Belarus: an Overview
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Ture in the Czech Republic
Brno 15 November 2020 Establishment of the Embassy of Independent Belarusian Cul- ture in the Czech Republic The Centre for Experimental Theatre in Brno (CED), which includes the Husa na Provazku Thea- tre, HaDivadlo and the Teren Platform, is setting up an Embassy of Independent Belarusian Culture in the Czech Republic in Brno. The opening of the embassy is symbolically directed to November 17, which is a national holiday in the Czech Republic and a Day of the Struggle for Freedom and Democracy. The Czechs have experience with both the totalitarian regime and civic protests against un- democratic behaviour and their subsequent repression. Therefore, in recent months, the Centre for Experimental Theatre has been closely following events in Belarus, where people have been fighting for fair elections, freedom and democracy for four months now, despite widespread ar- rests, imprisonment, harsh repression and intimidation. On Tuesday, November 17, 2020, we commemorate the anniversary of the Velvet Revolution and the victory of freedom and democracy in our country. The Centre for Experimental Theatre intends to follow the legacy of Vaclav Havel on this important day, and this time it is going to use the ethos of this day to commemorate what is happening in Belarus these days. „We contemplated what form would be the best to choose and agreed that it is not very useful to organize a one-day debate or similar event, but that most of all it is necessary to continu- ously and consistently inform the general public in the longer term about what is happening in Belarus these days. -
Protecting Democracy During COVID-19 in Europe and Eurasia and the Democratic Awakening in Belarus Testimony by Douglas Rutzen
Protecting Democracy During COVID-19 in Europe and Eurasia and the Democratic Awakening in Belarus Testimony by Douglas Rutzen President and CEO International Center for Not-for-Profit Law House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Europe, Eurasia, Energy, and the Environment September 10, 2020 In April, Alexander Lukashenko declared that no one in Belarus would die of coronavirus.1 To allay concerns, he advised Belarussians to drink vodka, go to saunas, and drive tractors.2 In Hungary, Orban took a different approach. He admitted there was COVID-19, and he used this as an excuse to construct a legal framework allowing him to rule by decree.3 Meanwhile, China is using the pandemic to project its political influence. When a plane carrying medical aid landed in Belgrade, the Serbian President greeted the plane and kissed the Chinese flag. Billboards soon appeared in Belgrade, with Xi Jinping’s photo and the words “Thanks, Brother Xi” written in Serbian and Chinese.4 COVID-19 is not the root cause of Lukashenko’s deceit, Orban’s power grab, or China’s projection of political influence. But the pandemic exposed – and in some countries, exacerbated – underlying challenges to democracy. In my testimony, I will summarize pre-existing challenges to democracy. Second, I will examine how COVID-19 combined with pre-existing conditions to accelerate democratic decline in Europe and Eurasia. Third, I will share attributes of authoritarian and democratic responses to the pandemic. I will conclude with recommendations. Pre-Existing Challenges to Democracy According to Freedom House, 2019 marked the 14th year of decline in democracy around the world.5 The “democratic depression” is particularly acute in Eurasia, where the rule of law and freedom of expression declined more than in any other region.6 Indeed, Freedom House classifies zero countries in Eurasia as “free.” ICNL specializes in the legal framework for civil society, particularly the freedoms of association, peaceful assembly, and expression. -
BELARUS // Investing in Future Generations to Seize a ‘Demographic Dividend’
Realising Children’s Rights through Social Policy in Europe and Central Asia Action Area 2 A Compendium of UNICEF’s Contributions (2014-2020) 60 BELARUS // Investing in Future Generations to Seize a ‘Demographic Dividend’ © UNICEF/UN0218148/Noorani Realising Children’s Rights through Social Policy in Europe and Central Asia 61 A Compendium of UNICEF’s Contributions (2014-2020) Belarus Issue Belarus has made great progress in achieving its SDG aged 65 and older) per working-age adults aged 15-65 years indicators related to children and adolescents early. is 0.46.127 Thus, Belarus has a relatively low dependency ratio Nevertheless, one concern requiring rapid strategic and therefore wise investments in fewer dependents now attention is the exigency of seizing the country’s could effectively enable the next generation of workers to pay ‘demographic dividend’. After a two-year recession, pension contributions and to look after a larger dependent Belarus’ economic situation improved in 2017 and child population. Together, 19% or 138,000 adolescents experience poverty decreased to 10.4% in 2018. This represented an vulnerabilities128 (i.e. substance use, conflicts with the law, improvement on recent years, although the historical low violence, mental health challenges, disability, and living without remains the 9.2% achieved in 2014.125 However, in 2019 the family care or in poverty etc.).129 If not addressed promptly, country again faced an economic slowdown. In the midterm, those vulnerabilities, especially multidimensional ones, will the World Bank (WB) projects GDP growth of around 1%, have adverse impacts on their quality and longevity of life below what is needed to raise living standards. -
The EU and Belarus – a Relationship with Reservations Dr
BELARUS AND THE EU: FROM ISOLATION TOWARDS COOPERATION EDITED BY DR. HANS-GEORG WIECK AND STEPHAN MALERIUS VILNIUS 2011 UDK 327(476+4) Be-131 BELARUS AND THE EU: FROM ISOLATION TOWARDS COOPERATION Authors: Dr. Hans-Georg Wieck, Dr. Vitali Silitski, Dr. Kai-Olaf Lang, Dr. Martin Koopmann, Andrei Yahorau, Dr. Svetlana Matskevich, Valeri Fadeev, Dr. Andrei Kazakevich, Dr. Mikhail Pastukhou, Leonid Kalitenya, Alexander Chubrik Editors: Dr. Hans-Georg Wieck, Stephan Malerius This is a joint publication of the Centre for European Studies and the Konrad- Adenauer-Stiftung. This publication has received funding from the European Parliament. Sole responsibility for facts or opinions expressed in this publication rests with the authors. The Centre for European Studies, the Konrad-Adenauer- Stiftung and the European Parliament assume no responsibility either for the information contained in the publication or its subsequent use. ISBN 978-609-95320-1-1 © 2011, Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V., Sankt Augustin / Berlin © Front cover photo: Jan Brykczynski CONTENTS 5 | Consultancy PROJECT: BELARUS AND THE EU Dr. Hans-Georg Wieck 13 | BELARUS IN AN INTERnational CONTEXT Dr. Vitali Silitski 22 | THE EU and BELARUS – A Relationship WITH RESERvations Dr. Kai-Olaf Lang, Dr. Martin Koopmann 34 | CIVIL SOCIETY: AN analysis OF THE situation AND diRECTIONS FOR REFORM Andrei Yahorau 53 | Education IN BELARUS: REFORM AND COOPERation WITH THE EU Dr. Svetlana Matskevich 70 | State bodies, CONSTITUTIONAL REALITY AND FORMS OF RULE Valeri Fadeev 79 | JudiciaRY AND law -
Belarus - a Unique Case in the European Context?
Belarus - A Unique Case in the European Context? By Peter Kim Laustsen* Introduction Remaking of World Order2 , where he ex- Federation, Ukraine, Romania, Bosnia and pressed a more pessimistic view. It was Herzegovina, Croatia, the Former Since the end of the Cold War and the claimed that the spreading of liberal de- Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and break-up of the Soviet Union, a guiding mocracy had reached its limits and that Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) did paradigm in the discussions concerning outside its present boundaries (primarily support Huntingtons theory. political changes in Central and Eastern Western Europe) this form of government The development in the latest years has Europe has been a positive and optimis- would not be able to take root. shown progress in all but a few of the tic believe in progress towards the vic- The political development that took above mentioned states. Reading Freedom tory of a liberal democracy. This view was place in the years after the fall of the Ber- Houses surveys on the level of political clearly expressed by Francis Fukuyama in lin Wall and the birth and rebirth of the rights and civil liberties gives hope. his widely discussed book The End of successor states of the Soviet Union, Widely across Europe these rights and lib- History and the Last Man1 . The optimistic Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia did not erties have been and are still expanding view of the political changes was however however support Fukuyamas claim. On and deepening. One state does clearly sepa- challenged by Samuel P. Huntington in the contrary, the political upheaval in, for rate itself from the trends in Eastern and his book The Clash of Civilizations and the instance, Slovakia, Belarus, the Russian Central Europe: Belarus. -
Political Risks of Economic
6 СВІТОВЕ ГОСПОДАРСТВО І МІЖНАРОДНІ ЕКОНОМІЧНІ ВІДНОСИНИ Viljar Veebel 1 POLITICAL RISKS OF ECONOMIC DEPENDENCE FROM RUSSIA: THE EVIDENCE FROM UKRAINE, BELARUS, ARMENIA AND GEORGIA This study focuses on political risks coming together with economic dependence for Belarus, Armenia, Ukraine and Georgia, in case of their attempt to escape the influence of Russia. Based on the assumption that a common pattern exists in Russia’s behaviour during the conflicts in Georgia and Ukraine the economic consequences of a potential change of course towards the EU of these states are assessed. Keywords: Russia; imperialism; political risks; economic dependence; Georgia; Ukraine. Peer-reviewed, approved and placed: 31.01.2017. Вільяр Вібель ПОЛІТИЧНІ РИЗИКИ ЕКОНОМІЧНОЇ ЗАЛЕЖНОСТІ ВІД РОСІЇ: ЗА ДАНИМИ УКРАЇНИ, БІЛОРУСІ, ВІРМЕНІЇ ТА ГРУЗІЇ У статті описано політичні ризики в контексті економічної залежності Білорусі, Вірменії, України та Грузії від Росії, а також у контексті їх спроб мінімізувати вплив цієї країни. Якщо зробити припущення про існування в геополітичній поведінці Росії певних патернів (на прикладах військових конфліктів в Грузії та Україні), можна описати потенційні економічні наслідки євроорієнтації цих країн. Ключові слова: Росія; імперіалізм; політичні ризики; економічна залежність; Грузія; Україна. Рис. 5. Літ. 19. Вильяр Вибель ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЕ РИСКИ ЭКОНОМИЧЕСКОЙ ЗАВИСИМОСТИ ОТ РОССИИ: ПО ДАННЫМ УКРАИНЫ, БЕЛАРУСИ, АРМЕНИИ И ГРУЗИИ В статье описаны политические риски в контексте экономической зависимости Беларуси, Армении, Украины и Грузии от России, а также в контексте их попыток мини - мизировать влияние данной страны. Если предположить, что в геополитическом поведе - ние России существуют некие паттерны (на примерах военных конфликтов в Грузии и Украине), можно описать потенциальные экономические последствия евроориентации данных стран. Ключевые слова: Россия; империализм; политические риски; экономическая зависимость; Грузия; Украина. -
Georgia's Vulnerability to Russian Pressure Points
MEMO POLICY GEORGIA’S VULNERABILITY TO RUSSIAN PRESSURE POINTS Sergi Kapanadze Since the Association Agreement fallout in Ukraine, it has SUMMARY Georgia is set to sign the Association Agreement become abundantly clear that Russia is prepared to fight to with the EU this month. Given the dramatic protect what it considers its sphere of influence and to block turn of events in Ukraine and the conflicts that the countries in the “common neighbourhood” from moving Georgia’s past Western integration efforts have roused, Tbilisi has good cause to worry. Russia closer to the European Union. This is certainly true of Georgia, has made its disapproval of a European path where Russia has tested a wide range of instruments over the for its small, southern neighbour clear and is last 20 years to retain influence over its former vassal. From likely to utilise whatever means it has to derail economic embargoes, the expulsion of Georgian citizens, Georgia’s European ambitions. and the occupation of Georgia’s territories, to terrorist This paper analyses the various economic, attacks and direct interference in domestic politics, Russia political, and military pressure points that has applied an array of tactics to undermine the Georgian Russia can target. Georgia has decreased its state, intensifying the pressure whenever Georgia attempted dependency on Moscow substantially since its last dramatic conflict with Moscow in 2007. to enhance its relations with the West. However, this memo argues that Russia still has the means to influence Georgia’s foreign- Russia’s leaders have repeatedly made it clear that they will policy choices by attacking strategic bilateral not accept European integration for the Eastern Partnership vulnerabilities that include wine exports, remittances, investment, winter oil supplies, (EaP) countries (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, domestic divisions, and the occupied regions of Moldova, and Ukraine). -
Barriers to Constitutional Rule in Belarus Eric R
Hastings International and Comparative Law Review Volume 28 Article 7 Number 1 Fall 2004 1-1-2004 Descent into Authoritarianism: Barriers to Constitutional Rule in Belarus Eric R. Reed Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/ hastings_international_comparative_law_review Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Eric R. Reed, Descent into Authoritarianism: Barriers to Constitutional Rule in Belarus, 28 Hastings Int'l & Comp. L. Rev. 147 (2004). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_international_comparative_law_review/vol28/iss1/7 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings International and Comparative Law Review by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Descent into Authoritarianism: Barriers to Constitutional Rule in Belarus By ERIC R. REED* Introduction The collapse of the Soviet Union has allowed the legal community to observe the creation and early trials of several new constitutions. One notable commentator referred to East-Central Europe as a "constitutional laboratory."' Few expected the rule of law to graft easily onto governments and peoples ruled for decades by authoritarian regimes. As expected, the progress made by these states in the last decade varies. Belarus arguably achieved least, and remains classified generally as a state reverting to authoritarianism. 2 President and former collective farm manager Alexander Lukashenka's political abuses deserve some share of blame for this backsliding. However, additional political, social, and judicial factors hinder Belarus' transition to the rule of law. -
Russia in Review: June 23 – July 6
Russia in Review: June 23 – July 6 By Mason Clark July 8, 2021 ISW has revamped its Russia in Review product to provide more-complete snapshots of Russian activity around the globe. Russian Navy Increases Number of Aggressive Actions to Counter NATO Exercises and Freedom of Maneuver Operations in the Black Sea NATO is currently conducting its largest ever Black Sea naval exercises to strengthen maritime collective defense and resist Russian efforts to limit international access to the Black Sea. Sea Breeze 2021 is the largest the Black Sea.1 NATO explicitly intends Sea iteration yet of NATO’s annual Sea Breeze Breeze 2021 to “demonstrate presence and exercises, held in the Black Sea since 1997 to assure allies of [NATO’s] maritime commitment strengthen interoperability between NATO and to collective defense.” The exercises involve 32 partner navies. The United States and Ukraine states, 5,000 personnel, 32 ships, and 40 are cohosting the ongoing Sea Breeze 2021 aircraft.2 Participating warships and personnel exercise, which runs from June 28 to July 10, in will practice multiple types of operations, 1 Institute for the Study of War ©2021 including amphibious warfare, maritime support US partners in the Black Sea interdiction, air defense, and anti-submarine region and counter the Kremlin’s illegal warfare.3 efforts to limit international access to the Black Sea. The Kremlin seeks to limit Ukraine The Kremlin decries Sea Breeze 2021 as a and NATO’s freedom of action in the Black Sea NATO provocation and violation of to cement Russian dominance over this region Russian waters and is conducting several and pressure US allies including Ukraine, naval exercises in response. -
An Ever Closer Union? Ramifications of Further Integration Between Belarus and Russia
An Ever Closer Union? Ramifications of further integration between Belarus and Russia Bob Deen Clingendael Report Barbara Roggeveen Wouter Zweers An Ever Closer Union? Ramifications of further integration between Belarus and Russia Bob Deen Barbara Roggeveen Wouter Zweers Clingendael Report August 2021 Disclaimer: The research for and production of this report have been conducted within the PROGRESS research framework agreement. Responsibility for the contents and for the opinions expressed, rests solely with the authors and does not constitute, nor should be construed as, an endorsement by the Netherlands Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Defense. August 2021 © Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’. Cover photo: Russian President Vladimir Putin meets with his Belarusian counterpart Alexander Lukashenko in Sochi, Russia May 28, 2021 © Reuters Unauthorized use of any materials violates copyright, trademark and / or other laws. Should a user download material from the website or any other source related to the Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’, or the Clingendael Institute, for personal or non-commercial use, the user must retain all copyright, trademark or other similar notices contained in the original material or on any copies of this material. Material on the website of the Clingendael Institute may be reproduced or publicly displayed, distributed or used for any public and non-commercial purposes, but only by mentioning the Clingendael Institute as its source. Permission is required to use the logo of the Clingendael Institute. This can be obtained by contacting the Communication desk of the Clingendael Institute ([email protected]). The following web link activities are prohibited by the Clingendael Institute and may present trademark and copyright infringement issues: links that involve unauthorized use of our logo, framing, inline links, or metatags, as well as hyperlinks or a form of link disguising the URL. -
General Assembly Distr.: General 22 September 2017
United Nations A/72/493 General Assembly Distr.: General 22 September 2017 Original: English Seventy-second session Agenda item 72 (c) Promotion and protection of human rights: human rights situations and reports of special rapporteurs and representatives Situation of human rights in Belarus* Note by the Secretary-General The Secretary-General has the honour to transmit to the General Assembly the report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Belarus, Miklós Haraszti, submitted in accordance with Human Rights Council resolution 32/26. * The present report was submitted after the deadline to take into account information received by the Special Rapporteur during his trip to Minsk in July 2017. 17-16691 (E) 031017 *1716691* A/72/493 Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Belarus Summary The present report is submitted by the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Belarus in accordance with Human Rights Council resolution 32/26. The report examines the relationship between the unique features of governance of Belarus and its situation of human rights. It concludes that one of the main structural reasons for both the entrenched systemic abuse of human rights and the cyclical waves of mass repression in the country is that all powers are assumed by the executive branch, chiefly the President and the presidential administration. Although the Constitution provides for the separation of powers and respect for human rights, the reality is a monolithic power structure with laws and governance aimed at maintaining the concentration of powers and an absence of effective human rights guarantees. -
Belarus: an Overview
Updated March 12, 2021 Belarus: An Overview Since 2020, Belarusian politics and society have undergone wife, Veranika Tsapkala, joined her on the campaign. The a transformation many observers view as both tragic and three women attracted tens of thousands to demonstrations. inspiring. Before Belarus’s August 2020 presidential election, opposition candidate Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya Given Lukashenko’s authoritarian rule, observers did not mounted an unexpectedly strong campaign against expect Tsikhanouskaya to win the election. However, the Aleksandr Lukashenko, who has ruled Belarus for more official pronouncement that Lukashenko won with an than 26 years. Protests against allegedly widespread evidently exaggerated 80% of the vote (to 10% for electoral fraud and a brutal crackdown on protestors led to Tsikhanouskaya) quickly led to protests. The brutal the rise of a mass opposition movement, on a scale unseen crackdown that followed led to larger protests that many since Belarus became independent in 1991. Human rights observers characterized as “leaderless” and sometimes activists and monitors report more than 32,000 Belarusians, attracted hundreds of thousands. Protests have since including journalists, have been temporarily detained or dwindled in frequency and size, but activists have adopted imprisoned and consider about 200 to be political prisoners. new methods of protest and engagement. At least 10 demonstrators and others have been killed or died under suspicious circumstances. Figure 1. Belarus at a Glance The United States, the European Union (EU), and others have called for an end to the crackdown and for the government to conduct a dialogue with the opposition and hold democratic presidential elections. Political Background In past years, observers have debated whether Lukashenko could be encouraged to preside over a “softer” and more development-oriented authoritarian regime, but political openings in Belarus have been modest and short-lived.