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Monica Prasad Northwestern University Department of Sociology
SPRING 2016 NEW YORK UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF LAW COLLOQUIUM ON TAX POLICY AND PUBLIC FINANCE “The Popular Origins of Neoliberalism in the Reagan Tax Cut of 1981” Monica Prasad Northwestern University Department of Sociology May 3, 2016 Vanderbilt-208 Time: 4:00-5:50 pm Number 14 SCHEDULE FOR 2016 NYU TAX POLICY COLLOQUIUM (All sessions meet on Tuesdays from 4-5:50 pm in Vanderbilt 208, NYU Law School) 1. January 19 – Eric Talley, Columbia Law School. “Corporate Inversions and the unbundling of Regulatory Competition.” 2. January 26 – Michael Simkovic, Seton Hall Law School. “The Knowledge Tax.” 3. February 2 – Lucy Martin, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Department of Political Science. “The Structure of American Income Tax Policy Preferences.” 4. February 9 – Donald Marron, Urban Institute. “Should Governments Tax Unhealthy Foods and Drinks?" 5. February 23 – Reuven S. Avi-Yonah, University of Michigan Law School. “Evaluating BEPS” 6. March 1 – Kevin Markle, University of Iowa Business School. “The Effect of Financial Constraints on Income Shifting by U.S. Multinationals.” 7. March 8 – Theodore P. Seto, Loyola Law School, Los Angeles. “Preference-Shifting and the Non-Falsifiability of Optimal Tax Theory.” 8. March 22 – James Kwak, University of Connecticut School of Law. “Reducing Inequality With a Retrospective Tax on Capital.” 9. March 29 – Miranda Stewart, The Australian National University. “Transnational Tax Law: Fiction or Reality, Future or Now?” 10. April 5 – Richard Prisinzano, U.S. Treasury Department, and Danny Yagan, University of California at Berkeley Economics Department, et al. “Business In The United States: Who Owns It And How Much Tax Do They Pay?” 11. -
Presidential Recordings of Lyndon B. Johnson (November 22, 1963-January 10, 1969) Added to the National Registry: 2013 Essay by Bruce J
Presidential Recordings of Lyndon B. Johnson (November 22, 1963-January 10, 1969) Added to the National Registry: 2013 Essay by Bruce J. Schulman (guest post)* Lyndon B. Johnson built his career--and became one of the nation’s most effective Senate leaders--through his mastery of face-to-face contact. Applying his famous “Treatment,” LBJ pleased, cajoled, flattered, teased, and threatened colleagues and rivals. He would grab people by the lapels, speak right into their faces, and convince them they had always wanted to vote the way Johnson insisted. He could share whiskey and off-color stories with some colleagues, hold detailed policy discussions with others, toast their successes, and mourn their losses. Syndicated newspaper columnists Rowland Evans and Robert Novak vividly described the Johnson Treatment as: supplication, accusation, cajolery, exuberance, scorn, tears, complaint, the hint of threat. It was all of these together. Its velocity was breathtaking, and it was all in one direction. Interjections from the target were rare. Johnson anticipated them before they could be spoken. He moved in close, his face a scant millimeter from his target, his eyes widening and narrowing, his eyebrows rising and falling. 1 While President Johnson never abandoned in-person persuasion, the scheduling and security demands of the White House forced him to rely more heavily on indirect forms of communication. Like Muddy Waters plugging in his electric guitar or Laurel and Hardy making the transition from silent film to talkies, LBJ became maestro of the telephone. He had the Army Signal Corps install scores of special POTUS lines (an acronym for “President of the United States”) so that he could communicate instantly with officials around the government. -
S:\OHP\Tames, George Oral History\Tamespreface.Wpd
George Tames Washington Photographer for the New York Times PREFACE In 1846, an unknown cameraman took the first photograph of the United States Capitol, a view of the East Front. Thereafter the Capitol, from all angles, became the subject of countless amateur and professional photographers. During the nineteenth century and well into the twentieth most photography took place outside the building, due both to its dimly lit interior and to the antipathy many committee chairmen felt about the distractions of flash powder and bulbs. Eventually, photographers moved into the building, shooting everywhere at will, except within the Senate and House chambers. By the 1980s, television cameras penetrated even this haven. Nearly a century after that first photo, George Tames began photographing the people and events of Capitol Hill, first for Time-Life and later for the New York Times. During the course of a long career that ranged from the 1940s through the 1980s, Tames developed access to, and captured the likenesses of more significant members of Congress, and had his work reproduced more widely in influential publications than any other photographer in American political history. He developed a style contrary to the "herd instinct" that led other photographers to group together outside a closed door waiting for a standard shot. Instead, his pictures demonstrate an artistic eye, an intense sense of place, and a special intimacy with his subjects. George Tames was born in the shadow of the Capitol Dome, in a Washington alley house on January 21, 1919, into a Greek-Albanian immigrant family, and "born into the Democratic party" as well. -
Edmund S. Muskie Papers Tape No. Description
Edmund S. Muskie Papers Page 1 of 139 Container List for Series XVII.A Sound Recordings: Cassette Tapes Tape No. Description SC1 [Remarks at reception] Length: 10 min. 21 sec. Location: Saint Louis, Missouri. Date: September 10, 1968. Content: ESM remarks at mayor's home on 1968 election campaign. Audio quality: good. SC2 [Speech] Length: 42 min. 3 sec. Date: December 1968. Content: ESM on nemployment and labor concerns, inflation, cost of living, "working people in Me." Audio quality: good. SC3 [Speech] Length: 28 min. 57 sec. Date: January 30, 1969 Content: ESM on “Consumer Assembly." Audio quality: excellent. SC4 [Speech] Length: 24 min. 21 sec. Date: February 19, 1969. Content: ESM speaks before women's group on federal spending, priorities, anti-ballistic missiles, education, school lunch. Audio quality: good. SC5 [Press conference] Length: 5 min. 2 sec. Date: February 19, 1969. Content: Part of ESM press conference with Japanese officials, United States-Pacific Rim relations, arms race, anti-ballistic missile development, U.S-Soviet relations, pollution. Audio quality: good. SC6 [Question and answer session] Length: 58 min. 53 sec. Location: Cleveland Park, Ohio. Date: April 15, 1969. Content: ESM on urban problems with question and answer session, antiballistic missiles. Audio quality: excellent. SC7 [Speech] Length: 8 min. 58 sec. Location: Cleveland High School, Cleveland, Ohio. Date: 1969. Content: ESM on education. Audio quality: poor. SC8 [Interview with Ted Lippman] Length: 35 min. 58 sec. Date: April 24, 1970. Content: ESM on 1972 campaign plans, activities since 1968 election. Audio quality: poor. SC9 [Press conference] Length: 9 min. 59 sec. -
Electoral College Reform: Contemporary Issues for Congress
Electoral College Reform: Contemporary Issues for Congress Updated October 6, 2017 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R43824 Electoral College Reform: Contemporary Issues for Congress Summary The electoral college method of electing the President and Vice President was established in Article II, Section 1 of the Constitution and revised by the Twelfth Amendment. It provides for election of the President and Vice President by electors, commonly referred to as the electoral college. A majority of 270 of the 538 electoral votes is necessary to win. For further information on the modern-day operation of the college system, see CRS Report RL32611, The Electoral College: How It Works in Contemporary Presidential Elections, by Thomas H. Neale. The electoral college has been the subject of criticism and proposals for reform since before 1800. Constitutional and structural criticisms have centered on several of its features: (1) although today all electors are chosen by the voters in the presidential election, it is claimed to be not fully democratic, since it provides indirect election of the President; (2) it can lead to the election of candidates who win the electoral college but fewer popular votes than their opponents, or to contingent election in Congress if no candidate wins an electoral college majority; (3) it results in electoral vote under- and over-representation for some states between censuses; and (4) “faithless” electors can vote for candidates other than those they were elected to support. Legislative and political criticisms include (1) the general ticket system, currently used in all states except Maine and Nebraska, which is alleged to disenfranchise voters who prefer the losing candidates in the states; (2) various asserted “biases” that are alleged to favor different states and groups; and (3) the electoral college “lock,” which has been claimed to provide an electoral college advantage to both major parties at different times. -
Front Matter
Graham_Presidents & Environment 4/17/15 3:32 PM Page vii © University Press of Kansas. All rights reserved. Reproduction and distribution prohibited without permission of the Press. CONTENTS Acknowledgments ix Introduction 1 1 The New Nation’s Public Lands: A First Century without a National Vision 3 2 Benjamin Harrison, Grover Cleveland, and William McKinley: The Idea of Preserving the Public Lands Finds Cautious Presidential Sponsors, 1891–1901 23 3 Theodore Roosevelt: The Conservation Crusade Welcomes a Presidential Leader, 1901–1909 37 4 William Taft, Woodrow Wilson, Warren Harding, Calvin Coolidge, and Herbert Hoover: The Conservation Agenda, 1910s–1920s 59 5 Franklin D. Roosevelt: Conservation Foundations of New Deal Leadership, 1930s–1940s 114 6 Harry Truman, Dwight Eisenhower, and John F. Kennedy: Growing and Polluting in Boom Times, 1940s–1950s 153 7 Lyndon Baines Johnson, Richard Nixon, Gerald Ford, and Jimmy Carter: Environmentalism Arrives, 1960s–1970s 209 8 Ronald Reagan, George H. W. Bush, and Bill Clinton: Presidents Brown and Pale Green, 1980s–1990s 276 9 George W. Bush and Barack Obama: Wobbly Leaders, 2000– 328 10. Trying Again for Greener Presidents 358 Notes 367 Suggested Further Reading 391 Index 409 Graham_Presidents & Environment 4/17/15 3:32 PM Page viii © University Press of Kansas. All rights reserved. Reproduction and distribution prohibited without permission of the Press. Graham_Presidents & Environment 4/17/15 3:32 PM Page ix © University Press of Kansas. All rights reserved. Reproduction and distribution prohibited without permission of the Press. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I am grateful for research assistance from UNC history graduate students Scott Phillips, Rob Shapard, Carla Hoffman, and Matthew Lubin, and from Kris Smemo and Dustin Walker at the University of California–Santa Bar- bara (history). -
Student's Name
California State & Local Government In Crisis, 6th ed., by Walt Huber CHAPTER 6 QUIZ - © January 2006, Educational Textbook Company 1. Which of the following is NOT an official of California's plural executive? (p. 78) a. Attorney General b. Speaker of the Assembly c. Superintendent of Public Instruction d. Governor 2. Which of the following are requirements for a person seeking the office of governor? (p. 78) a. Qualified to vote b. California resident for 5 years c. Citizen of the United States d. All of the above 3. Which of the following is NOT a gubernatorial power? (p. 79) a. Real estate commissioner b. Legislative leader c. Commander-in-chief of state militia d. Cerimonial and political leader 4. What is the most important legislative weapon the governor has? (p. 81) a. Line item veto b. Full veto c. Pocket veto d. Final veto 5. What is required to override a governor's veto? (p. 81) a. Simple majority (51%). b. Simple majority in house, two-thirds vote in senate. c. Two-thirds vote in both houses. d. None of the above. 6. Who is considered the most important executive officer in California after the governor? (p. 83) a. Lieutenant Governor b. Attorney General c. Secretary of State d. State Controller 1 7. Who determines the policies of the Department of Education? (p. 84) a. Governor b. Superintendent of Public Instruction c. State Board of Education d. State Legislature 8. What is the five-member body that is responsible for the equal assessment of all property in California? (p. -
Tell Him Something Pretty Robert Herritt
REVIEWS & RECONSIDERATIONS Tell Him Something Pretty Robert Herritt he story goes that after he himself cover for what he wanted to submitted an early draft of do anyway. TDeadwood to HBO, David His maneuver was only fitting for Milch, the show’s creator, had some a show that so aptly dramatized the explaining to do. The script’s use of very human tendency to back-fill and obscenity was so brazen and volu- rationalize, to shoot first and give minous that it made even that net- answers later. In the world Milch work’s higher-ups, themselves no creates, reasoning, thought, speech, strangers to salty language, a little and even laws and institutions are uneasy. Surely a show set in a mining largely after-the-fact enterprises, camp during the 1870s Black Hills things people come up with to make Gold Rush had no need for dialogue sense of others’ actions, to make their so drenched in profanity. And wasn’t own actions intelligible, and, as in Milch’s choice of words — top-dol- Milch’s case, to ratify situations that lar expletives hardly unfamiliar to already obtain. Deadwood is a place today’s ears — anachronistic anyway? where the subterranean forces that If he wanted to work this blue, he’d shape human affairs are close to the have to provide a reason. surface, revealing the plans, theories, In reply to the executives, the customs, and laws that people impose former Yale literature instructor on their predicaments as mostly inci- penned a short essay, substantiated dental, their meaning a consequence with four pages of references, defend- of time and repetition. -
Mock Democratic Convention DEMOCRATIC P
Don't Moclc the Convention Washington and Lee Courtesy of 'Brud noy's Complaint' University February I 7, I 9 76 by syndicated colu mnist, David Brudnoy They've (Mock Convention students) done remarkably well. Wrong in 1912, '36, '40, '48, and '72- but then, no one else believed Ted Ken nedy's renunciation at that point, either, and my own columns in May of '72 were ablazed with scorn for McGovern's chances - but right on target every other time. A convention, then entirely staged by Southern gentlemen, that could mock-nominate AI Smith in 1928, well, you know the lads went about their business seriously . They (the students) are everywhere these days, pursuing the latest statistics and running Media Coverage up a fierce 'phone bi II'. The pace accellerates The Mock Convention has become the nation's most each week. They are intent upon upstaging noted collegiate political event- primarily because of New York City and telling the world the the continuing emphasis students place on authenticity. Not only does it portray the candidate's strength and Democrats' choice three months before the strategy; most observers see the W&L event as a Democrats meet to choose. Right now the bet touchstone for the political role students will play this ting's on Humphrey or Carter; by May they'll summer. have narrowed their focus to a siuation closely The convention also indirectly attempts to answer many resembling that in 50 states. If Spring fever of the questions raised in the press over the campaign. Has the disenchantment surrounding McGovern's overtakes them, I guess they might nominate defeat and the Watergate era linger into '76? How Fred Harris. -
Why Obama Probably Can't Win--But Romney Could Still Lose July 24, 2012
Why Obama Probably Can't Win--But Romney Could Still Lose July 24, 2012 G. Terry Madonna & Michael L.Young It’s known as Ockham’s razor. Attributed to 14th-century philosopher William of Ockham, it advocates seeking the simplest explanation necessary to make sense of things. The popular acronym KISS captures its spirit—“keep it simple stupid.” Alas, Ockham’s adage finds few takers today among contemporary electoral analysts. Amid the pundit literati predicting presidential elections, the slogan might be, “seek complexity, lots of it.” This criticism applies particularly to the various and sundry “models” used by the “punditocracy” to predict who will win the next election. These models usually include dozens of variables using arcane statistics to make electoral predictions. Complex and convoluted, they use bazookas to hunt flies when a good, serviceable fly swatter works just as well. But the even more serious problem with some of the presidential predictions models is that they ignore much of the enormous changes in the history of presidential elections since the end of World War II. Not well understood is that American electoral history divides sharply into two very different eras. The first era now largely irrelevant to modern elections ranged from 1800-1945. During this period, one or the other of America’s two major political parties tended to dominate presidential elections, sometimes for decades at a time. From 1800-1856, the Democrats dominated, winning 13 of 15 elections while opposition Whigs won only two. Then from 1860-1928, the Republicans had their turn, winning 18 elections while holding Democrats to just two presidents, each winning two terms. -
1 Chapter 1 California's People, Economy, and Politics
CHAPTER 1 CALIFORNIA'S PEOPLE, ECONOMY, AND POLITICS: YESTERDAY, TODAY, AND TOMORROW Like so much else about California, our state's politics appears to change constantly, unpredictably, and even inexplicably. Politicians seem to rise and fall more because of their personalities and campaign treasuries than because of their policies or political party ties. The governor and the legislature appear to be competing with one another rather than solving our problems. Multibillion-dollar campaigns ask voters to make decisions about issues that seem to emerge from nowhere only to see many overturned by the courts. Some Californians are confused or dis- illusioned by all of this and disdain politics and political participation. But however unpredictable or even disgusting California politics may appear, it is serious business that affects us all. And despite its volatility, California can be understood by examining its history and its present characteristics, especially its changing population and economy. Wave after wave of immigrants has made California a diverse, multicultural society , while new technologies have repeatedly transformed the state's economy. The resulting disparate ethnic and economic interests compete for the benefits and protections conferred by government thus shape the state's politics. But to understand California today-and tomorrow- we need to know a little about its past and about the development of these competing interests. COLONIZATION, REBELLION, AND STATEHOOD The first Californians were probably immigrants like the rest of us. Archaeologists believe that the ancestors of American Indians crossed 1 over the Bering Strait from Asia thousands of years ago and then headed south. By 1769, about three hundred thousand Native Americans were living mostly near the coast of what is now California, while the Spaniards were colonizing the area with missions and military outposts. -
Published Occasionally by the Friends of the Bancroft Library University of California, Berkeley, California 94720
PUBLISHED OCCASIONALLY BY THE FRIENDS OF THE BANCROFT LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY, CALIFORNIA 94720 No. $4 January 1973 ccThe Gentlest of Women " "I HAVE DECIDED to resign from the Board of Regents and will do so at once." So wrote Phoebe Apperson Hearst from Cairo in a thirty- two page letter dated February ioth, 1905, ad dressed to Benjamin Ide Wheeler, President of the University of California. And thus she pro posed to end an association which had begun in 1891 when she offered to contribute funds to be used for scholarships for women students and continued in 1897 when she was appointed to the Board to fill the unexpired term of Regent Charles F. Crocker. Her reasons were several—her ill health which would force her to live abroad for a number of years, returning to California only during the summer months, and her convic tion that it was not right to hold the office when she could not attend more than three meetings a year. Someone should be appointed who can do Phoebe Apperson at the time of her marriage to the work required. I feel as deep an interest George Hearst. in the University as ever, and this is why I feel I should no longer hold the office. his files were destroyed by the Berkeley fire of This interesting, hitherto unknown letter 1923. Wheeler presented her letter at the first came to light recently when offered for sale at meeting of the Board of Regents after its re the annual auction sponsored by the San Fran ceipt, and the Regents were unanimous in cisco television station, KQED.