An End to Bureaucratic Overload 4.2.3 Changing Pay and Job Conditions for head teachers 4.2.4 Improved head teacher Training 4.3 Culture ofLearning 64 4.3.1 Literacy and Numeracy 4.3.2 Improved Pupil Behaviour 4.3.3 Pathways to Success 4.3.4 Building better links with Business and the Community Section 5: Conclusion: From Breakdown Britain to Breakthrough Britain 82 2 Section 1 Executive Summary Britain’s children are finding it harder than ever to escape from poverty and the effects of educational inequality are devastating to our society. Social mobility has stalled, and despite a 50% increase in education expenditure since 1997, Britain is a world leader in educational inequality. 1.1 The State of the Nation There has been very little improvement in the educational outcomes of disadvantaged children since 1997: z Children from disadvantaged backgrounds are five times more likely to fail academically than their peers.1 z Children from white working-class backgrounds are the most under- achieving ethnic group; just 17% of disadvantaged white boys attain 5 or more A*-Cs at GCSE compared to a 56% national average. -
The Conservative Party and Thatcherism, 1970-1979: a Grass-Roots Perspective
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by University of Birmingham Research Archive, E-theses Repository The Conservative Party and Thatcherism, 1970-1979: A Grass-Roots Perspective by Daniel Anthony Cowdrill B.A (Hons) M.Phil A thesis submitted to The University of Birmingham for the degree of Master of Philosophy Department of Medieval and Modern History College of Arts and Law The University of Birmingham September 2009 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Abstract This thesis argues that ‘Thatcherism’ was consistent with the values and interests of the Conservative party. The threat of socialism was pervasive and underpinned by the party’s socio- economic base. The economic status of the middle class, under threat from inflation, pay controls, taxation, organised trade unions, and even comprehensive education, resulted in a strong emphasis on individual freedom. The free market, property, and choice, with their strong norm of methodological individualism, were the Thatcherite alternative. This strengthened those with skills and qualifications but destroyed the collective structures that supported those without. Thatcherite historiography is exercised most by intellectual high politics while the broader Conservative party has been neglected.