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The Hezbollah-Israeli
The Hizbullah-Israeli War: an American Perspective Aaron David Miller It was unusual for an Israeli Prime Minster to break open a bottle of champagne in front of American negotiators at a formal meeting. But that’s exactly what Shimon Peres did. It was late April 1996, and Peres was marking the end of a bloody three week border confrontation with Hizbullah diffused only by an intense ten day shuttle orchestrated by Secretary of State Warren Christopher. Those understandings negotiated between the governments of Israel and Syria (the latter standing in for Hizbullah) would create an Israeli-Lebanese monitoring group, co-chaired by the United States and France. These arrangements were far from perfect, but contributed, along with on-again-off-again Israeli-Syrian negotiations, to an extended period of relative calm along the Israeli- Lebanese border. The April understandings would last until Israel’s withdrawal. The recent summer war between Hizbullah and Israel, triggered by the Shia militia’s attack on an Israeli patrol on July 12, masked a number of other factors which would set the stage for the confrontation as well as the Bush administration’s response. Six years of relative quiet had witnessed Israel’s unilateral withdrawal from Lebanon in June of 2000, a steady supply of Katushya rockets—both short and long range—from Iran to Hizbullah, the collapse of Israel’s negotiations with Syria and the Palestinians, and the onset of the worst Israeli-Palestinian war in half a century. A perfect storm was brewing, spawned by the empowerment of both Hizbullah and Hamas, Iranian reach into the Arab-Israeli zone, Syria’s forced withdrawal from Lebanon, a determination by Israel to restore its strategic deterrence in the wake of unilateral withdrawals from Lebanon and Gaza, and an inexperienced Israeli prime minister and defense minister uncertain of how that should be done. -
The Mount Scopus Enclave, 1948–1967
Yfaat Weiss Sovereignty in Miniature: The Mount Scopus Enclave, 1948–1967 Abstract: Contemporary scholarly literature has largely undermined the common perceptions of the term sovereignty, challenging especially those of an exclusive ter- ritorial orientation and offering a wide range of distinct interpretations that relate, among other things, to its performativity. Starting with Leo Gross’ canonical text on the Peace of Westphalia (1948), this article uses new approaches to analyze the policy of the State of Israel on Jerusalem in general and the city’s Mount Scopus enclave in 1948–1967 in particular. The article exposes tactics invoked by Israel in three different sites within the Mount Scopus enclave, demilitarized and under UN control in the heart of the Jordanian-controlled sector of Jerusalem: two Jewish in- stitutions (The Hebrew University of Jerusalem and Hadassah hospital), the Jerusa- lem British War Cemetery, and the Palestinian village of Issawiya. The idea behind these tactics was to use the Demilitarization Agreement, signed by Israel, Transjor- dan, and the UN on July 7, 1948, to undermine the status of Jerusalem as a Corpus Separatum, as had been proposed in UN Resolution 181 II. The concept of sovereignty stands at the center of numerous academic tracts written in the decades since the end of the Cold War and the partition of Europe. These days, with international attention focused on the question of Jerusalem’s international status – that is, Israel’s sovereignty over the town – there is partic- ularly good reason to examine the broad range of definitions yielded by these discussions. Such an examination can serve as the basis for an informed analy- sis of Israel’s policy in the past and, to some extent, even help clarify its current approach. -
Israel and Judah: 18. Temple Interior and Dedication
Associates for Scriptural Knowledge • P.O. Box 25000, Portland, OR 97298-0990 USA © ASK, March 2019 • All rights reserved • Number 3/19 Telephone: 503 292 4352 • Internet: www.askelm.com • E-Mail: [email protected] How the Siege of Titus Locates the Temple Mount in the City of David by Marilyn Sams, July 2016 Formatted and annotated by David Sielaff, March 2019 This detailed research paper by independent author Marilyn Sams is one of several to follow her 2015 book, The Jerusalem Temple Mount Myth. Her book was inspired by a desire to prove (or disprove) Dr. Ernest Martin’s research in The Temples That Jerusalem Forgot. Ms. Sams wrote a second book in 2017, The Jerusalem Temple Mount: A Compendium of Ancient Descriptions expanding the argument in her first book, itemizing and analyzing 375 ancient descriptions of the Temple, Fort Antonia, and environs, all confirming a Gihon location for God’s Temples.1 Her books and articles greatly advance Dr. Martin’s arguments. David Sielaff, ASK Editor Marilyn Sams: The siege of Titus has been the subject of many books and papers, but always from the false perspective of the Jerusalem Temple Mount’s misidentification.2 The purpose of this paper is to illuminate additional aspects of the siege, in order to show how they cannot reasonably be applied to the current models of the temple and Fort Antonia, but can when the “Temple Mount” is identified as Fort Antonia. Conflicts Between the Rebellious Leaders Prior to the Siege of Titus A clarification of the definition of “Acra” is crucial to understanding the conflicts between John of Gischala and Simon of Giora, two of the rebellious [Jewish] faction leaders, who divided parts of Jerusalem 1 Her second book shows the impossibility of the so-called “Temple Mount” and demonstrate the necessity of a Gihon site of the Temples. -
Armed Conflicts Report - Israel
Armed Conflicts Report - Israel Armed Conflicts Report Israel-Palestine (1948 - first combat deaths) Update: February 2009 Summary Type of Conflict Parties to the Conflict Status of the Fighting Number of Deaths Political Developments Background Arms Sources Economic Factors Summary: 2008 The situation in the Gaza strip escalated throughout 2008 to reflect an increasing humanitarian crisis. The death toll reached approximately 1800 deaths by the end of January 2009, with increased conflict taking place after December 19th. The first six months of 2008 saw increased fighting between Israeli forces and Hamas rebels. A six month ceasefire was agreed upon in June of 2008, and the summer months saw increased factional violence between opposing Palestinian groups Hamas and Fatah. Israel shut down the border crossings between the Gaza strip and Israel and shut off fuel to the power plant mid-January 2008. The fuel was eventually turned on although blackouts occurred sporadically throughout the year. The blockade was opened periodically throughout the year to allow a minimum amount of humanitarian aid to pass through. However, for the majority of the year, the 1.5 million Gaza Strip inhabitants, including those needing medical aid, were trapped with few resources. At the end of January 2009, Israel agreed to the principles of a ceasefire proposal, but it is unknown whether or not both sides can come to agreeable terms and create long lasting peace in 2009. 2007 A November 2006 ceasefire was broken when opposing Palestinian groups Hamas and Fatah renewed fighting in April and May of 2007. In June, Hamas led a coup on the Gaza headquarters of Fatah giving them control of the Gaza Strip. -
GLOSSARY Divrei Haknesset Hapraklit Hatza'oi Hok 'Iton Rishmi
GLOSSARY Divrei HaKnesset Records of Knesset proceedings HaPraklit Law Journal published by the Jewish Bar Association (1943-48), now the Israel Bar, and, since 1964, in cooperation with the Faculty of Law of the Hebrew University, Jerusalem Hatza'oi Hok Legislative Bills 'Iton Rishmi The Official Gazette during the tenure of the Provisional Council of State Kifvei Amana Israel Treaty Documents Knesset Israel Legislative Assembly Kovefz HaTakanot Subsidiary Legislation Students Law Review, Faculty of Law, Mishpatim Hebrew University of Jerusalem Law reports of the Supreme Court, pub- Piskei Din (Judgments) lished by the Ministry of Justice (1948- ) Law reports of the Supreme Court and Psakim (Decisions) District Courts, published privately (1948) Law reports of the Supreme Court, pub- Psakim 'Elyon lished by the Israel Bar Association (1948- (Supreme [Court] Decisions) 1961) Psakim Mehoziim Law reports of the District Courts, pub- (District [Courts] Decisions) lished by the Israel Bar (1949- ) Reshumot Official Gazette Sefer HaHukim Principal Legislation Yalkut HaPirsumim Government Notices ABBREVATIONS A.L.R. — Annotated Law Reports (1943-47) O.L.R. — Current Law Reports F.H. — Further Hearings K.A. — Kitvei Amana (in Hebrew) K.T. — Kovefz HaTakanot (in Hebrew) L.S.I. — Laws of the State of Israel P.D. — Piskei Din (in Hebrew) P.E. — Psakim 'Elyon (in Hebrew) P.L.R. — Palestine Law Reports, 1920-47 P.M. — Psakim Mehoziim (in Hebrew) P.A1.S. — Psakim Mehoziim Summary (in Hebrew) P.G. — Palestine Gazette Rot. — Rotenberg's Law Reports (1919-36) S.C.J. — Annotated Supreme Court Judgments (1937-42) S.D.C. — Selected Cases of the District Court (1943-47) SJ. -
Congressional Record—Senate S1918
S1918 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE March 7, 2001 an agreement would remove a direct Foreigners increasingly are free to matically in recent years. U.S. exports North Korean threat to the region and travel widely in the country and talk to Southeast Asia, for instance, sur- improve prospects for North-South rec- to average North Koreans without gov- pass our exports to Germany and are onciliation. It would also remove a ernment interference. North Korea has double our exports to France. U.S. di- major source of missiles and missile even begun to issue tourist visas. The rect investment in East Asia now tops technology for countries such as Iran. presence of foreigners in North Korea $150 billion, and has tripled over the Getting an agreement will not be is gradually changing North Korean at- past decade. easy, but it helps a lot that we are not titudes about South Korea and the And of course these are just a few of the only country which would benefit West. the raw economic realities which un- from the dismantlement of North Ko- One American with a long history of derscore East Asia’s importance. The rea’s missile program. Our allies South working in North Korea illustrated the United States has important humani- Korea and Japan, our European allies change underway by describing an im- tarian, environmental, energy, and se- who already provide financial support promptu encounter he had recently. curity interests throughout the region. for the Agreed Framework, the Chi- While he was out on an unescorted We have an obligation, it seems to nese, the Russians, all share a desire to morning walk, a North Korean woman me, not to drop the ball. -
Israel: Growing Pains at 60
Viewpoints Special Edition Israel: Growing Pains at 60 The Middle East Institute Washington, DC Middle East Institute The mission of the Middle East Institute is to promote knowledge of the Middle East in Amer- ica and strengthen understanding of the United States by the people and governments of the region. For more than 60 years, MEI has dealt with the momentous events in the Middle East — from the birth of the state of Israel to the invasion of Iraq. Today, MEI is a foremost authority on contemporary Middle East issues. It pro- vides a vital forum for honest and open debate that attracts politicians, scholars, government officials, and policy experts from the US, Asia, Europe, and the Middle East. MEI enjoys wide access to political and business leaders in countries throughout the region. Along with information exchanges, facilities for research, objective analysis, and thoughtful commentary, MEI’s programs and publications help counter simplistic notions about the Middle East and America. We are at the forefront of private sector public diplomacy. Viewpoints are another MEI service to audiences interested in learning more about the complexities of issues affecting the Middle East and US rela- tions with the region. To learn more about the Middle East Institute, visit our website at http://www.mideasti.org The maps on pages 96-103 are copyright The Foundation for Middle East Peace. Our thanks to the Foundation for graciously allowing the inclusion of the maps in this publication. Cover photo in the top row, middle is © Tom Spender/IRIN, as is the photo in the bottom row, extreme left. -
Jerusalem: City of Dreams, City of Sorrows
1 JERUSALEM: CITY OF DREAMS, CITY OF SORROWS More than ever before, urban historians tell us that global cities tend to look very much alike. For U.S. students. the“ look alike” perspective makes it more difficult to empathize with and to understand cultures and societies other than their own. The admittedly superficial similarities of global cities with U.S. ones leads to misunderstandings and confusion. The multiplicity of cybercafés, high-rise buildings, bars and discothèques, international hotels, restaurants, and boutique retailers in shopping malls and multiplex cinemas gives these global cities the appearances of familiarity. The ubiquity of schools, university campuses, signs, streetlights, and urban transportation systems can only add to an outsider’s “cultural and social blindness.” Prevailing U.S. learning goals that underscore American values of individualism, self-confidence, and material comfort are, more often than not, obstacles for any quick study or understanding of world cultures and societies by visiting U.S. student and faculty.1 Therefore, international educators need to look for and find ways in which their students are able to look beyond the veneer of the modern global city through careful program planning and learning strategies that seek to affect the students in their “reading and learning” about these fertile centers of liberal learning. As the students become acquainted with the streets, neighborhoods, and urban centers of their global city, their understanding of its ways and habits is embellished and enriched by the walls, neighborhoods, institutions, and archaeological sites that might otherwise cause them their “cultural and social blindness.” Jerusalem is more than an intriguing global historical city. -
The Fatah-Hamas Reconciliation: Threatening Peace Prospects
The Fatah-Hamas Reconciliation: Threatening Peace Prospects Testimony by David Makovsky Director, Project on the Middle East Peace Process The Washington Institute for Near East Policy February 5, 2013 Hearing of the U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Foreign Relations Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa Thank you, Madam Chairwoman, Ranking Member Deutch, and distinguished members of the subcommittee for this wonderful opportunity to testify at your very first session of the new Congress. The issue of unity between Fatah and Hamas is something that the two parties have discussed at different levels since 2007 -- and certainly since the two groups announced an agreement in principle in May 2011. Indeed, a meeting between the groups is scheduled in Cairo in the coming days. One should not rule out that such unity will occur; but the past failures of the groups to unite begs various questions and suggests why unity may not occur in the future. While the idea of unity is popular among divided publics everywhere, there have been genuine obstacles to implementing any unity agreement between Fatah and Hamas. First, it seems that neither Fatah -- the mainstream party of the Palestinian Authority (PA) -- nor Hamas wants to risk what it already possesses, namely Hamas's control of Gaza and the PA's control of its part of the West Bank. Each has its own zone and wants to maintain corresponding control. Second, Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas has not been willing to commit to a Hamas demand for the end of PA security cooperation with Israel in the West Bank, which has resulted in the arrests of Hamas operatives by the PA. -
Boundaries, Barriers, Walls
1 Boundaries, Barriers, Walls Jerusalem’s unique landscape generates a vibrant interplay between natural and built features where continuity and segmentation align with the complexity and volubility that have characterized most of the city’s history. The softness of its hilly contours and the harmony of the gentle colors stand in contrast with its boundar- ies, which serve to define, separate, and segregate buildings, quarters, people, and nations. The Ottoman city walls (seefigure )2 separate the old from the new; the Barrier Wall (see figure 3), Israelis from Palestinians.1 The former serves as a visual reminder of the past, the latter as a concrete expression of the current political conflict. This chapter seeks to examine and better understand the physical realities of the present: how they reflect the past, and how the ancient material remains stimulate memory, conscious knowledge, and unconscious perception. The his- tory of Jerusalem, as it unfolds in its physical forms and multiple temporalities, brings to the surface periods of flourish and decline, of creation and destruction. TOPOGRAPHY AND GEOGRAPHY The topographical features of Jerusalem’s Old City have remained relatively con- stant since antiquity (see figure ).4 Other than the Central Valley (from the time of the first-century historian Josephus also known as the Tyropoeon Valley), which has been largely leveled and developed, most of the city’s elevations, protrusions, and declivities have maintained their approximate proportions from the time the city was first settled. In contrast, the urban fabric and its boundaries have shifted constantly, adjusting to ever-changing demographic, socioeconomic, and political conditions.2 15 Figure 2. -
H.E. Mr. Ariel Sharon Prime Minister of the State of Israel
Statement by H.E. Mr. Ariel Sharon Prime Minister of the State of Israel High-Level Plenary Meeting of the 60'h Session of the General Assembly United Nations, New York 15 September 2005 Translation Prime Minister Ariel Sharon' Speech at the United Nations Assembly September 15, 2005 My friends and colleagues, heads and representatives of the UN member states, I arrived here from Jerusalem, the capital of the Jewish people for over 3,000 years, and the undivided and eternal capital of the State of Israel. At the outset, I would like to express the profound feelings of empathy of the people of Israel for the American nation, and our sincere condolences to the families who lost their loved ones. I wish to encourage my friend, President George Bush, and the American people, in their determined effo rts to assist the victims of the hur ricane and rebuild the ruins after the destruction. The State of Israel, which the United States stood beside at times of trial, is ready to extend any assistance at its disposal in this immense humanitarian mission. Ladies and Gentlemen, I stand before you at the gate of nations as a Jew and as a citizen of the free and sovereign State of Israel, a proud representative of an ancient people, whose numbers are few, but whose contribution to civilization and to the values of ethics, justice and faith, surrounds the world and encompasses history. The Jewish people have a long memory, the memory which united the exiles of Israel for thousands of years: a memory which has its origin in G-d's commandment to our forefather Abraham: "Go forth!" and continued with the receiving of the Torah at the foot of Mount Sinai and the wanderings of the children of Israel in the desert, led by Moses on their journey to the promised land, the land of Israel. -
Security Council Security Council
UN IT E0 N AT ION 5 Distr. SECURITY GENERAL S/4011, COUNCIL 29 May l)58 ORIGINAL: ENGLISH I~ETTER DATED 29 MAY 1958 FRCM THE REPRESENTATIVE OF ISRAEL ADDRESSED TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE SECURITY COUNCIL I have the honour to attach herev."ith, for the information of the Security Council, the translated tex~ of the reply of the Prime Minister of Israel to a question put to him in the Knesset on 28 May 1958 concerning the incidents on Mount Scopus on 26 May, and would request you to circulate it to the Members of the United Nations in accordance with the usual practice. Please accept, Sir, etc. (Signed) M.R. KIDRON For Permanent Representative of Israel to the United Nations 58-12818 I ... 8/4011 English Page 2 statement by the Prime Minister of Israel in the Knesset on 28 May 1958 "T'i'1o days ago, on Monday 26 May, a patrol of five of our policemen, under the command of a Sergeant, set out at 1310 hours to Shlomit Garden on Mount Scopus as they had done on ~any occasions before. This garden is part of the botanical gardens of the Hebrew University and is in the middle of the Israel sector of the Demilitarised Zone, which was established according to the agreement of 7 July 1948. The map attached to this agreement shows that the garden is in our area, and about a month ago we submitted to the United Nations representative copies of land registration entries (tabu) proving that the garden belongs to the Hebrew University.