Identity, Interest, and Politics: The Rise of Kurdish Associational Activism and the Contestation of the State in Turkey Inauguraldissertation zur Erlangung des Doktorgrades der Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftlichen Fakultät der Universität zu Köln 2013 vorgelegt von Azer Kilic aus Istanbul (Türkei) © 2013 Azer Kilic Referent: Prof. Dr. Dr. h.c. Wolfgang Streeck Korreferent: Prof. Dr. Ayşe Buğra Tag der Promotion: 15 Juli 2013 ii Contents Tables and Figures ……………………………………………………………… .................... v Acknowledgments………………………………………………………………. .................... vi Dedication…………………………………………………………………………….. ......... viii Chapter 1: Introduction .............................................................................................................. 1 1.1 Studying Associational Politics ........................................................................................ 4 1.2 Methodology ................................................................................................................... 16 1.3 Organization of the Dissertation ..................................................................................... 19 PART I: COEVOLUTION OF THREE PARTIAL REGIMES: SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, POLITICAL PARTIES, AND ORGANIZED INTERESTS ................................................... 23 Chapter 2: The Kurdish Movement .......................................................................................... 24 2.1 Emergence of the PKK and the Intermittent Armed Conflict ........................................ 24 2.2 Enter Pro-Kurdish Political Parties ................................................................................. 33 2.3 The Situation of Dual Power .......................................................................................... 45 Chapter 3: The AKP Goverment .............................................................................................. 53 3.1 Roots in Political Islam ................................................................................................... 53 3.2 Three Terms in Power: Opportunities, Reforms, and Challenges .................................. 58 3.3 Approach to the Kurdish Issue ....................................................................................... 71 Chapter 4: Organized Interests ................................................................................................. 83 4.1 Historical Origins and Contemporary Legal Setting ...................................................... 83 4.2 Diverse Paths to Politicization ........................................................................................ 92 4.3 Associational Politics in the AKP Period ....................................................................... 99 PART II: DIYARBAKIR’S ASSOCIATIONAL ENVIRONMENT AT THE INTERSECTION OF THE LOCAL AND THE NATIONAL .............................................. 114 Chapter 5: Business Associations .......................................................................................... 115 5.1 Associational Leadership and Properties ...................................................................... 115 5.2 Dynamics in the Membership Environment ................................................................. 124 5.3 Contemporary Political Activism ................................................................................. 132 Chapter 6: Professional Associations ..................................................................................... 144 iii 6.1 Associational Leadership and Properties ...................................................................... 144 6.2 Dynamics in the Membership Environment ................................................................. 152 6.3 Contemporary Political Activism ................................................................................. 159 Chapter 7: Labor Unions ........................................................................................................ 171 7.1 Unionism in the Municipality Sector ............................................................................ 171 7.2 Dynamics in the Membership Environment ................................................................. 180 7.3 Contemporary Political Activism ................................................................................. 183 Chapter 8: Conclusion ............................................................................................................ 192 8.1 Contestation of the State and the Rise of Kurdish Associations .................................. 193 8.2 Associational Role in Formation of Social Divisions and Coalitions .......................... 200 Bibliography………………………………………………………………………….... ....... 207 iv Tables and Figures Tables 2.1 Population in Diyarbakır 34 2.2 Parties rooted in political Islam and Diyarbakır in general elections 35 2.3 Pro-Kurdish parties in general elections 36 2.4 Pro-Kurdish Parties and Diyarbakır in general elections 37 2.5 Local elections in Diyarbakır 38 2.6 Pro-Kurdish parties and the AKP in general elections 41 2.7 Poverty in Diyarbakır 49 3.1 General elections and parties linked to the National Outlook 55 3.2 Parties in the parliament since 2002 59 3.3 The macroeconomic performance, 2001-2010 64 3.4 Poverty rates 66 3.5 Constitutional referendum results, 2010 69 4.1 Major peak associations 91 4.2 Selected interest associations in Diyarbakır 111 Figures 5.1 Export activities of Diyarbakır in the 2000s 127 v Acknowledgments I started doing my PhD at the Boğaziçi University’s Ataturk Institute in 2006 and transferred to the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies (MPIfG) in 2009 to pursue another PhD, two independent pursuits which were later to be combined by a co-tutelle agreement. Hence, it’s been a long time spent in several countries; I hope I won’t forget anyone. First of all, I am deeply grateful to my advisors and members of the committee for their guidance in the process of formulating the topic, conducting research and writing the dissertation: particularly, Ayşe Buğra, Wolfgang Streeck and Martin van Bruinessen. Duygu Köksal and Berna Yazıcı also kindly took part in my committee meetings in Istanbul; and Martin Höpner, Andre Kaiser and Armin Schaefer kindly acted as other members of the defense jury in Cologne. I benefited from discussions I had with Karen Barkey during my research stay at the Columbia University in NYC and with Güven Sak and Şemsa Özar during my fieldwork in Turkey. Thanks go also to the librarians and other staff of the MPIfG, Boğaziçi University, Columbia University, as well as of the Paris Kurdish Institute. I carried out the dissertation research under the financial sponsorship of the MPIfG. Before that, I had enjoyed the support of the Boğaziçi University’s Ataturk Institute and Social Policy Forum while pursuing the first phase of my doctoral studies. My special thanks go to all the interviewees and many others with whom I had conversations concerning my research while conducting fieldwork in Diyarbakır and Ankara. They contributed a lot to my understanding of the topic, helped me with research material, and showed memorable hospitality. However, I’ve tried keeping their names anonymous in the text, as long as it was possible, because of ethical concerns. I am indebted also to a number of people for their valuable help with my access to the field: Delal, Dara, and Özgür; the Diyarbakır branch of Türkiye İnsan Hakları Vakfı, particularly Necdet İpekyüz, Nesrin and Orhan; and a friend from Diyarbakır whom I cannot disclose by name but cannot miss the chance to acknowledge here either. I would like to thank also friends and colleagues. I am most grateful to Osman for his help and encouragement. He read most of the dissertation and made great comments and suggestions. For my time in Cologne, I am thankful to Lena, Daniel, Ipek and Arne for their friendship and discussions. Thanks go also to Roy, Philip M., Armin, Thorsten, Matthias T., Maria, Matt (Cologne); Ceren, Deniz (Istanbul); Görkem, Fırat, Johnnie (NYC), and Jason. vi Last but not least, I am indebted to my family for its support and encouragement. Special thanks go to Esin, Dimitris, and my mother Nuriye to whom this work is dedicated. vii To my mother, Nuriye viii Chapter 1: Introduction In the de facto Kurdish capital of Diyarbakır, hundreds of thousands of people gathered in late March to celebrate the traditional Kurdish spring. This year’s celebration, however, was different than previous ones, as Kurdish guerilla leader Abdullah Öcalan’s call was read to the mass: it was a historic call to end the armed struggle, which lasted for three decades and cost the lives of some 40,000 people. Signaling the peak of negotiations between the Turkish government and the Kurdish movement for a peace deal, the call takes place against the background of a decade of transition. This decade, as well as the ongoing process of peace building, has highlighted the roles interest associations may play in political life. The dissertation investigates the rise of Kurdish interest associations from Diyarbakır as politically salient actors vis-à-vis the contestation of the state in this transitional decade. The transitional process started when the armed conflict between the Turkish army and the Kurdish guerilla organization PKK (Partiya Karkerên Kürdistan – Kurdistan Workers Party) came to a halt in 1999, albeit to re-start in 2004 at a lower density. Again in 1999, Turkey was officially recognized as a candidate