Taking the Initiative: Reflections on Ariel Sharon Parashat Bo January 4, 2014 Rabbi Carl M
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Ian S. Lustick
MIDDLE EAST POLICY, VOL. XV, NO. 3, FALL 2008 ABANDONING THE IRON WALL: ISRAEL AND “THE MIDDLE EASTERN MUCK” Ian S. Lustick Dr. Lustick is the Bess W. Heyman Chair of Political Science at the University of Pennsylvania and the author of Trapped in the War on Terror. ionists arrived in Palestine in the the question of whether Israel and Israelis 1880s, and within several de- can remain in the Middle East without cades the movement’s leadership becoming part of it. Zrealized it faced a terrible pre- At first, Zionist settlers, land buyers, dicament. To create a permanent Jewish propagandists and emissaries negotiating political presence in the Middle East, with the Great Powers sought to avoid the Zionism needed peace. But day-to-day intractable and demoralizing subject of experience and their own nationalist Arab opposition to Zionism. Publicly, ideology gave Zionist leaders no reason to movement representatives promulgated expect Muslim Middle Easterners, and false images of Arab acceptance of especially the inhabitants of Palestine, to Zionism or of Palestinian Arab opportuni- greet the building of the Jewish National ties to secure a better life thanks to the Home with anything but intransigent and creation of the Jewish National Home. violent opposition. The solution to this Privately, they recognized the unbridgeable predicament was the Iron Wall — the gulf between their image of the country’s systematic but calibrated use of force to future and the images and interests of the teach Arabs that Israel, the Jewish “state- overwhelming majority of its inhabitants.1 on-the-way,” was ineradicable, regardless With no solution of their own to the “Arab of whether it was perceived by them to be problem,” they demanded that Britain and just. -
A Future for Israeli-Palestinian Peacebuilding
Britain Israel Communications and Research Centre A future for Israeli-Palestinian peacebuilding Ned Lazarus July 2017 The Israel-Palestine conflict is one of the most heavily researched in the world. Yet a shockingly small fraction of this research focuses on the millions of Israelis and Palestinians who share this land, their relations with one another, and how such relations could be improved so that a breakthrough might be possible. This report is both timely and necessary, and can hopefully provide a blueprint for greater international support of civil society efforts to foster conflict resolution. John Lyndon Executive Director of OneVoice Europe and Research Fellow at Kings College London BICOM, the Britain Israel Communications and Research Centre, is an independent British think tank producing research and analysis to increase understanding of Israel and the Middle East in the UK. Fathom: for a deeper understanding of Israel and the region is BICOM’s online research journal, publishing interviews, articles and reviews from a range of Israeli, Palestinian and international contributors. Front Cover Photo: EcoPeace’s Israeli, Jordanian and Palestinian directors and staff standing together in the Jordan River as part of their campaign to rehabilitate the river which is dwindling due to diversion of its source waters and pollution. Photograph used by permission of EcoPeace. The Author Ned Lazarus is Visiting Professor of International Affairs at the George Washington University’s Elliott School, and an Israel Institute Teaching Fellow. A conflict resolution scholar, practitioner and evaluator, Ned has conducted evaluative studies of Israeli-Palestinian peacebuilding initiatives on behalf of USAID, USIP and the European Union. -
(Title of the Thesis)*
WATCHING THE WAR AND KEEPING THE PEACE: THE UNITED NATIONS TRUCE SUPERVISION ORGANIZATION (UNTSO) IN THE MIDDLE EAST, 1949-1956 by Andrew Gregory Theobald A thesis submitted to the Department of History In conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Queen’s University Kingston, Ontario, Canada (May, 2009) Copyright ©Andrew Gregory Theobald, 2009 Abstract By virtue of their presence, observers alter what they are observing. Yet, the international soldiers of the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO) did much more than observe events. From August 1949 until the establishment of the United Nations Emergency Force in November 1956, the Western military officers assigned to UNTSO were compelled to take seriously the task of supervising the Arab-Israeli armistice, despite the unwillingness of all parties to accept an actual peace settlement. To the extent that a particular peacekeeping mission was successful – i.e., that peace was “kept” – what actually happened on the ground is usually considered far less important than broader politics. However, as efforts to forge a peace settlement failed one after another, UNTSO operations themselves became the most important mechanism for regional stability, particularly by providing a means by which otherwise implacable enemies could communicate with each other, thus helping to moderate the conflict. This communication played out against the backdrop of the dangerous early days of the Cold War, the crumbling of Western empires, and the emergence of the non- aligned movement. Analyses of the activities of the Mixed Armistice Commissions (MACs), the committees created to oversee the separate General Armistice Agreements signed between Israel and Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria, particularly those during the 1954 to 1956 tenure as UNTSO chief of staff of Canadian Major-General E.L.M. -
The Labor Party and the Peace Camp
The Labor Party and the Peace Camp By Uzi Baram In contemporary Israeli public discourse, the preoccupation with ideology has died down markedly, to the point that even releasing a political platform as part of elections campaigns has become superfluous. Politicians from across the political spectrum are focused on distinguishing themselves from other contenders by labeling themselves and their rivals as right, left and center, while floating around in the air are slogans such as “political left,” social left,” “soft right,” “new right,” and “mainstream right.” Yet what do “left” and “right” mean in Israel, and to what extent do these slogans as well as the political division in today’s Israel correlate with the political traditions of the various parties? Is the Labor Party the obvious and natural heir of The Workers Party of the Land of Israel (Mapai)? Did the historical Mapai under the stewardship of Ben Gurion view itself as a left-wing party? Did Menachem Begin’s Herut Party see itself as a right-wing party? The Zionist Left and the Soviet Union As far-fetched as it may seem in the eyes of today’s onlooker, during the first years after the establishment of the state, the position vis-à-vis the Soviet Union was the litmus test of the left camp, which was then called “the workers’ camp.” This camp viewed the centrist liberal “General Zionists” party, which was identified with European liberal and middle-class beliefs in private property and capitalism, as its chief ideological rival (and with which the heads of major cities such as Tel Aviv and Ramat Gan were affiliated). -
Survey of Palestinian Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons 2004 - 2005
Survey of Palestinian Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons 2004 - 2005 BADIL Resource Center for Palestinian Residency & Refugee Rights i BADIL is a member of the Global Palestine Right of Return Coalition Preface The Survey of Palestinian Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons is published annually by BADIL Resource Center. The Survey provides an overview of one of the largest and longest-standing unresolved refugee and displaced populations in the world today. It is estimated that two out of every five of today’s refugees are Palestinian. The Survey has several objectives: (1) It aims to provide basic information about Palestinian displacement – i.e., the circumstances of displacement, the size and characteristics of the refugee and displaced population, as well as the living conditions of Palestinian refugees and internally displaced persons; (2) It aims to clarify the framework governing protection and assistance for this displaced population; and (3) It sets out the basic principles for crafting durable solutions for Palestinian refugees and internally displaced persons, consistent with international law, relevant United Nations Resolutions and best practice. In short, the Survey endeavors to address the lack of information or misinformation about Palestinian refugees and internally displaced persons, and to counter political arguments that suggest that the issue of Palestinian refugees and internally displaced persons can be resolved outside the realm of international law and practice applicable to all other refugee and displaced populations. The Survey examines the status of Palestinian refugees and internally displaced persons on a thematic basis. Chapter One provides a short historical background to the root causes of Palestinian mass displacement. -
Profiles of Peace
Profiles of Peace Forty short biographies of Israeli and Palestinian peace builders who have struggled to end the occupation and build a just future for both Palestinians and Israelis. Haidar Abdel Shafi Palestinian with a long history of working to improve the health and social conditions of Palestinians and the creation of a Palestinian state. Among his many accomplishments, Dr. Abdel Shafi has been the director of the Red Crescent Society of Gaza, was Chairman of the first Palestinian Council in Gaza, and took part in the Madrid Peace Talks in 1991. Dr. Haidar Abdel Shafi is one of the most revered persons in Palestine, whose long life has been devoted to the health and social conditions of his people and to their aspirations for a national state. Born in Gaza in 1919, he has spent most of his life there, except for study in Lebanon and the United States. He has been the director of the Red Crescent Society in Gaza and has served as Commissioner General of the Palestinian Independent Commission for Citizens Rights. His passion for an independent state of Palestine is matched by his dedication to achieve unity among all segments of the Palestinian community. Although Gaza is overwhelmingly religiously observant, he has won and kept the respect and loyalty of the people even though he himself is secular. Though nonparti- san he has often been associated with the Palestinian left, especially with the Palestinian Peoples Party (formerly the Palestinian Communist Party). A mark of his popularity is his service as Chairman of the first Palestinian Council in Gaza (1962-64) and his place on the Executive Committee of “There is no problem of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) (1964-65). -
Military and Strategic Affairs Strategic Affairs Volume 1 | No
Military Military and Military and Strategic Affairs Strategic Strategic Affairs Volume 1 | No. 3 | December 2009 Volume 1 Volume Hizbollah’s Force Buildup of 2006-2009: Foundations and Future Trends Guy Aviad | No. 3 No. Intelligence and the Challenges of High Trajectory Fire | December 2009 Amir Kulick War and Victory Gabriel Siboni The IDF and the Road to a More Professional Military Yuval Bazak The US Military in Iraq and the IDF in Judea and Samaria Giora Segal Warfare against Insurgencies: 1 The Theory behind the Practice Tal Tovy ÈÓ‡φÔÂÁËÈ·†È¯˜ÁÓφÔÂÎÓ‰ THE INSTITUTE FOR NATIONAL SECURITY STUDIES INCORPORATING THE JAFFEE CENTER FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES AT TEL AVIV UNIVERSITY ·È·‡≠Ï˙†˙ËÈÒ¯·È‡ ÈÓ‡φÔÂÁËÈ·†È¯˜ÁÓφÔÂÎÓ‰ THE INSTITUTE FOR NATIONAL SECURITY STUDIES INCORPORATING THE JAFFEE CENTER FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES AT TEL AVIV UNIVERSITY ·È·‡≠Ï˙†˙ËÈÒ¯·È‡· Military and Strategic Affairs Volume 1 | No. 3 | December 2009 CONTENTS Hizbollah’s Force Buildup of 2006-2009: Foundations and Future Trends | 3 Guy Aviad Intelligence and the Challenges of High Trajectory Fire | 23 Amir Kulick War and Victory | 39 Gabriel Siboni The IDF and the Road to a More Professional Military | 51 Yuval Bazak The US Military in Iraq and the IDF in Judea and Samaria | 69 Giora Segal Warfare against Insurgencies: The Theory behind the Practice | 83 Tal Tovy Military and The purpose of Military and Strategic Affairs is to stimulate Strategic Affairs and enrich the public debate on military issues relating to Israel’s national security. Military and Strategic Affairs is published three times a year within the framework of the Military and Strategic Affairs Program at the Institute for National Security Studies. -
Download 2019-2020 Annual Report
Annual Report: Canadian Friends of Peace Now שלום) Canadian Friends of Peace Now (CFPN) is a sister organization of Peace Now Shalom Achshav), Israel's preeminent peace movement. We support the agenda of/עכשיו Peace Now in Israel, and raise awareness in Canada of the need for a viable and durable solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. CFPN is dedicated to promoting Israeli- Palestinian peace on the basis of the two-state solution. With branches in Ottawa, Toronto and Montreal, and supporters throughout Canada, CFPN sponsors public talks and webinars, engages in advocacy, publishes press releases and newsletters and partners with other progressive Zionist organizations on Israeli-Palestinian peace issues. A registered Canadian charity, CFPN raises funds to support its activities in Canada and Peace Now's educational programs in Israel. ( שלום עכשיו) Peace Now Peace Now became a dominant force in Israel’s political scene in 1978, when the peace talks between Israel and Egypt appeared to be on the verge of failure. In order to rescue the peace talks, 348 combat soldiers and officers signed the ‘Officers' Letter’ – an open letter to Prime Minister Menachem Begin, calling for him to seize the window of opportunity and ensure a lasting peace. Tens of thousands of Israelis supported the letter, and the Peace Now movement was born. Since 1978, Peace Now has been the leading Israeli organization calling for peace between Israel and its neighbours and particularly for a viable resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Its key message is: two states for two peoples – Israel and Palestine. Its activities include advocacy, public campaigns, education, and monitoring and protesting West Bank settlement expansion. -
Obituaries, Subjectivities, and Perceptions of Ariel Sharon
History in the Making Volume 7 Article 14 January 2014 Obituaries, Subjectivities, and Perceptions of Ariel Sharon Sean Switzer CSUSB Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/history-in-the-making Part of the Islamic World and Near East History Commons Recommended Citation Switzer, Sean (2014) "Obituaries, Subjectivities, and Perceptions of Ariel Sharon," History in the Making: Vol. 7 , Article 14. Available at: https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/history-in-the-making/vol7/iss1/14 This In Memoriam is brought to you for free and open access by the History at CSUSB ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in History in the Making by an authorized editor of CSUSB ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. In Memoriam In Memoriam Obituaries, Subjectivities, and Perceptions of Ariel Sharon By Sean Switzer Introduction The day after his brother’s death in April, 1888, Alfred Nobel opened a Parisian newspaper only to discover his own obituary. The erroneous obituary, which confused Alfred for his late brother, Ludvig, disheartened him as he realized the gloomy state of his legacy. The article’s headline read, “Le Marchand de la Mort est Mort!” (“The Merchant of Death is Dead!”). Nobel was dumbfounded. His invention of dynamite had backfired on him. He had never intended for dynamite to kill human beings; yet, brutal assertions such as, “Dr. Alfred Nobel, who became rich by finding ways to kill more people, faster than ever before, died yesterday,” highlighted this obituary. Those words condemned Nobel by proclaiming him to be the liaison between dynamite and its victims. -
Israel's War on Terrorism
Israel Studies: An Anthology - Israel's War on Terrorism Israel's War on Terrorism: A Historical and Political Perspective By Arie Perliger (April 2009) Introduction March 2002 was a devastating month for the citizens of Israel. The country was in the midst of the Al-Aqsa intifada and the suicide attack campaigns of the Palestinian organizations had reached their peak. Eleven times during this month, suicide bombers blew themselves up in the streets of Israel’s cities, causing more than 579 casualties including 81 fatalities. [1] On another six occasions that same month, the Israeli security forces thwarted attacks before the suicide bombers were able to complete their missions. The Israeli political leadership, however, was not ready to increase its response to the Palestinian attacks. The Israel Defense Forces were instructed to continue limited raids on the infrastructure of the Palestinian organizations in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, actions which included mainly arrests and intelligence gathering operations. This policy of restraint changed after the night of March 27. In the evening hours of that day, 250 guests were sitting in the festive Park Hotel dining room, cheerfully celebrating the Passover holiday seder. Around 8:00 pm the celebration was halted. A Hamas operative by the name of Abd al-Basset Muhammad Odeh walked into the room and detonated an explosive device that was attached to his upper body. The aftermath was appalling. Twenty-nine Jews were killed and another 144 were injured. [2] The particular horrors of the attack and the fact that it was carried out on the Jewish holiday that celebrates the freedom of the People of Israel created a public and political environment that essentially left Israeli policy makers with no option but to respond with force. -
Sharon: Hardliner Who Ended Otherwise (Sort Of)
Sharon: Hardliner Who Ended Otherwise (Sort of) Ariel ‘Arik’ Sharon, 1928-2014: Hardliner Who Ended Otherwise By Thomas G. Mitchell and Ralph Seliger After almost exactly eight years in a coma, the former Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon finally succumbed on Jan. 11, 2014. He was known for bold, even reckless moves, both as a career military officer and as a politician. Reviled by the Left as a hawk and worse, for most of his life, he ended up seen as a traitor by the extreme Right, while considered a moderate and potential peacemaker by many others. Over decades, he championed Israel’s extensive settlement of the West Bank and Gaza Strip (viewed by most of the world as illegal and counterproductive to peace), but also stunned the world by unilaterally evacuating settlers and soldiers from Gaza and part of the West Bank in August 2005. Sharon was born Ariel Scheinerman on February 27, 1928 in the cooperative farming village of Kfar Malal in the coastal plain of Palestine known as the Sharon, from which he would later take his name. He is said to have inherited a life-long distrust of Arabs from his father during their rough-hewn frontier existence. He joined the mainstream Hagana militia as a teenager in 1945 and fought in Israel’s War of Independence in 1948 as a platoon leader. Severely wounded during the battle of Latrun in May 1948, he barely made it off the battlefield. In 1953, he was chosen to lead Unit 101, commandos tasked with responding to Palestinian attacks on Israeli civilians. -
Continuity and Change in Israel's Strategic Culture
CONTINUITY AND CHANGE IN ISRAEL’S STRATEGIC CULTURE Gregory F. Giles Prepared for: Defense Threat Reduction Agency Advanced Systems and Concepts Office Comparative Strategic Cultures Curriculum Contract No: DTRA01-03-D-0017, Technical Instruction 18-06-02 This report represents the views of its author, not necessarily those of SAIC, its sponsors, or any United States Government Agency Continuity and Change in Israel’s Strategic Culture Gregory Giles STRATEGIC CULTURE DEFINED For the purposes of this project, strategic culture is defined as: Shared beliefs, assumptions, and modes of behavior derived from common experiences and accepted narratives (both oral and written), that shape collective identity and relationships to other groups, and which determine appropriate ends and means for achieving security objectives. This definition is well-suited to consideration of the Israeli case. As explained below, Israel has cultivated—some would say imposed—a set of beliefs and assumptions on its citizenry as a means of simultaneously building and defending the fledgling Jewish state in the face of deep Islamic hostility. This belief system is rooted, in part, in such ancient texts as the Bible but is under considerable pressure from contemporary demographic, ideological, and religious changes in Israeli society. As a result, there is both continuity and change in what passes for “appropriate” ends and means of achieving security in Israeli terms. Indeed, the strategic culture framework could provide a useful tool for anticipating how the Jewish state might come to grips with its ongoing internal, as well as external, security challenges. STRATEGIC CULTURE PROFILE Summary Description Israel’s is a strategic culture in transition.