Transformation of Sovereignty Discourse in Turkish Politics

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Transformation of Sovereignty Discourse in Turkish Politics TRANSFORMATION OF SOVEREIGNTY DISCOURSE IN TURKISH POLITICS By SEDA SAADET DOMANİÇ Submitted to the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science Sabancı University Fall 2007 TRANSFORMATION OF SOVEREIGNTY DISCOURSE IN TURKISH POLITICS: APPROVED BY: Assoc. Prof. Hasan Bülent Kahraman (Dissertation Supervisor) Prof. Dr. Meltem Müftüler Baç Assoc. Prof. Ayşe Kadıoğlu Assoc. Prof. Ayhan Kaya Prof. Cemil Koçak DATE OF APPROVAL: 07.02.2008 ii © Seda Saadet Domaniç 2008 All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT TRANSFORMATION OF SOVEREIGNTY DISCOURSE IN TURKISH POLITICS Domaniç, Seda Saadet PhD, Political Science Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Hasan Bülent Kahraman Fall 2007, viii + 282 pages This dissertation offers an analysis of the transformation of sovereignty discourse in Turkey and illustrates the various discursive utilizations of the concept in connection with purposes of competing ideologies in turning points of Turkish politics. Rather than discussing whether or not sovereignty is obsolete in the face of growing globalization and fragmentation, this study underlines the need to reappraise the implications of the role that sovereignty plays in conditioning the coherence of opposing political ideologies. To this end, four critical ‘moments’ are studied by employing a discourse- theoretic approach: dislocation brought by the Ottoman disintegration; creation of the Turkish nation-state; disruption engendered by globalization during the post-1980 Turkey; transformation unleashed by Turkey’s ‘Europeanization’ during the 2000s. By illustrating the historico-political production/reproduction of sovereignty in relation to ideologies of Ottomanism, Turkish Nationalism, Populism, Statism, Second Republicanism and Europeanism, the findings refute the conventional view that presents sovereignty as a fixed, neutral and timeless organizing principle of modern politics. Instead, it is shown that sovereignty acts as an empty-signifier embodying a broad plurality of meanings to allow power blocs to produce political frontiers and uphold associated antagonisms. It is argued that only by deconstructing this highly politicized and contentious nature of the concept that we can start to question the unconditional, absolute and state-centric doctrine of sovereignty prevailing in Turkey. Keywords: Sovereignty, Nationalism, Nation-State, Globalization iv ÖZET TÜRK SİYASETİNDE EGEMENLİK SÖYLEMİNİN DÖNÜŞÜMÜ Domaniç, Seda Saadet Doktora, Siyaset Bilimi Danışman: Doç. Dr. Hasan Bülent Kahraman Güz 2007, viii + 282 sayfa Bu tezin ana konusu Türk siyasetinin önemli geçiş dönemlerinde egemenlik söyleminin dönüşümü ve bu söylemin farklı ideolojilerin siyasi hedefleri ile bağlantılı olarak oynadığı rollerin bir analizidir. Giderek yaygınlaşan küreselleşme ve parçalanma süreçleri karşısında egemenlik kavramının sonunun gelip gelmediğini tartışmak yerine, bu çalışma egemenlik söylemi ile karşıt siyasi ideolojilerin söylemsel bütünlüğünün sağlanması arasındaki ilişkiyi irdelemektedir. Bu amaçla, Türk siyasetinde dönüm noktası olarak belirlenen dört dönem söylem kuramı yöntemi kullanılarak incelenmektedir. Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nun çöküşü, Türk ulus-devletinin inşası, 1980 sonrası Türkiye’nin küreselleşmesi, ve 2000 sonrası Türkiye’nin Avrupa ile bütünleşmesi egemenlik söyleminin dönüşümü açısından ele alınan dönemler arasında yer almaktadır. Araştırma sonucunda elde edilen bulgular, egemenlik kavramının içeriğinin Osmanlıcılık, Milliyetçilik, Halkçılık, Devletçilik, İkinci Cumhuriyetçilik ve Avrupalıcılık ideolojileri ile ilintili siyasi amaçlar bağlamında sürekli olarak yeniden üretildiğini belgelemektedir. Bu doğrultuda, tezin bulguları egemenliği tarafsız, doğal, ve ebedi bir kavram olarak kabullenen çalışmaların sorgulanmasını sağlayarak, özcü yaklaşımların aksine, egemenlik kavramının içinde birçok anlamı ve siyasi değeri barındıran ve bu kapsaycı özelliği ile farklı güç odakları tarafından siyasi sınırlar ve ilişkili karşıtlıklar oluşturulmasına destek olan bir “boş-gösteren” (empty-signifier) görevi üstlendiğine işaret etmektedir. Sonuç olarak Türkiye’de mevcut mutlak, şartsız ve devlet-merkezli egemenlik doktrininin dönüştürülebilmesi için ilk önce kavramın siyasetle olan yakın ve tartışmalı ilişkisinin çözümlenmesi gerektiği savunulmaktadır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Egemenlik, Milliyetçilik, Ulus-Devlet, Küreselleşme v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to deeply thank my supervisor Assoc. Prof. Hasan Bülent Kahraman for his insightful support from the beginning to the end. Without his continuous encouragement and guidance, I would not be able to complete this dissertation. I am also grateful to my jury members Prof. Meltem Müftüler Baç, Assoc. Prof. Ayşe Kadıoğlu, Assoc. Prof. Ayhan Kaya and Prof. Cemil Koçak for their valuable and constructive comments. I thank Prof. Fuat Keyman from Koç University for reading the draft of first chapters and making helpful suggestions; Mehmet Savan for his precise work on the translation of Ottoman quotes. My friends at Sabancı University Political Science PhD Program have been a great source of encouragement and intellectual support. While I am grateful for all their comments and criticism, I alone am responsible for all possible mistakes, omissions and interpretations. I am also indebted to Cem İlhan, Kemal Derviş, Sinan Ülgen, Damla Gürel, Can Buharalı, Semih Yalman and Ferit F. Şahenk, as well all my other colleagues at European Union Information Project, Centre for Economic and Foreign Policy Studies (EDAM) and Dogus Group. It was their tolerance and support that made it possible to continue with an academic project of this magnitude while maintaining a professional career. Finally, I am very grateful to my family and friends for their understanding and acceptance of my lengthy absences. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................................... 1 1.1. OBJECTIVE OF RESEARCH ....................................................................................... 1 1.2. RETHINKING SOVEREIGNTY AS A PROBLEMATIC, YET A RESILIENT CONCEPT ........ 6 1.3. METHODOLOGY OF RESEARCH.............................................................................. 12 1.3.1. Antagonisms and Logics of Equivalence and Difference ............................. 14 1.3.2. Empty-Signifiers, Floating-Signifiers and Nodal Points .............................. 16 2. BACKGROUND: HISTORICO-THEORETICAL CONSTRUCTION OF SOVEREIGNTY IN MODERN POLITICS ............................................................................. 21 2.1. INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................... 21 2.2. ABSOLUTISM AND THE DISCOURSE ON SOVEREIGNTY .......................................... 22 2.3. CONSTITUTIONALISM AND THE DISCOURSE ON SOVEREIGNTY.............................. 28 2.4. REPUBLICANISM AND THE DISCOURSE ON SOVEREIGNTY ..................................... 31 2.5. NATIONALISM AND THE DISCOURSE ON SOVEREIGNTY......................................... 35 2.6. NATION-STATE AND THE DISCOURSE ON SOVEREIGNTY ....................................... 41 2.7. RAISON D’ETAT, POLITICS OF THE EXCEPTION AND THE DISCOURSE ON SOVEREIGNTY.............................................................................................................. 47 2.8. EARLY CRITIQUES OF THE PREVAILING DISCOURSES ON SOVEREIGNTY ............... 52 2.9. CONCLUSION......................................................................................................... 57 3. DISLOCATION: THE OTTOMAN DISINTEGRATION AND THE POLITICAL DISCOURSE ON SOVEREIGNTY ................................................................... 60 3.1. INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................... 60 3.2. CLASSICAL OTTOMAN CONCEPTUALIZATIONS OF SOVEREIGNTY.......................... 61 3.2.1. Origins: Tribal Practices, Islam and Turko-Iranian State Tradition........... 62 3.2.2. Synthesis: The Early Ottoman Conceptualization of Sovereignty................ 66 3.2.3. Raison d’Etat and Justice: Foundations of Absolute Sultanic Sovereignty.. 67 3.2.4. From Dynastic Sovereignty towards the Sovereignty of the Ottoman State. 71 3.3. PRELUDE: POLITICAL LEGITIMACY, PUBLIC OPINION, AND IDEOLOGY ................. 75 3.4. DISCURSIVE DISCOVERY OF POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY: A WAY OUT OF THE IMPASSE? .................................................................................................................................... 84 3.4.1. In the midst of the earthly and the divine: Where to look?........................... 85 3.5. OPPOSITION: ISLAM, CONSULTATION AND THE POSITION OF MILLET-I HAKIME..... 98 3.6. DOOMED BIRTH OF ‘POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY’: TRAPPED IN BETWEEN THE DISCURSIVE CLASH OF LIBERALISM AND CONSERVATISM......................................... 102 3.7. CONCLUSION....................................................................................................... 107 vii 4. CREATION: TURKISH NATION-STATE BUILDING AND THE POLITICAL DISCOURSE ON SOVEREIGNTY ................................................................. 109 4.1. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................... 109 4.2. FROM ‘POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY’ TOWARDS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE ‘NATION’ 111 4.2.1 Elitism and Distrust towards the ‘People’..................................................
Recommended publications
  • Turkey's Deep State
    #1.12 PERSPECTIVES Political analysis and commentary from Turkey FEATURE ARTICLES TURKEY’S DEEP STATE CULTURE INTERNATIONAL POLITICS ECOLOGY AKP’s Cultural Policy: Syria: The Case of the Seasonal Agricultural Arts and Censorship “Arab Spring” Workers in Turkey Pelin Başaran Transforming into the Sidar Çınar Page 28 “Arab Revolution” Page 32 Cengiz Çandar Page 35 TURKEY REPRESENTATION Content Editor’s note 3 ■ Feature articles: Turkey’s Deep State Tracing the Deep State, Ayşegül Sabuktay 4 The Deep State: Forms of Domination, Informal Institutions and Democracy, Mehtap Söyler 8 Ergenekon as an Illusion of Democratization, Ahmet Şık 12 Democratization, revanchism, or..., Aydın Engin 16 The Near Future of Turkey on the Axis of the AKP-Gülen Movement, Ruşen Çakır 18 Counter-Guerilla Becoming the State, the State Becoming the Counter-Guerilla, Ertuğrul Mavioğlu 22 Is the Ergenekon Case an Opportunity or a Handicap? Ali Koç 25 The Dink Murder and State Lies, Nedim Şener 28 ■ Culture Freedom of Expression in the Arts and the Current State of Censorship in Turkey, Pelin Başaran 31 ■ Ecology Solar Energy in Turkey: Challenges and Expectations, Ateş Uğurel 33 A Brief Evaluation of Seasonal Agricultural Workers in Turkey, Sidar Çınar 35 ■ International Politics Syria: The Case of the “Arab Spring” Transforming into the “Arab Revolution”, Cengiz Çandar 38 Turkey/Iran: A Critical Move in the Historical Competition, Mete Çubukçu 41 ■ Democracy 4+4+4: Turning the Education System Upside Down, Aytuğ Şaşmaz 43 “Health Transformation Program” and the 2012 Turkey Health Panorama, Mustafa Sütlaş 46 How Multi-Faceted are the Problems of Freedom of Opinion and Expression in Turkey?, Şanar Yurdatapan 48 Crimes against Humanity and Persistent Resistance against Cruel Policies, Nimet Tanrıkulu 49 ■ News from hbs 53 Heinrich Böll Stiftung – Turkey Representation The Heinrich Böll Stiftung, associated with the German Green Party, is a legally autonomous and intellectually open political foundation.
    [Show full text]
  • European Court of Human Rights Leyla Sahin Decision
    EUROPEAN COURT OF HUMAN RIGHTS UNDER THE LIGHT OF LEYLA SAHIN DECISION Attorney Fatma Benli Translated by Bengül Altaş, Maryam Al Zoubi, Hüseyin Erkaya, Dilek Gölet, Ayşe Maden, Jonathan Sugden, Melek Hilal Yazıcı 2010 İSTANBUL I With my endless thanks to my family who are always supporting me limitlessly. Fatma Benli Preface Though during the 80s it is a time-to time recurring food of controversy; “headscarf in the Turkish Universities”, become a material problem after the February 28 Post- Modern coup d’Etat. First the sentence of “Behaviors about the apparel which are emerged against law, push the Turkey into an outdated image; shall be banned; the law and Constitutional Court Decisions about this subject shall be applied without any exception especially on the public instutions and associations.” had been added to the well-known MGK (National Security Council) decisions. Approximately a year later, The Constitutional Court had cited the Party’s defence for freedom of headscarf in Universities as a reason of their decision of the ban of Refah Party. (Welfare Party) After the Ban decision, while wearing headscarf was completely free, a retired military officer who had a duty at the MGK, had given briefings on “how the headscarf would be banned”, to firstly university rectors, then to Judges. After then, Committee of Rectors, had published a declaration with the title of “The regulations governing the apparel at the Higher Education Institutions and Legal Comments” –which is probably had been prepared during those briefings-. After that declaration of Committee of rectors, “the rectors that are taken the briefing” had understood that the headscarf is banned at the universities and they applied the headscarf ban at this direction.
    [Show full text]
  • ANAYASA MAHKEMESİ KARARI Esas Sayısı : 2016/54 Karar Sayısı
    ANAYASA MAHKEMESİ KARARI Esas Sayısı : 2016/54 Karar Sayısı : 2016/117 Karar Tarihi : 3.6.2016 İPTAL TALEBİNDE BULUNANLAR: 1- İstanbul Milletvekili Mustafa Sezgin TANRIKULU (E.2016/54) 2- Eskişehir Milletvekili Cemal Okan YÜKSEL (E.2016/55) 3- Burdur Milletvekili Mehmet GÖKER (E.2016/56) 4- Trabzon Milletvekili Haluk PEKŞEN vekili Av. Evrim SANDAL (E.2016/57) 5- Bolu Milletvekili Tanju ÖZCAN vekili Av. Evrim SANDAL (E.2016/58) 6- Balıkesir Milletvekili Namık HAVUTÇA vekili Av. Evrim SANDAL (E.2016/59) 7- Bursa Milletvekili Ceyhun İRGİL vekili Av. Evrim SANDAL (E.2016/60) 8- Kars Milletvekili Ayhan BİLGEN (E.2016/61) 9- Adana Milletvekili Meral Danış BEŞTAŞ (E.2016/62) 10- Mardin Milletvekili Mithat SANCAR (E.2016/63) 11- Mardin Milletvekili Erol DORA (E.2016/64) 12- Mersin Milletvekili Dengir Mir Mehmet FIRAT adına Mardin Milletvekili Mithat SANCAR (E.2016/65) 13- Adıyaman Milletvekili Behçet YILDIRIM adına Mardin Milletvekili Mithat SANCAR (E.2016/66) 14- Şırnak Milletvekili Ferhat ENCU adına Mardin Milletvekili Mithat SANCAR (E.2016/67) 15- Batman Milletvekili Saadet BECEREKLİ adına Mardin Milletvekili Mithat SANCAR (E.2016/68) 16- İstanbul Milletvekili Selahattin DEMİRTAŞ adına Mardin Milletvekili Mithat SANCAR (E.2016/69) 17- Şırnak Milletvekili Aycan İRMEZ adına Mardin Milletvekili Mithat SANCAR (E.2016/70) 18- Mardin Milletvekili Ali ATALAN adına Mardin Milletvekili Mithat SANCAR (E.2016/71) 19- Tunceli Milletvekili Alican ÖNLÜ adına Mardin Milletvekili Mithat SANCAR (E.2016/72) 20- İstanbul Milletvekili Pervin BULDAN adına Mardin
    [Show full text]
  • The High Council of Judges and Prosecutors in Turkey: Roundtable Discussion on Its New Structure and Operations
    The High Council of Judges and Prosecutors in Turkey: Roundtable Discussion on Its New Structure and Operations Moderator Discussants Ali Bayramoğlu Ahmet İnsel İbrahim Okur Leyla Köksal Tarhan Mithat Sancar Uğur Yiğit Yücel Sayman The High Council of Judges and Prosecutors in Turkey: Roundtable Discussion on Its New Structure and Operations Türkiye Ekonomik ve Bankalar Cad. Minerva Han Sosyal Etüdler Vakf› No: 2 Kat: 3 Turkish Economic and Karaköy 34420, İstanbul Social Studies Foundation Tel: +90 212 292 89 03 PBX Fax: +90 212 292 90 46 Demokratikleşme Program› [email protected] Democratization Program www.tesev.org.tr Discussants: Design: Myra Ahmet İnsel, İbrahim Okur, Publication Identity Design: Rauf Kösemen Leyla Köksal Tarhan, Mithat Sancar, Page Layout: Gülderen Rençber Erbaş Uğur Yiğit, Yücel Sayman Coordination: Sibel Doğan Production Coordination: Nergis Korkmaz Moderator: Ali Bayramoğlu Prepared for Publication by: Printed by: İmak Ofset Basım Yayın San. ve Tic. Ltd. Şti. Koray Özdil, Levent Pişkin Atatürk Cad. Göl Sok. No : 1 Yenibosna Editor: Ferda Balancar, Belgin Çınar Bahçelievler/İSTANBUL-TÜRKİYE Tel: 0212 656 49 97 Translator: Fethi Keleş Copies: 500 Editor in English: Lis Amado TESEV PUBLICATIONS ISBN 978-605-5332-30-3 Copyright © November 2012 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced electronically or mechanically (photocopy, storage of records or information, etc.) without the permission of the Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV). All views and opinions appearing in this publication belong to the moderator and discussants and may be partially or completely against the institutional views of TESEV. TESEV would like to extend its thanks to the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida), the Open Society Foundation, and the TESEV High Advisory Board for their contri- butions with regard to the publication and promotion of this report.
    [Show full text]
  • ADANA Adalet Ve Kalkınma Partisi 1- Ömer Çelik 2- Necdet Ünüvar 3
    ADANA Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi 1- Ömer Çelik 2- Necdet Ünüvar 3- Fatma Güldemet Sarı 4- Talip Küçükcan 5- Mehmet Şükrü Erdinç 6- Tamer Dağlı 7- Mehmet Sağlam 8- Ahmet Zenbilci 9- Müberra Kara 10- Hasan Hüseyin Kuşcu 11- Hasan Berzan Toprak 12- Zekeriye Yıldızoğlu 13- Mehmet Akif Dostbil 14- İbrahim Dölek Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi 1 - Elif Doğan Türkmen 2 - Zülfikar İnönü Tümer 3 - İbrahim Özdiş 4 - Aydın Uslupehlivan 5 - Burhanettin Bulut 6 - Müzeyyen Şevkin 7 - Orhan Toklu 8 - Nesrin Göçhan 9 - Kemal Derin 10 - Rukiye Çinkılıç 11 - Yüksel Karaaslan 12 - Gülcan Abalı 13 - İbrahim Demir 14 - Etem Tok Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi 1- Mevlüt Karakaya 2- Muharrem Varlı 3- Seyfettin Yılmaz 4- Cahit Öztok 5- Sinan Gül 6- Adem Gündoğan 7- Mehmet Ali Arslan 8- İsa Ayanoğlu 9- İbrahim Sezer 10- Neslihan Uzun 11- Ayla Emrahoğlu 12- Hüseyin Yıldırım 13- Hatice Yüce 14- Ersen Tüzener Halkların Demokratik Partisi 1- Meral Danış Beştaş 2- Rıdvan Turan 3- Şuhap Bolkan 4- Günay Mutluhan 5- Derya Çiçek Nar 6- Barış Karabıyık 7- Mehmet Yücel Arıkan 8- Feride Peynirci 9- Reşit Ertaş 10- Feyruze Gümüş 11- Hıdır Koluman 12- Emrah Bozan 13- Abdulkerim Aslan 14- Mehmet Zahir Karaboğa ADIYAMAN Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi 1- Ahmet Aydın 2- Adnan Boynukara 3- İbrahim Halil Fırat 4- Salih Fırat 5- Yakup Taş Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi 1 - Sıddık Şahin 2 - Fatma Ulubey 3 - Deniz Çakmak 4 - Mustafa Hakkan Kılınç 5 - Zeynep Saya Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi 1- Mehmet Canpolat 2- Bekir Çiçek 3- Hüseyin Tarık Arda 4- Rifat Erdem 5- Hayriye Kuştepe Halkların Demokratik Partisi
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey Page 1 of 8
    Turkey Page 1 of 8 Turkey International Religious Freedom Report 2005 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the Government generally respects this right in practice; however, the Government imposes some restrictions on Muslim and other religious groups and on Muslim religious expression in government offices and state-run institutions, including universities. There was some deterioration in respect for religious freedom during the reporting period. The Government's Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) initiated a public campaign against Christian missionary activity in the country. High-level government officials made statements depicting missionaries as a threat. There was also an increase in anti-Christian media coverage. Threats and vandalism against Christians and church facilities increased. In addition, some Muslims, Christians, and Baha'is faced some restrictions and occasional harassment for alleged proselytizing or holding unauthorized meetings. The State continued to oppose "Islamic fundamentalism." Authorities continued their broad ban on wearing Muslim religious dress in government facilities, including universities, schools, and workplaces. The generally tolerant relationship among religions in society contributed to religious freedom in principle; however, a sharp debate continued over the country's definition of "secularism," the proper role of religion in society, and the potential influence of the country's small minority of Islamists. According to the general perception, Turkish identity is based on the Turkish language and the Islamic faith. Religious minorities say they are effectively blocked from careers in state institutions, a claim supported in a report by a government human rights body. Christians, Baha'is, and some Muslims faced societal suspicion and mistrust, and more radical Islamist elements continued to express anti-Semitic sentiments.
    [Show full text]
  • ANAYASA MAHKEMESİ (Tarihsel Perspektiften Olaylar, Kişiler, Kararlar) İÇİNDEKİLER ÖNSÖZ
    Prof. Dr. Dr. Öğr. Üyesi SERDAR GÜLENER CEM DURAN UZUN TÜRKİYE CUMHURİYETİ ANAYASA MAHKEMESİ (Tarihsel Perspektiften Olaylar, Kişiler, Kararlar) İÇİNDEKİLER ÖNSÖZ ....................................................................................................................V İÇİNDEKİLER ...................................................................................................VII ŞEKİLLER LİSTESİ ........................................................................................XIII GİRİŞ .........................................................................................................................1 BİRİNCİ BÖLÜM KANUNLARIN ANAYASAYA UYGUNLUK DENETİMİ VE 1961 ANAYASASI ÖNCESİ DÖNEMDE TÜRKİYE’DEKİ ARAYIŞLAR I. Siyasal İktidarın Sınırlandırılması Arayışları (Anayasacılık Hareketleri) ve Anayasaya Uygunluk Denetiminin Ortaya Çıkışı .....5 A. Siyasal İktidarın Sınırlandırılması Fikri ve 1787 Amerika Birleşik Devletleri Anayasası .................................................................5 1. “Üstün Hukuk”a Bağlılık Fikrinin Tarihselliği ve Yargısal Denetimin İlk Örnekleri ..................................................7 2. Amerikan Modelinin Ortaya Çıkışı ve Anayasa Yargısının Birinci Dalgası ..............................................................12 3. Avrupa (Kelsen) Modelinin Ortaya Çıkışı ve Anayasa Yargısının İkinci Dalgası ...............................................................16 4. Sovyetler Birliğinin Dağılması ve Anayasa Yargısının Üçüncü Dalgası ................................................................................19
    [Show full text]
  • Constitutional Court of Turkey
    Constitutional Court of Turkey Constitutional Court of Turkey www.constitutionalcourt.gov.tr 3 THE PRESIDENT’S MESSAGE First of all, I would like to extend my heartfelt greetings to all readers of this booklet and express my thanks for their genuine interest in the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Turkey. This booklet pro- vides brief information on the general structure, the jurisdiction and proceedings as well as the physical properties of the Constitutional Court. The Turkish Constitutional Court, being one of the oldest constitu- tionality review organs established in Europe, has accumulated a sizeable amount of experience in its history of more than fifty years. You will find reflections of the development of constitutional justice in our country and the Court’s transformation process up to present in this booklet. Prof. Dr. Zühtü Arslan The basic function of the Constitutional Court of Turkey can be sum- President marized as safeguarding and promoting democracy, rule of law and the fundamental rights and freedoms. In performing this crucial function, the Court has learned a lot from its past experiences and continuously developed its jurisprudence to better address the needs of the time. I am more than happy to express that Turkish Constitutional Court has shown a significant progress to achieve a paradigm shift and adopted a “rights-based paradigm” in the recent years. Our Court strives to establish con- stitutional and individual justice through constitutionality review and individual application. Consequently, the Constitutional Court has become the bulwark of fundamental rights and freedoms to a considerable extent. This paradigm shift can be tracked down especially in our judgments concerning individual applications.
    [Show full text]
  • 20 Years of Struggle for Freedom to Publish In
    20 YEARS OF STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM TO PUBLISH IN TURKEY 1994- 2014 20 YEARS OF STRUGGLE 20 YEARS OF STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM TO PUBLISH IN TURKEY Freedom of Thought and Expression Awards and Freedom to Publish Reports FOR FREEDOM TO PUBLISH 1994 - 2014 IN TURKEY 1. EDITION İSTANBUL, SEPTEMBER 2014 ISBN 978-975-365-017-5 Freedom of Thought and Expression Awards All rights reserved. @TURKIYE YAYINCILAR VE YAYIN DAGITIMCILARI BIRLIGI DERNEGI and Freedom to Publish Reports Inonu Caddesi Opera Palas Apt. No: 55 D:2 34437 Gumussuyu, Beyoglu / ISTANBUL 1994 - 2014 T: 0 212 512 56 02 F: 0 212 511 77 94 E: [email protected] TRANSLATION Ali Ottoman, Funda Soysal, Deniz İnal EDITING Yonca Cingöz PROOF READING Sara Whyatt GRAPHIC DESIGN Elif Rifat TYPESETTING Nevruz Kıran Öksüz PRINTED AND BOUND IN Umut Matbaası 3 CONTENTS Foreword.........................................................................................................................................5 FOREWORD Freedom to Publish Report 1994.....................................................................................................8 Every year since 1995, the Turkish Publishers Association prepares Freedom Freedom of Thought and Expression Awards 1995........................................................................16 to Publish Report and hands out an award to a writer, a publisher and a booksell- er. This year the writer’s award goes to Tonguç Ok, an exceptionally productive Freedom of Thought and Expression Awards 1996........................................................................18
    [Show full text]
  • CDL-AD(2004)024 Orig
    Strasbourg, 29 June 2004 CDL-AD(2004)024 Orig. Engl. Opinion 296/2004 EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) OPINION ON THE DRAFT CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS WITH REGARD TO THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF TURKEY On the basis of comments by Mr Péter PACZOLAY (Substitute Member, Hungary) CDL-AD(2004)024 - 2 - INTRODUCTION 1. By letter dated 2 April 2004, the President of the Constitutional Court of Turkey, Mr. Mustafa Bumin, invited the Venice Commission to assist the Court in the reform of the Court as envisaged by a draft constitutional amendment (CDL(2004)033) drafted by the Court and submitted to Parliament. 2. In the same letter, Mr Bumin invited the Commission to participate in the Symposium on the occasion of the 42nd anniversary of the Constitutional Court (Ankara, 26-27 April 2004), which was devoted to the restructuring of the Court and the introduction of the individual appeal. The Commission asked Mr. Paczolay to present his comments on the draft at the Symposium. The reports presented there and the discussions – including replies to Mr. Paczolay's comments, which had been distributed to the participants – are taken into consideration in the present opinion. 3. This opinion has been adopted by the Venice Commission at its 59th Plenary Session in Venice on 17-18 June 2004. I. GENERAL 4. The proposed amendments would result in changes in two main areas. First, the organisation of the Court would be restructured. In that respect articles 104, 146 and 147 of the Constitution would be amended. Secondly, a new jurisdiction of the Constitutional Court would be established, the adjudication of constitutional complaint.
    [Show full text]
  • The Research of Justice in Representation for Democratic Political Culture
    ISSN:2528-9527 E-ISSN : 2528-9535 Yıl Year : 9 Cilt Volume:10 Sayı Issue :17 Mart March 2019 Makalenin Geliş Tarihi Received Date:18/11/2018 Makalenin Kabul Tarihi Accepted Date: 07/01/2019 The Research of Justice in Representation for Democratic Political Culture DOI: 10.26466/opus.484698484698 * * Uğur Ünal * Assoc.Prof. Dr., Kyrgyzstan-Turkey Manas University, Faculty of Communication, Bişkek/Kırgızistan E-Mail: [email protected] ORCID: 0000-0003-0294-0082 Abstract It is indisputable that democratic development is parallel to the emergence and development of parlia- ments. These processes brought about the development of the election institution. Together with the aristocracy, the bourgeoisie's struggle against monarchism increased the importance of the parlia- ments and brought the norms related to election to the forefront. In fact, the issue of who should have the right to vote, has created the most basic discussion problem for quite a long time. While the right to vote was granted to a limited number of people in pre-practices, as a result of historical progress, in principle, the recognition of this right was reached for every citizen. Therefore, the regimes that do not accept the principle of general vote in the elections as a result of the development from the limited vote to the general vote, are not considered democratic. Even this right is guaranteed by the Universal Convention on Human Rights in terms of international law.There has also been a long period of disa- greement at the point of voting procedures (methods) in terms of the development of the electoral system.
    [Show full text]
  • Anayasa Yargisi 31
    Anayasa Mahkemesi Yayınları: 65 ANAYASA YARGISI 31 Anayasa Mahkemesinin 52. Kuruluş Yıldönümü Etkinlikleri Kapsamında Düzenlenen “Asya Anayasa Mahkemeleri ve Muadili Kurumlar Birliği 2. Kongresi”nde Sunulan Bildiriler 28 Nisan 2014 Hilton Otel İstanbul Anayasa Mahkemesi Yayınları ISSN 1301 - 1200 ISBN 978-975-7427-85-8 Anayasa Yargısı - 31 © 2016, Anayasa Mahkemesi Anayasa Mahkemesinin yazılı izni olmaksızın, kitabın tümünün veya bir kısmının elektronik, mekanik ya da fotokopi yoluyla basımı, yayımı, çoğaltılması ve dağıtımı yapılamaz. Dergide yayımlanan yazılar, kaynak gösterilmeden başka bir yerde yayımlanamaz. Dergide yayımla- nan yazı ve tebliğlerde ileri sürülen görüşler yalnızca yazarlarına aittir; Anayasa Mahkemesini bağlamaz. Sempozyumda sunulan tebliğler üzerinde yayın ilkeleri doğrultusunda biçimsel düzeltmeler yapılabilir. İletişim ve İstem Adresi Anayasa Mahkemesi Başkanlığı Yayın ve Halkla İlişkiler Müdürlüğü Ahlatlıbel Mahallesi İncek Şehit Savcı Mehmet Selim Kiraz Bulvarı No: 4 06805 Çankaya/Ankara Telefon : (312) 463 73 00 Faks : (312) 463 74 00 www.anayasa.gov.tr Tasarım ve Baskı EPAMAT Basın Yayın Promosyon San. Tic. Ltd. Şti. Tel: (0312) 394 48 63 Faks: (0312) 394 48 65 www.epamat.com.tr Basım Tarihi Kasım 2016 II İÇİNDEKİLER Kongre Programı ........................................................................................................................................................... VI Katılımcı Listesi .............................................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]