Iraq: Politics, Elections, and Benchmarks
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Blood and Ballots the Effect of Violence on Voting Behavior in Iraq
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Göteborgs universitets publikationer - e-publicering och e-arkiv DEPTARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE BLOOD AND BALLOTS THE EFFECT OF VIOLENCE ON VOTING BEHAVIOR IN IRAQ Amer Naji Master’s Thesis: 30 higher education credits Programme: Master’s Programme in Political Science Date: Spring 2016 Supervisor: Andreas Bågenholm Words: 14391 Abstract Iraq is a very diverse country, both ethnically and religiously, and its political system is characterized by severe polarization along ethno-sectarian loyalties. Since 2003, the country suffered from persistent indiscriminating terrorism and communal violence. Previous literature has rarely connected violence to election in Iraq. I argue that violence is responsible for the increases of within group cohesion and distrust towards people from other groups, resulting in politicization of the ethno-sectarian identities i.e. making ethno-sectarian parties more preferable than secular ones. This study is based on a unique dataset that includes civil terror casualties one year before election, the results of the four general elections of January 30th, and December 15th, 2005, March 7th, 2010 and April 30th, 2014 as well as demographic and socioeconomic indicators on the provincial level. Employing panel data analysis, the results show that Iraqi people are sensitive to violence and it has a very negative effect on vote share of secular parties. Also, terrorism has different degrees of effect on different groups. The Sunni Arabs are the most sensitive group. They change their electoral preference in response to the level of violence. 2 Acknowledgement I would first like to thank my advisor Dr. -
GAO-04-559 State Department: Issues Affecting Funding of Iraqi National Congress Support Foundation
United States General Accounting Office GAO Report to Congressional Requesters April 2004 STATE DEPARTMENT Issues Affecting Funding of Iraqi National Congress Support Foundation a GAO-04-559 April 2004 STATE DEPARTMENT Issues Affecting Funding of Iraqi National Highlights of GAO-04-559, a report to Congress Support Foundation congressional requesters As part of the efforts by the United State’s funding of INCSF programs totaled nearly $33 million for the period States to oust Saddam Hussein, a March 2000 through September 2003. This money was made available critical element of U.S. policy through 23 cooperative agreements and amendments that provided short- included funding the Iraqi National term funding at irregular intervals. The funds were provided for several Congress as the lead Iraqi purposes, including establishing new satellite television capability (Liberty opposition coalition. In 1999, the TV), newspaper publication, and information collection programs. About Iraqi National Congress Support Foundation (INCSF) was $10 million was earmarked for Liberty TV broadcasting activities, which established to provide an included hiring staff, establishing studio operations, and actual broadcasting. organizational structure for There were several periods during which State did not have an agreement to Department of State funding. From fund INCSF’s program, causing State to later fund INCSF activities March 2000 until September 2003, retroactively. State’s funding approach affected INCSF’s ability to conduct the Department of State funded television broadcast operations. Liberty TV broadcasted from August 2001 several INCSF programs, including to May 2002, when funding shortages caused by funding and policy disputes television broadcasting. INCSF’s between State and INCSF resulted in termination of broadcasting. -
Shia-Islamist Political Actors in Iraq Who Are They and What Do They Want? Søren Schmidt DIIS REPORT 2008:3 DIIS REPORT
DIIS REPORT 2008:3 SHIA-IsLAMIST POLITICAL ACTORS IN IRAQ WHO Are THEY AND WHAT do THEY WANT? Søren Schmidt DIIS REPORT 2008:3 DIIS REPORT DIIS · DANISH INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES 1 DIIS REPORT 2008:3 © Copenhagen 2008 Danish Institute for International Studies, DIIS Strandgade 56, DK -1401 Copenhagen, Denmark Ph: +45 32 69 87 87 Fax: +45 32 69 87 00 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.diis.dk Cover Design: Carsten Schiøler Layout: mgc design, Jens Landorph Printed in Denmark by Vesterkopi AS ISBN: 978-87-7605-247-8 Price: DKK 50.00 (VAT included) DIIS publications can be downloaded free of charge from www.diis.dk Hardcopies can be ordered at www.diis.dk. 2 DIIS REPORT 2008:3 Contents Abstract 4 1. Introduction 5 2. The Politicisation of Shia-Islam 7 2.1 Introduction 7 2.2 The History of Shia-Islamism in Iraq 8 3. Contemporary Shia-Islamist political actors 15 3.1 Ali Husseini Sistani 15 3.2 The Da’wa Party 21 3.3 SCIRI 24 3.4 Moqtada al-Sadr 29 4. Conclusion: Conflict or Cooperation? 33 Bibliography 35 3 DIIS REPORT 2008:3 Abstract The demise of the regime of Saddam Hussein in Iraq in 2003 was an important wa- tershed in Iraqi political history. Iraq had been governed by groups which belonged to the Arab Sunni minority since the Iraqi state emerged out of the former Otto- man Empire in 1921. More recently, new political actors are in the ascendancy, rep- resenting the Kurdish minority and the Shia majority in Iraq. -
Iraq: Buttressing Peace with the Iraqi Inter-Religious Congress
Religion and Conflict Case Study Series Iraq: Buttressing Peace with the Iraqi Inter-Religious Congress August 2013 © Berkley Center for Religion, Peace, and World Affairs http://berkleycenter.georgetown.edu/resources/classroom 4 Abstract 5 This case study shines a light on the sectarian violence that overtook Iraq after the 2003 US-led invasion that overthrew Saddam Hussein, and how religious 9 leaders gradually gained recognition as resources for the promotion of peace. This overview of the conflict addresses five main questions: What religious 11 factors contributed to insecurity in post-2003 Iraq? How did Coalition forces approach religious actors prior to 2006? How did governments interface with faith-based NGOs in pursuit of peace? What role did socioeconomic factors 14 play in exacerbating conflict? How did religious engagement intersect with the Sunni Awakening and the surge of Coalition troops in 2007? The case study includes a core text, a timeline of key events, a guide to relevant religious orga- nizations, and a list of further readings. 15 About this Case Study 17 This case study was crafted under the editorial direction of Eric Patterson, visiting assistant professor in the Department of Government and associate di- rector of the Berkley Center for Religion, Peace, and World Affairs at George- town University. This case study was made possible through the support of the Henry Luce Foundation and the Luce/SFS Program on Religion and International Affairs. 2 BERKLEY CENTER FOR RELIGION, PEACE & WORLD AFFAIRS AT GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY CASE STUDY — IRAQ Contents Introduction 4 Historical Background 5 Domestic Factors 9 International Factors 11 Religion and Socioeconomic Factors 12 Conclusion 14 Resources Key Events 15 Religious Organizations 17 Further Reading 19 Discussion Questions 21 BERKLEY CENTER FOR RELIGION, PEACE & WORLD AFFAIRS AT GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY CASE STUDY — IRAQ 3 Introduction While the US invasion of Iraq—and the insurgency that a shaky relationship with the United States. -
Democracy and Monarchy As Antithetical Terms?: Iraq's Elections of September 1954 Bishop, Elizabeth
www.ssoar.info Democracy and monarchy as antithetical terms?: Iraq's elections of September 1954 Bishop, Elizabeth Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Bishop, E. (2013). Democracy and monarchy as antithetical terms?: Iraq's elections of September 1954. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 13(2), 313-326. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-447205 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de Democracy and Monarchy as Antithetical Terms? 313 Democracy and Monarchy as Antithetical Terms? Iraq’s Elections of September 1954 ELIZABETH BISHOP Historian Bernard Lewis observes: ”Americans tend to see democracy and monarchy in antithetical terms; in Europe, however, democracy has fared better in constitutional monarchies than in republics”1. Let us take this opportunity to consider elections held in the Hashemite Kingdom of Iraq during the Cold War, in order to assess how”democracy” fared during the years that country was a constitutional monarchy. As we do so, let’s keep Saad Eskander’s words in mind: ”You cannot have democracy in Iraq by just holding elections... You need to enable Iraq’s core of citizens to have free access to information, absolutely all, all of legislation. -
The Outcome of Invasion: US and Iranian Strategic Competition in Iraq
a report of the csis burke chair in strategy The Outcome of Invasion: US and Iranian Strategic Competition in Iraq Authors Adam Mausner Sam Khazai Anthony H. Cordesman Peter Alsis Charles Loi March 2012 Chapter VII: US Strategic Competition with Iran: Competition in Iraq 16/3/12 2 Executive Summary "Americans planted a tree in Iraq. They watered that tree, pruned it, and cared for it. Ask your American friends why they're leaving now before the tree bears fruit." --Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.1 Iraq has become a key focus of the strategic competition between the United States and Iran. The history of this competition has been shaped by the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988), the 1991 Gulf War, the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, and now by the withdrawal of US military forces. It is a competition increasingly shaped by Iraq’s turbulent domestic politics and power struggles, and where both the US and Iran compete to shape the structure of Iraq’s future politics, governance, economics, and security. An Uncertain Level of US Influence The US has gone to great lengths to counter Iranian influence in Iraq, including using its status as an occupying power and Iraq’s main source of aid, as well as through information operations and more traditional press statements highlighting Iranian meddling. However, containing Iranian influence, while important, is not America’s main goal in Iraq. It is rather to create a stable democratic Iraq that can defeat the remaining extremist and insurgent elements, defend against foreign threats, sustain an able civil society, and emerge as a stable power friendly to the US and its Gulf allies. -
Iraq's 2014 National Elections
APRIL 2014 AHMED ALI MIDDLE EAST SECURITY REPORT 20 IRAQ’S 2014 NATIONAL ELECTIONS Cover: A traffic police officer directs vehicles near election campaign posters in Baghdad April 3, 2014. Iraq’s parliamentary election is scheduled for later this month. REUTERS/Ahmed Saad Reproduced with permission. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. ©2014 by the Institute for the Study of War. Published in 2014 in the United States of America by the Institute for the Study of War. 1400 16th Street NW, Suite 515 | Washington, DC 20036 www.understandingwar.org AHMED ALI MIDDLE EAST SECURITY REPORT 20 IRAQ’S 2014 NATIONAL ELECTIONS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY MiddLE EAST SECURITY REPORT 20 | IRAq’s 2014 NaTIONAL ELECTIONS | AHMED ALI | APRIL 2014 Iraq’s 2014 national elections are taking place at a difficult time. The country is at a crossroads, presented with the possibility of widely different futures. Deteriorating security conditions frame political thought in ways that harken back to Iraq’s first national elections in 2005. The Iraqi state does not hold control of territory in some of Iraq’s key political provinces, such as Anbar, Ninewa, and Diyala. The disenfranchisement of Iraq’s Arab Sunnis; the rising threat of the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS); and the activation of Ba‘athist groups collectively discourage electoral participation. Shi‘a militias that threatened Iraq’s security in 2004 have reactivated in 2014. -
Turkey and the European Union: Conflicting Policies and Opportunities for Cohesion and Cooperation in Iraq and Syria
Turkey and the European Union: Conflicting Policies and Opportunities for Cohesion and Cooperation In Iraq and Syria. Kamaran Palani Dlawer Ala’Aldeen Susan Cersosimo About MERI The Middle East Research Institute engages in policy issues contributing to the process of state building and democratisation in the Middle East. Through independent analysis and policy debates, our research aims to promote and develop good governance, human rights, rule of law and social and economic prosperity in the region. It was established in 2014 as an independent, not-for-profit organisation based in Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Middle East Research Institute 1186 Dream City Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq T: +964 (0)662649690 E: [email protected] www.meri-k.org NGO registration number. K843 © Middle East Research Institute, 2017 The opinions expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the authors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without the prior written permission of MERI, the copyright holder. Please direct all enquiries to the publisher. Turkey and the European Union: Conflicting Policies and Opportunities for Cohesion and Cooperation In Iraq and Syria. MERI Policy Report Kamaran Palani Research Fellow, MERI Dlawer Ala’Aldeen President of MERI Susan Cersosimo Associate Research Fellow, MERI April 2018 Contents Executive Summary .....................................................................................................................................5 -
Middle East Report
MIDDLE EAST REPORT \ \. \ i y 1.4 \i Number 189 $4.50 / £3.50 MIDDLE EAST RESEAi^CH & INFORMATION PROJECT July-August 1994 No. 189 Vol. 24 No. 4 Middle East Report (ISSN 0899-2851 ) is pub- THE KURDISH EXPERIENCE li',h«l SIX lifw;'; a yoar (bi-rnorithly) by the Middle East Research and Informabon Proiect (MERIP), Inc., Suite 119, 1500 Massachuselts Ave., NW. ARTICLES 2 The Kurdish Experience Wastiin(jton, DC 20005. Second-class postage paid Amir Hassanpour at Washintjlori, DC POSTMASTER: send address changes to Middle East Report, 1500 Mass¬ 12 Mad Dreams of Independence: achusetts Ave , NW, Washmglon,DC 20005. Sub¬ The Kurds of Turkey scriptions are $25 per year lor individuals, $50 Chris Kutscliera lor institutions Overseas postage additional. Other rates on inside back cover. Middle East Report 16 City in the War Zone is available in microform from University Microfilms, Aliza Marcus 300 North Zeeb Rd., Ann Arbor, Ml 48106. Canadian Distribution: Doormouse Dis¬ 20 Kurdish Broadcasting in Iraq tribution, 65 Metcalfe St. 16, Toronto M4X,IR9. Ann Zimmerman Indexes and Abstracts: Abstracta Iranica, The Alternative Press Index, Index Islamicus, International 8 The Remains of Anfal Development Abstracts, International Political PHOTO ESSAY Science Abstracts, The Left Index, The Middle East Susan IVIeiselas and Andrew Whitley Journal, Mideast File, Migration & Ethnizitat, PAIS Bulletin, Political Science Abstracts, Universal Reference System. COLUMN 22 Washington Watch: Clinton, Ankara and Kurdish Human Rights Review Books and other items lor review should Maryam Elahi be sen! to: Joel Beinin, MERIP Review Editor, Dept. of History, Stanford University, Stanford, CA 94305. -
Iraq's Secular Opposition
IRAQ’S SECULAR OPPOSITION: THE RISE AND DECLINE OF AL-IRAQIYA Middle East Report N°127 – 31 July 2012 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 A. A PERMANENT STATE OF CRISIS .................................................................................................. 2 B. A LOOMING SHOWDOWN ............................................................................................................. 3 II. IRAQIYA’S ORIGINS ..................................................................................................... 5 A. 1991-2005: THE ROAD TO BAGHDAD ........................................................................................... 5 B. 2005-2009: IRAQIYA’S CREATION, FALL AND REBIRTH ............................................................... 6 1. Retreat .......................................................................................................................................... 6 2. A new opening ............................................................................................................................. 8 III. AN ALLIANCE IN FLUX ................................................................................................ 9 A. MEMBERSHIP AND CONSTITUENCY ............................................................................................ 10 1. A -
Iraqi Elections Ahead the SHI’A-SUNNI FACTOR
LÄNDERBERICHT Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V. JORDANIEN DR. MARTIN BECK LUCIANE F. FANGALUA 1. März 2010 Iraqi Elections Ahead www.kas.de THE SHI’A-SUNNI FACTOR www.kas.de/jordanien For the third time since the downfall of politics rather than an advancement of more Saddam Hussein’s iron fist rule over Iraq, moderate political agendas. Indeed, al- national elections are to be held on March though the nominal head of the ISCI, it is 7, 2010. This basically positive finding still too early to say if Abdul Aziz’s son Am- should, however, not deter from the fact mar al-Hakim is truly in charge of his or- that the Iraqi system still faces a lot of ganization, or rather is in danger of becom- problems not only in terms of security but ing a puppet of ISCI party hard-liners. This also on the political realm. As became ob- might in the end weaken the traditional alli- vious during the campaign period, the ance between the Sunni Kurds and the Shi’a deep divisions between Shi’a and Sunni which is based on the historic decision of actors are still unsolved. Ayatollah Muhsin al-Hakim, the father of Abdul Aziz, to issue a religious decree in The death of Abdul Aziz al-Hakim—the head 1965 that forbade Iraqi Shi’a from partici- of the conservative US-backed Shi’a Islamic pating in the war against the Kurds.2 How- Supreme Council of Iraq (ISCI), which is ever, in a January interview with Ammar al- under the umbrella of the Shi’a Iraqi Na- Hakim, it appears that support from Kurdish tional Alliance (INA)—who succumbed to President Massoud Barzani will continue.3 lung cancer in August 2009, left a vacuum in the Iraqi political scene. -
Iraq: Politics, Elections, and Benchmarks
Iraq: Politics, Elections, and Benchmarks Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs June 2, 2009 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21968 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Iraq: Politics, Elections, and Benchmarks Summary Iraq’s political system, the result of a U.S.-supported election process, is increasingly characterized by peaceful competition rather than violence, but sectarianism and ethnic and factional infighting continue to simmer. As 2009 began, there was renewed maneuvering by opponents of Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki who view him as authoritarian and were perceived as conspiring to try to replace him, had his party fared poorly in the January 31, 2009, provincial elections. However, the elections strengthened Maliki and other Iraqis who believe that power should remain centralized in Baghdad, and Maliki is considered well positioned to compete in the parliamentary elections (to be held on January 30, 2010) that will select the next four-year government. The provincial elections, held in all provinces except Kirkuk and the Kurdish- controlled provinces, were relatively peaceful and there was a more diverse array of party slates than those that characterized the January 2005 provincial elections. Internal dissension within Iraq aside, the Bush Administration was optimistic that the passage of key laws in 2008, coupled with the provincial elections, would sustain recent reductions in violence. President Obama praised the orderliness and relative absence of violence of the provincial elections—an outcome that reaffirmed the Obama Administration’s belief that it can proceed with a planned reduction of the U.S. troop presence (to about 35,000 – 50,000 U.S.