RUSSIAN INTERFERENCE, and WHERE to FIND IT Anton Shekhovtsov
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The European and Russian Far Right As Political Actors: Comparative Approach
Journal of Politics and Law; Vol. 12, No. 2; 2019 ISSN 1913-9047 E-ISSN 1913-9055 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education The European and Russian Far Right as Political Actors: Comparative Approach Ivanova Ekaterina1, Kinyakin Andrey1 & Stepanov Sergey1 1 RUDN University, Russia Correspondence: Stepanov Sergey, RUDN University, Russia. E-mail: [email protected] Received: March 5, 2019 Accepted: April 25, 2019 Online Published: May 30, 2019 doi:10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 URL: https://doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 The article is prepared within the framework of Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Module "Transformation of Social and Political Values: the EU Practice" (575361-EPP-1-2016-1-RU-EPPJMO-MODULE, Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Actions) (2016-2019) Abstract The article is devoted to the comparative analysis of the far right (nationalist) as political actors in Russia and in Europe. Whereas the European far-right movements over the last years managed to achieve significant success turning into influential political forces as a result of surging popular support, in Russia the far-right organizations failed to become the fully-fledged political actors. This looks particularly surprising, given the historically deep-rooted nationalist tradition, which stems from the times Russian Empire. Before the 1917 revolution, the so-called «Black Hundred» was one of the major far-right organizations, exploiting nationalistic and anti-Semitic rhetoric, which had representation in the Russian parliament – The State Duma. During the most Soviet period all the far-right movements in Russia were suppressed, re-emerging in the late 1980s as rather vocal political force. But currently the majority of them are marginal groups, partly due to the harsh party regulation, partly due to the fact, that despite state-sponsored nationalism the position of Russian far right does not stand in-line with the position of Russian authorities, trying to suppress the Russian nationalists. -
Etnologisk Tidskrift, 2020 Nr 22
Nätverket – etnologiskAtt forska om tidskrift, ting 2020 Nr 22 Katarina Ek-Nilsson The Social and Political Dimensions of Sound and Music Oscar Pripp and Maria Westvall (Editors) FÖREMÅLEN I MUSEISAMLINGARNA För en utomstående kan detta tyckas märkligt, och ibland väcks frågan, vilket har hänt från politikerhåll, I museernas magasin trängs föremålen. Rader av om inte museernas samlingar kunde/borde avyttras, spinnrockar, vagnar, möbler, mangelbräden etc. är när nu alla föremål ändå inte visas, för att skapa större prydligt sorterade på hyllor i jättelika utrymmen. resurser till verksamheten. Textilier ligger prydligt inpackade i syrafria silkespapperTABLE OF CONTENTS och specialgjorda syrafria kartonger. Dyrbarheter som Frågan kan tyckas både befogad och enkel men är silver, smycken, konstföremål, men också mer triviala i själva verket komplicerad, av bland andra följande vardagsföremål,Introduction. skyddas The av social allehanda and säkerhetsåtgärder. political dimensions1 skäl: of Museet sound harand enmusic gång tagit emot föremålen som Oscar Pripp & Maria Westvall..............................................................................................3donationer eller som inköp från, i de flesta fall, När ett föremål – det må vara ett ordinärt vardagsföremål privatpersoner. Man får utgå från att de som skänkt som tidigare har hanterats dagligen i egenskap av eller sålt föremålen, liksom museets representanter, har bruksföremålDensities. – A blir key ett to museiföremål(late) modern så cultural genomgår production åsatt dem ett kulturhistoriskt värde. Museet har påtagit det Owesamtidigt Ronström......................................................................................................................5 en metamorfos. Det blir inte längre sig ett ansvar att på bästa sätt bevara föremålen för möjligt att vidröra utan att man tar på sig särskilda framtiden, så långt det är möjligt, och det vore därför bomullsvantar och det får inte längre användas för oetiskt att avyttra dem. -
ASD-Covert-Foreign-Money.Pdf
overt C Foreign Covert Money Financial loopholes exploited by AUGUST 2020 authoritarians to fund political interference in democracies AUTHORS: Josh Rudolph and Thomas Morley © 2020 The Alliance for Securing Democracy Please direct inquiries to The Alliance for Securing Democracy at The German Marshall Fund of the United States 1700 18th Street, NW Washington, DC 20009 T 1 202 683 2650 E [email protected] This publication can be downloaded for free at https://securingdemocracy.gmfus.org/covert-foreign-money/. The views expressed in GMF publications and commentary are the views of the authors alone. Cover and map design: Kenny Nguyen Formatting design: Rachael Worthington Alliance for Securing Democracy The Alliance for Securing Democracy (ASD), a bipartisan initiative housed at the German Marshall Fund of the United States, develops comprehensive strategies to deter, defend against, and raise the costs on authoritarian efforts to undermine and interfere in democratic institutions. ASD brings together experts on disinformation, malign finance, emerging technologies, elections integrity, economic coercion, and cybersecurity, as well as regional experts, to collaborate across traditional stovepipes and develop cross-cutting frame- works. Authors Josh Rudolph Fellow for Malign Finance Thomas Morley Research Assistant Contents Executive Summary �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 1 Introduction and Methodology �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� -
Boundaries of Free Speech in the Political Field
CHAPTER 7 Boundaries of free speech in the political field Arnfinn H. Midtbøen, Ph.D., Senior Research Fellow, Institute for Social Research Building on in-depth interviews with the leaders of Norway’s political youth organizations, this chapter focuses on two types of barriers to free speech that are at work in the political field: First, external barri- ers resulting from harassment and threats related to identity markers like gender, sexuality, disability and ethnic background. Second, inter- nal barriers stemming from informal party cultures characterized by conformity pressure and silencing mechanisms. These barriers consti- tute boundaries of free speech which influence some politicians more than others. On the one hand, individuals who bear ‘marks of diffe- rence’ seem to be the major recipients of external harassment and threats, raising the cost of engaging publicly in controversial issues. On the other hand, politicians embedded in informal party cultures characterized by ‘cultures of expression’ which discourage political dissent, seem to face social sanctions potentially leading them to silence their voices. Implications for free speech legislation and the future recruitment to politics are discussed. 195 chapter 7 Introduction Being a public figure is risky business. Any public engagement involves the risk of receiving unpleasant comments, harassment or even verbal and physical threats (Meloy et al., 2008). Politicians, in particular, are sometimes subject to extreme exposure in the media (Thompson, 2000). In part, this is a con- sequence of their deliberate choice of political commitment: In democratic societies, people in positions of power should be exposed to criticism, and they must consequently be expected to handle unpleasant comments and satire. -
The Attitudes of Native Swedes Toward Refugees
Bachelor Thesis The Attitudes of Native Swedes Toward Refugees - A Case Study on the Role of Social Identity Author: Eric Sonesson Supervisor: Christopher High Examiner: Heiko Fritz Term: VT21 Subject: Peace & Development Level: Undergraduate Course code: 2FU33E Abstract Refugee-host community relations is a topic of increasing relevance, and so is the need to understand what shapes such relations. Sweden, having a historically liberal refugee and immigrant policy, accepted the biggest number of refugees in its recent history during the 2015 refugee crisis - the amount of which was the biggest per capita ever recorded in an OECD country. The attitudes of native Swedes toward refugees can be tied to whether they socially identify themselves as pluralists or nationalists, two opposing social identities which, especially in the years surrounding the refugee crisis, are observed harboring hostile attitudes toward each other. Pluralists are inclined to have positive attitudes toward refugees; nationalists are prone to have negative attitudes. While these two groups can be observed, it remains ambiguous to what extent the Swedish population identifies with them. The political popularity of openly pluralist and nationalist political parties gives some notion; however, the inherent complexity of Swedish politics makes this method of deduction overly simplistic. Seemingly contradictory, while support for multiculturalism and refugee acceptance is decreasing, the percentage harboring very negative attitudes toward migrants is historically and presently quite low, and a growing number of Swedes are observed having increasingly positive attitudes toward refugees and immigrants in their everyday interactions. As future events unfold, it will be interesting to see what identity “the silent majority” of the native Swedish population will sympathize with, as this will no doubt affect their attitudes toward refugees and change refugee-host community relations in Sweden. -
The Growth of the Radical Right in Nordic Countries: Observations from the Past 20 Years
THE GROWTH OF THE RADICAL RIGHT IN NORDIC COUNTRIES: OBSERVATIONS FROM THE PAST 20 YEARS By Anders Widfeldt TRANSATLANTIC COUNCIL ON MIGRATION THE GROWTH OF THE RADICAL RIGHT IN NORDIC COUNTRIES: Observations from the Past 20 Years By Anders Widfeldt June 2018 Acknowledgments This research was commissioned for the eighteenth plenary meeting of the Transatlantic Council on Migration, an initiative of the Migration Policy Institute (MPI), held in Stockholm in November 2017. The meeting’s theme was “The Future of Migration Policy in a Volatile Political Landscape,” and this report was one of several that informed the Council’s discussions. The Council is a unique deliberative body that examines vital policy issues and informs migration policymaking processes in North America and Europe. The Council’s work is generously supported by the following foundations and governments: the Open Society Foundations, Carnegie Corporation of New York, the Barrow Cadbury Trust, the Luso- American Development Foundation, the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, and the governments of Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden. For more on the Transatlantic Council on Migration, please visit: www.migrationpolicy.org/ transatlantic. © 2018 Migration Policy Institute. All Rights Reserved. Cover Design: April Siruno, MPI Layout: Sara Staedicke, MPI No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission from the Migration Policy Institute. A full-text PDF of this document is available for free download from www.migrationpolicy.org. Information for reproducing excerpts from this report can be found at www.migrationpolicy.org/about/copyright-policy. -
Enough with the Criminalisation of the BDS Movement for Justice in Palestine! Let's Support Right to Boycott!
Enough with the criminalisation of the BDS movement for justice in Palestine! Let's support right to boycott! Why this is important: The French High Court has upheld the conviction of activists who called for the boycott of Israeli products The British government is implementing a new set of rules that will make it harder for local councils and other public bodies including universities to make ethical procurement or investment decisions. The Israeli Intelligence Minister Yisrael Katz said at the largest Israeli anti-BDS conference, held on March 28 in Jerusalem, that Israel should engage in “targeted civil eliminations” of BDS "leaders" with the help of Israeli intelligence All over the world, non-violent grassroots activists are under threat! Petition: Dear Mr Juncker – President of the European Commission Dear Mrs Astola – Director General of the DG Justice and Consumers of the EC We, the undersigned citizens of Europe are deeply alarmed by the ongoing attempts by some European governments to criminalise political activism against Israeli violations of international law. The Israeli Intelligence Minister Yisrael Katz said at the largest Israeli anti-BDS conference, held on March 28 in Jerusalem, that Israel should engage in “targeted civil eliminations” of BDS "leaders" with the help of Israeli intelligence. That was at the very same conference at which EU Ambassador to Israel was participating alongside the settler leaders. It is seriously alarming when government ministers anywhere make such threats against human rights defenders! We wish to express our outrage at such an incitement and attacks on civil rights and seeking your support in upholding the basic rights for European citizens for a freedom of speech and expression in support for the Palestinian people and/or other people worldwide to defend their fundamental rights. -
Olena Semenyaka, the “First Lady” of Ukrainian Nationalism
Olena Semenyaka, The “First Lady” of Ukrainian Nationalism Adrien Nonjon Illiberalism Studies Program Working Papers, September 2020 For years, Ukrainian nationalist movements such as Svoboda or Pravyi Sektor were promoting an introverted, state-centered nationalism inherited from the early 1930s’ Ukrainian Nationalist Organization (Orhanizatsiia Ukrayins'kykh Natsionalistiv) and largely dominated by Western Ukrainian and Galician nationalist worldviews. The EuroMaidan revolution, Crimea’s annexation by Russia, and the war in Donbas changed the paradigm of Ukrainian nationalism, giving birth to the Azov movement. The Azov National Corps (Natsional’nyj korpus), led by Andriy Biletsky, was created on October 16, 2014, on the basis of the Azov regiment, now integrated into the Ukrainian National Guard. The Azov National Corps is now a nationalist party claiming around 10,000 members and deployed in Ukrainian society through various initiatives, such as patriotic training camps for children (Azovets) and militia groups (Natsional’ny druzhiny). Azov can be described as a neo- nationalism, in tune with current European far-right transformations: it refuses to be locked into old- fashioned myths obsessed with a colonial relationship to Russia, and it sees itself as outward-looking in that its intellectual framework goes beyond Ukraine’s territory, deliberately engaging pan- European strategies. Olena Semenyaka (b. 1987) is the female figurehead of the Azov movement: she has been the international secretary of the National Corps since 2018 (and de facto leader since the party’s very foundation in 2016) while leading the publishing house and metapolitical club Plomin (Flame). Gaining in visibility as the Azov regiment transformed into a multifaceted movement, Semenyaka has become a major nationalist theorist in Ukraine. -
Why Britain Needs Leveson Part 2 by Dan Evans, the Man at the Centre of the Phone Hacking Scandal
GRATIS April 2016 PODCASTING A MURDER Alastair Morgan and Peter Jukes tackle the most- investigated unsolved killing in British history Why Britain needs Leveson Part 2 By Dan Evans, the man at the centre of the phone hacking scandal JImmY SAVILE COULDN’T HAVE BULLIED THE PRESS UNDER LEVESON’S PROPOSALS Says former Sunday Times Insight team journalist, Joan Smith Also. Jeffrey Kofman, Jacqui Hames, Steve Bell, Juha Rekola, Kerry-Anne Medoza FREE & FEARLESS Your essential guide to new free speech protections And yet there is a growing sense misled the inquiry with evidence ormer Sunday Mirror and News that Leveson 2 is somehow Leveson later condemned as “wrong, not of the World reporter Dan Evans Too Far. Which invites a glaring just disingenuous” by Mr Justice F question - why bother with any of it in Mann in a devastating Mirror Group the first place? For an answer, look at hacking judgement. Since those knows better than most how sections the motivation behind setting it up. mealy-mouthed statements were given (under oath), police operations David Cameron, suffering the Weeting, Pinetree, Golding and of Fleet Street behaved above the law, laxative effects of getting caught Elveden, have uncovered huge out with a rogue Director of amounts of evidence to contradict appearing in the Old Bailey dock himself Communications on the books, them. And yet there is no timetable did what came instinctively – he for Leveson 2. after pleading guilty and as a witness of protected himself. As the (utterly shameful) Milly Dowler revelations What does that do for public faith truth in the Phone Hacking trials. -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
Early Modern Conceptions of Property. Ed. by John Brewer and Susan Staves
International Review of Social History 43 (1998), pp. 287–314 1998 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis BOOK REVIEWS Early Modern Conceptions of Property. Ed. by John Brewer and Susan Staves. [Consumption and culture in 17th and 18th centuries, 2.] Routledge, London [etc.] 1995. xiv, 599 pp. Ill. Maps. £80.00. CARRIER,JAMES G. Gifts and Commodities. Exchange and Western Capital- ism since 1700. [Material Cultures.] Routledge, London [etc.] 1995. xvi, 240 pp. £45.00. In 1982 Neil McKendrick, John Brewer and J.H. Plumb helped to open up a new area of social and cultural history by publishing The Birth of a Consumer Society: The Commercialization of Eighteenth-Century England (London, Europa). There had been earlier studies, but in economic history consumption had clearly caught the imagination less than production. Social historians had focused on the living standards of those who were supposed barely able to survive. But mass production at one end of the economy presupposes mass consumption at least somewhere else, in a domestic or foreign market, among workers or other classes.1 Production was in fact the vantage point of much early research in the history of consumption. The range and quality of goods produced gave at least some information about the buying public. As the title of the seminal work by McKendrick, Brewer and Plumb indicates, one of the questions which prompted the history of consumption is how (and when) mass consumption originated. Once, long ago, goods were typically produced for known customers, on demand and to their specifications, as single items or in small quantities, by workers they knew personally. -
Country Fact Sheet, Democratic Republic of the Congo
Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/Country Fact... Français Home Contact Us Help Search canada.gc.ca Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets Home Country Fact Sheet DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO April 2007 Disclaimer This document was prepared by the Research Directorate of the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada on the basis of publicly available information, analysis and comment. All sources are cited. This document is not, and does not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed or conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. For further information on current developments, please contact the Research Directorate. Table of Contents 1. GENERAL INFORMATION 2. POLITICAL BACKGROUND 3. POLITICAL PARTIES 4. ARMED GROUPS AND OTHER NON-STATE ACTORS 5. FUTURE CONSIDERATIONS ENDNOTES REFERENCES 1. GENERAL INFORMATION Official name Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) Geography The Democratic Republic of the Congo is located in Central Africa. It borders the Central African Republic and Sudan to the north; Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda and Tanzania to the east; Zambia and Angola to the south; and the Republic of the Congo to the northwest. The country has access to the 1 of 26 9/16/2013 4:16 PM Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/Country Fact... Atlantic Ocean through the mouth of the Congo River in the west. The total area of the DRC is 2,345,410 km².