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FLYNN, JUDITH ZACCAGNINI DRESS OF OLDER ITALIAN-AMER1 CAN WOMEN: DOCUMENTATION OF DRESS AND THE INFLUENCE OF SOCIO—CULTURAL FACTORS.

THE OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY, PH.D., 1979

COPR. 19 7 9 FLYNN, JUDITH ZACCAGNINI University M icrofilms International m o n . z e e b r o a d , a n n a r b o r , m i 4s io6

© Copyright by

Judith Zaccagnini Flynn

1979 PLEASE NOTE: In all cases this material has been filmed in the best possible way from the available copy. Problems encountered with this document have been Identified here with a check mark

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University Mradfiim s international 300 N. ZEEB RD.. ANN ARBOR. Ml 48106 <313) 761-4700 DRESS OF OLDER ITALIAN-AMERICAN WOMEN: DOCUMENTATION

OF DRESS AND THE INFLUENCE OF SOCIO-CULTURAL FACTORS

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for

the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate

School of The Ohio State University

By

Judith Zaccagnini Flynn, B.S., M.S.

* * * * *

The Ohio State University

1979

Reading Committee: Approved By

Dr. Lois E. Dickey

Dr. Gisela J. Hinkle

Dr. Esther Meacham Adviser Department of Textiles and Clothing Dedicated to the memory of my Grandmother, Julia

il ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I had the support of many qualified people during the research and writing of this dissertation.

Dr. Lois Dickey provided professional and personal guidance throughout the study. Her help was always provided with a smile and en­ couragement that made me try harder at each stage of my degree.

Dr. Gislea Hinkle aided in my gaining an expanded awareness of sociology and its connection to clothing and textiles. Her suggestions and theoretical knowledge were most helpful.

Dr. Esther Meacham provided her expertise in media and comments on the overall research direction. Her advise and encouragement were al­ ways welcome.

Special thanks and appreciation is given to:

Professionals familiar with Italian-American research, the North

End or clothing and textiles who were giving of their time and knowledge including: Judith Dunning, Paula Todisco, Frank Lucibella, Father

Ubaldis, and Lydio Tomasi.

Retailers in Boston who aided in the development and follow through of the project.

The women of the North End who were photographed and spoke of their lives and their clothing.

My family who answered thousands of questions concerning their

iii Italian heritage and their life experiences.

Janice Miley and Mary Lou O'Connor who proof read the manuscripts

and Suzanne Huck who typed the dissertation.

Joan Broadcorens and Framingham State College faculty who listened when they were needed. Students in my classes and graduate students at

The Ohio State University who reacted to the data as collected.

Mrs. Marjory Newman for her hospitality while at school.

A special thank you to David Flynn, who understood the importance of this research: his support, encouragement and understanding of the

time committment of this project was always present. VITA

1947 ...... Born - Newton, Massachusetts

1969 ...... B.S. Ed., Framingham State College, Framingham, Massachusetts

1970 ...... Graduate Research Assistant, Clothing for the Handicapped Project, Kansas State Uni­ versity, Manhattan, Kansas

1970 - 72 ...... Instructor, Kansas State University, Man­ hattan, Kansas

1972 - 73 ...... Instructor, Framingham State College, Framingham, Massachusetts

1973 - 1979...... Doctoral Studies, The Ohio State University

1973 - 1974 ...... Graduate Administrative Associate, The Ohio State University

1974 - 1976 ...... Consumer and Homemaking Grant: Development of Individualized Instruction Materials; Framingham State College, Framingham, Massachusetts

1976 -...... Assistant Professor, Framingham State College, Framingham, Massachusetts

PUBLICATIONS

"Meeting the Clothing Needs of Handicapped Children" Journal of Home Economics 65(May, 1973):25-27.

Reprinted 1978 in Focus on Services to Young Children

"Annual Conference for American Association for Textile Technology" in ACPTC Eastern Region Newsletter May, 1977.

v /

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: Textiles and Clothing

Minor Field: Sociology

Studies in Textiles and Clothing: Professors Lois E. Dickey, Esther Meacham and Mary Millican

Studies in Sociology: Professors Gisela J. Hinkle, Roscoe C. Hinkle, Enrico L. Quarantelli and Kent P. Schwirian

Studies in Supporting Areas: Professors Charles M. Galloway (The Ohio State University), I. Keith Tyler (The Ohio State University), Gary Hunt (The Ohio State University, currently University of California, Los Angeles), Patricia Golden (Northeastern University, Boston), Ronald Nuttal (Boston College), and Fred Pula (Boston College).

vi I

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... iii

VITA ...... v

LIST OF TABLES ...... xi

LIST OF PLATES ...... xii

PROLOGUE ...... 1

Chapter

I. INTRODUCTION ...... 2

PURPOSE ...... 4

OBJECTIVES AND JUSTIFICATION ...... 5

II. REVIEW OF LITERATURE...... 8

DRESS AS A SOCIO-CULTURAL S T U D Y ...... 8

COMMUNITY AND SOCIETY AS A CHANGING

SOCIAL SETTING ...... 11

History and Definition ...... 12

Folk-Urban as Ideal Types ...... 12

Features of Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft. . . 16

Physical boundaries ...... 16

Temperament and character ...... 18

Group w i l l ...... 18

HISTORY OF NORTH END, BOSTON ...... 20

vii CHANGES IN NORTH END, BOSTON ...... 24

PHOTOGRAPHY FOR RESEARCH ...... 29

III. RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY ...... 36

QUALITATIVE RESEARCH ...... 36

Field Research ...... 37

Ethnomethodology ...... 38

Foundations by Alfred Schutz ...... 39

Events of everyday l i f e ...... 40

Ethnomethodological considerations .... 41

Photography ...... 44

METHODOLOGY ...... 45

Establishment of a Social Situation

to Observe Dress ...... 45

Documentation of Dress ...... 46

Photographing subjects ...... 46

Supporting d a t a ...... 49

Establishment of a Socio-Cultural Context . . 52

Library resources ...... 53

Photographs ...... 53

Interviews with North End w o m e n ...... 53

Methodological Considerations in Qualita­

tive S t u d y ...... 54

ANALYSIS OF D A T A ...... 55

Documentation of Dress ...... 56

Photographs ...... 56

Supporting d a t a ...... 57

viii Relationship of Dress to Socio-Cultural

Contexts in the C o m m u n i t y ...... 58

IV. DRESS OF THE OLDER ITALIAN-AMERICAN WOMEN IN

NORTH END, B O S T O N ...... 60

DOCUMENTATION OF DR E S S ...... 60

Descriptions of Dress and Women Subjects

in Photographs...... 61

Body height and weight ...... 62

Garment silhouette ...... 62

Design details of garments ...... 63

Accessories ...... 64

Description of Dress of Women Subjects

Based on Supporting D a t a ...... 70

SOCIO-CULTURAL FACTORS INFLUENCING DRESS: BASED

ON A COMPARISON OF GEMEINSCHAFT AND

GESELLSCHAFT...... 80

The Movement from Family Life and Kinship to

Individuality ...... 81

Photographic data reflecting family

life to i n d i v i d u a l i t y ...... 81

Supporting data reflecting family

life to individuality ...... 82

The Movement from Neighborhood to City .... 88

The Movement from Religion to Rational Ties. . 98

V. SUMMARY, IMPLICATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ...... 105

SUMMARY ...... 105

ix IMPLICATIONS ...... 108

RECOMMENDATIONS ...... Ill

REFERENCES ...... 114

APPENDIXES

A Map of North End, B o s t o n ...... 123

B Reaction to Slides: Summary of Comments by

Evaluative Panels ...... 125

C Retail Stores Interviewed ...... 130

D Interview Schedules ...... 132

Interview Schedule for Business and Retail

Store Personnel...... 133

Interview Schedule for Italian-American Women . 135

E Attributes Used for Analysis of Slides and

Newspaper Advertisements...... 139

F Research Involving Human Subjects. Proposed

Use of Human Subjects: Action of the Review

Committee ...... 141

G Subjects Consent Form ...... 143

H T a b l e s ...... 145

I P l a t e s ...... 169

x LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

1 Frequency Distribution of Perceived Height and Weight of Subjects Photographed ...... 146

2 Frequency Distribution of General Classi­ fication of Subjects' D r e s s ...... 147

3 Frequency Distribution of Garment Silhouette of Subjects' Dress ...... 148

4 Frequency Distribution of Design Details in Subjects' Dress ...... 149

5 Frequency Distribution of Accessories and Items of Adornment Used by S u b j e c t s ...... 155

6 Comparison of Frequency Distributions Between Subjects Photographed and Newspaper Advertisements of Body Weight and Body Height ...... 161

7 Comparison of Frequency Distributions Between Subjects Photographed and Newspaper Adver­ tisements of General Classification and Garment Silhouette ...... 162

8 Comparison of Frequency Distributions Between Subjects Photographed and Newspaper Adver­ tisements of Design Details ...... 163

9 Comparison of Frequency Distributions Between Subjects Photographed and Newspaper Adver­ tisements of Accessories and Items of Adorn m e n t...... 167

xi LIST OF PLATES

Plate Page

I Traditional Dress: San Donato, Italy, 1978 . . . 170

II Woman in Black Dress with Friend: North, End, Boston ...... 172

III Typical Dress and Shopping Bag A: North End, Boston ...... 174

IV Typical Dress and Shopping Bag B: North End, Boston ...... 176

V Typical Shift Dress: North End, Boston ...... 178

VI Typical Knit Dress: North End, B o s t o n ...... 180

VII Mother and Daughter: Haymarket, Boston ...... 182

VIII Woman in Pants: North End, B o s t o n ...... 184

xii PROLOGUE

The investigation of dress of older Italian women has been a dormant part of my life over the years. Although the birth of the idea for the present study was in my past, the idea has developed actively in recent years. Since the study was of both personal and academic impor­ tance, I have purposefully written in the first person. I believe it is a unique type of research in the area of textiles and clothing and I am following the style of recent dissertations in the social sciences, such as Barndt (1974) from Michigan State University and Hartwell (1968) from

Brandeis University.

With the idea of looking into my past, I found the seed of interest that eventually developed into the study of older Italian women and their dress. Observing people has been a part of my exper­ iences since I was seven years old. Traveling by trolley to Boston to observe women shopping was one of my first daring adventures as a child.

The observation of their dress, body shape and apparent cultural heri­ tage seemed to fit into a pattern in my mind. To expand upon these early observations has been a life long desire.

1 Chapter I

INTRODUCTION

The study of clothing as a socio-cultural and communicative

force has intensified my desire to know more about everyday dress.

Older women became the focus of my interest when I found very little research regarding clothing as it related to cultural background for this age group. Much of the study of clothing for the older person re­ lates to clothing preferences, attitudes and self concept. Ryan (1966) noted that although a gradual change occurs in physical and psychologi­ cal characteristics of older women their interests, attitudes and habits are similar to those in their earlier years. Ryan (1966) defined the elderly as being beyond 65 years of age; however, she stated that the middle age and elderly are fundamentally the same in relation to their clothing needs.

As I began this study several questions continued to come for­ ward. What do older women wear during everyday situations? What as­ pects of traditional dress are retained by older women? What relation­

ship is there between what the person wears and her cultural background?

To what extent does the individual's dress reflect cultural heritage?

How important is dress to older women who live in a close neighborhood community?

2 To study the members of a cultural group and their use of dress seemed worthwhile to me. Boston has fascinated me, not only for its historical place in American history, but also for its unique quality as a community of neighborhoods. The North End of Boston gave me a cul­ tural base upon which to build since I am of Italian descent and have lived in nearby areas. Equally important in the underlying reasons for undertaking the study were the changes which are taking place in the neighborhood of North End, Boston. Thus, a basis for this research was to record what has occurred, the changes that are taking place and how these may have influenced the dress of the people in this area.

While I was a student at The Ohio State University, two further developments contributed to the research idea. One development was my interest in photography and fascination with the images that film cap­ tures. The possibility of using slides as a research tool was seen as having potential to study dress. Further study made me aware that photography has been a research tool for the anthropologist and cinema- tologist for years and that sociologists have made use of photography since the latter part of the 1960's. Home economists (Buckley:1976 and

Nielson and Kernaleguen:1976) have used prearranged or posed photographs and made judgements about the person in the photograph. The resulting data have been analyzed by quantitative means and relationships between variables have been examined. The possibility exists; however, that prearranging the subjects in the photograph may have affected the results.

The second development that stimulated my interest was the field of ethnomethodology, a study of everyday behavior. The observation of people in a natural setting engaging in their daily tasks can provide a researcher with data that is not preconceived and manipulated.

Studying dress in a natural setting was used by Creekmore (1974) when she visited 15 cities in a study-trip around the world in 1972.

Creekmore took photographs of people at main intersections in the cities and later analyzed the slides and made use of them in a visual presen­ tation. Using these slides, the meaning of everyday dress was explained in a socio-cultural context by comparing dress observed in different countries. Thus, home economists have begun to make use of on-street photography in the investigation of everyday dress.

Although photography has been used as a research tool, I was unable to find that on-street photography had been used to study one ethnic group in an everyday situation. Seeing clothing worn on the street is a visual experience we encounter each day. Therefore, a logical step would be to photograph the dress which is worn daily in one cultural area, with one age group and in one situation. The resulting slides would provide valuable visual data of everyday dress in a social context.

PURPOSE

The purpose for my study was to investigate everyday dress of older American-Italian^ women in relation to socio-cultural factors using qualitative methods. I recorded the everyday dress of older Italian

^The American-Italian subjects are referred to as Italian throughout the study. 5 women in a natural setting by photography which formed the basis for analysis of dress in a socio-cultural context.

OBJECTIVES AND JUSTIFICATION

The specific objectives and justification for each objective are as follows:

1. To identify characteristics of everyday dress worn by an ethnic group, older Italian women.

Although research has been done on fashionable dress, work on everyday dress has been neglected. The emphasis on fashionable dress may be explained in part by the available sources of information in fashion periodicals. To document everyday dress some resources other than fashion periodicals are needed. The use of photography in a natural setting in which everyday dress was worn would provide informa­ tion about individuals in their community. I believed that the photo­ graphs could be analyzed in an objective manner in regard to the types of clothing worn. Additional information would be obtained regarding who was observed and the situation in which the clothing was worn. The record of the dates and places of the observations would provide further information important to the study of dress.

I selected older Italian women as the group to be documented because they are a distinct ethnic group living in a defined urban setting. The need to study them has significance because of their strong cultural heritage. The study of these women was further stimu­ lated because of the changes which are occurring in their communities.

In one such community, North End, Boston, the population of women is dwindling. The Boston Redevelopment Authority (1975:5) attributed this decrease to the rise in the cost of living in the North End, the move­ ment of Italians to the suburbs and the death of older citizens. Thus, a record of dress being worn would provide a unique documentation of a community undergoing change.

2. To investigate the relationship between dress for older

Italian-American women and socio-cultural factors in their community.

The social scene in the North End, Boston, has been examined by researchers, such as Whyte (1943) and Hartwell (1968); however, they did not include women’s dress in their studies. No community in urban

America today remains stationary and the North End, Boston, is no ex­ ception. A few of the forces affecting the changes which are occurring are integration, urban renewal, renovations and changes in life style.

Extensive research on the North End by sociologists has provided a research base (Whyte, 1943; Ragucci, 1971 and Dunning, 1977). The effect of dress in this ethnic community would aid in the advancement of knowledge concerning dress and socio-cultural factors. This found­ ation could be the basis for investigations of everyday dress in other ethnic communities.

The Review of Literature focuses on dress as an indicator and integral part of socio-cultural factors. To put the North End community in perspective the topics explored were knowledge on community changes from Gemeinschaft (GM) to Gesellschaft (GS), a brief history of the area and current changes in the North End. Since the primary qualitative methodology used was photography, the history of photography for re­ search purposes was investigated. In Chapter Three, the methodological 7 procedures are presented. Photography was selected as the primary method of data collection for this qualitative study. However, other qualita­

tive methods were used to support and clarify information obtained

through the photographs.

The qualitative data collected were analyzed in relation to the

two primary objectives. In Chapter Four the findings are presented according to the objectives of the study. The documentation of dress was based on photographs obtained from 1976 through 1978. The dress documented was related to socio-cultural context based on social situations in the photographs, informal interviews with older Italian women, interviews with community and business personnel familiar with the Nor'-h End and a literature search regarding the North End. The final chapter, Five, includes a brief summary of the research, impli­ cations and recommendations for further study.

/ Chapter II

REVIEW OF LITERATURE

An understanding of the background of the North End, Boston, and dress and society is necessary to establish a base for the study.

Selected literature is presented on 1) dress as a socio-cultural study,

2) community and society as a changing social setting, 3) history of

North End, Boston, 4) changes in North End, Boston and 5) photography for research.

DRESS AS A SOCIO-CULTURAL STUDY

I have found that dress has been studied by home economists, sociologists, historians and anthropologists as a reflection of socio­ cultural contexts. Through the study of dress insight may be obtained on the purpose of clothing in a person's living situation. The study of dress can help the individual to understand the world in which she/he lives, for dress is a reflection of a culture.

Hao (1971) conducted a cross-cultural study to investigate the relationship between general values, clothing related behavior and the use of contemporary clothing by Chinese students in Taiwan and by Ameri­ can students. The Chinese students in Taiwan placed more importance on religion and aesthetic values than the American students. Differences were found between the two cultural groups in clothing behavior related 9

to the importance placed on modesty and management with the Chinese

students placing more importance on those concepts than the American

students. Hao found that differences existed for the two groups in attitudes toward contemporary clothing.

Kim (1970) investigated selected clothing behaviors, interest

in clothing and clothing practices of a selected sample of college women in Korea. The responses to the questionnaire in the Korean lan­

guage indicated that the Korean college women ranked modesty as being most important of the selected clothing behaviors. In addition, the

influence of cultural background was found to affect the respondents' clothing practices (Kim, 1970:37); that is, socio-cultural factors of

Korea affected what was worn by the women.

Anspach and Kwon (1976) also investigated Korean dress. A questionnaire (in the Korean language) was distributed in 1972 to 494 women 18 years of age or older. From the analysis of the responses,

three levels of acculturation were identified based on the quality and variety of western dress worn: no western dress, a combination of Korean

and western dress and only western dress. Anspach and Kwon stated,

"Western styles intermixed with Korean dress of the streets of Seoul,

Korea, are evidence that acculturation has occurred. ..." (Anspach

and Kwon, 1976:235). However, visual documentation of clothing worn by

the Korean women was not included in the study conducted by the re­

searchers.

Branstetter (1976:151) stated, "The use of clothing for ethnic,

social and personal identification is one of those universals of cul­

ture." The decision of what the individual should wear is based on two 10 factors: (1) the occasion, and (2) the wearer's image of his social identity. Branstetter used a linguistic or communication model to study the two factors which influenced what was worn by an Indian population of Tenejapan in Chipas, Mexico. An analysis was made of basic elements of clothing which included the Tenejapan's knowledge of clothing based on a descriptive list of items worn by the Tenejapaneese. Branstetter concluded that a Tenejapan can identify a fellow Tenejapan by the clothing which is worn and establish his social identity.

Batts (1975) studied the clothing style of Japanese immigrants in British Columbia, Canada, from 1968 to about 1975. Family photographs were collected from the Japanese subjects and the photographs analyzed in relation to the immigration history of the Japanese. Batts stated:

To change their clothing was far easier than to change their diet, and also more important, in as much as outward adaptation to the local style of life meant less prominence and thus (per­ haps) less likelihood of radical discrimination. (Batts, 1975:51)

Batts found that by the second generation the Japanese women were fully fashion conscious about western clothes. Thus, at the time of the study, approximately three to four generations after immigration to

Canada, there was no apparent distinction between the Canadians and the

Japanese in their dress.

Several studies have been done on ethnic dress in the United States.

Jacobsen (1972) believed that ethnic artifacts were not totally dis­ carded by an ethnic group. The artifacts of clothing, textiles and household objects owned by Norwegian Americans were inventoried, com­ piled and documented. 11

Podereys (1972) used a cultural, anthropological approach in a

study of Lithuanian national folk costume. The clothing artifacts were studied as representing conditions of human life. Therefore, the re­ searcher expected that the elements of dress would reflect the dominant group in a country as well as its economy, political structure and social system. Elements of the dominant group's dress were seen in

Lithuanian costume. Analysis was possible only with an investigation of both the Lithuanian ethnic and dominant group's dress. Podereys con­ cluded that Lithuanian folk costume was not totally static and that new elements were added gradually.

In summary, dress has been investigated by researchers as a reflection of socio-cultural factors. Researchers have used question­ naires, analysis of family photographs, interviews and the cataloging of artifacts to obtain data for their analyses.

COMMUNITY AND SOCIETY AS A CHANGING SOCIAL SETTING

The concept of community and how it affects its inhabitants has been an important area of the present study. The literature on com­ munity structure was examined to develop a framework for a socio­ cultural analysis of dress of older Italian^ women. Community is dis­ cussed as follows: 1) history and definition, 2) folk-urban as ideal types and 3) features of Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft.

■''The American-Italian subjects are referred to as Italian throughout the study. 12

History and Definition

In sociological literature the concept of Gemeinschaft and

Gesellschaft stems from the work of Ferdinand Tonnies, Gemeinschaft and

Gesellschaft (1887). Although Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft has no

literal translation into English the closest approximations are community

and society (Miner, 1968:175). Tonnies formulated his ideas in the con­

text of social change in Europe, especially Germany, during the late

19th century. Tonnies used the terms in an attempt to explain who man was and where he was headed in the future. Tonnies sought to investi­

gate man's past, his roots, his family structure and to trace changes

taking place in the world. He saw man's social existence as beginning with Gemeinschaft, a rural peasant community which had close family

ties and land and evolving to a Gesellschaft in which a contract capita­

list society with a focus on the individual and economic gain as a primary goal resulted (Loomis, 1940:IX). The capitalist society was a

factor of industrialization.

Folk-Urban as Ideal Types

The ideal type provides a means of describing, comparing and

testing situations in the real world to a typical model. Theodorson

and Theodorson (1969:193) define ideal type as:

A conceptualization or mental construct composed with con­ figuration of characteristic elements of a class of phenomena used in social analysis. The elements abstracted are based on observations of concrete instances of the phenomena under study, but the resulting construct is not designed to cor­ respond exactly to any single empirical observation.

The ideal type is seen as tentative; it may be revised and refined. In 13 discussing the advantages of ideal types Loomis (1940:xix) argues that it represents a "typical category" and as such can be used "to describe both change and the differences between groups at any one time." Al­ though Tonnies based his research and writings on historical fact, his

Gemeinschaft or Gesellschaft does not limit itself to one time in his­ tory. The movement between Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft is still occurring in the 1970's.

One of the most frequently used ideal types is that of folk and urban. The works of Wirth (1938) Redfield (1930, 1941) and Lewis (1966) are all concerned with folk and urban society. Wirth (1938:1) analyzed and defined urban society as a "large, dense, and permanent settlement of heterogeneous individuals." His concern was especially with these individuals, their lifestyles, their adjustments and their social problems. He was anxious to develop a definition of urbanism and the traits typical in an urban environment since he believed modern civili­ zations would be characterized by the rise in cities. Although each city might be different, it has some traits in common, and "our social life bears the imprint of an earlier folk society" (Wirth, 1938:3). He did not mention Tonnies, but his key concepts are repetitive and ex­ pansions of Tonnies' Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft. Wirth's discussion of urban-industrial is similar to Tonnies concept of Gesellschaft, and his discussion of rural-folk society is similar to Tonnies concept of Gemeinschaft. Wirth also sees these ideal types as opposite forces with gradations between them, often referred to as a continuum. In seeing them as a continuum he believes it is possible to plot the location of "human settlements." 14

Wirth (1938:9) stated that the residents of the city carry their past experiences throughout their lives; however, many of the background experiences gained in folk society are no longer necessary for urban life. Over time the meaning of folkways carried into urban life are for­ gotten, yet the habit or practice remains in evidence.

Wirth (1938) developed a series of features about urban society based on 1) numbers of population, 2) density of settlement and 3) hetero­ geneity of inhabitants and group life. As the numbers of people in the population increases argues Wirth, "bonds of kinships, of neighborliness" are likely to be minimal. The emotional attachment of living together with people who have similar folk traditions is diminished in an urban society and when a community reaches more than a hundred people, knowing each person becomes difficult. The increased population makes social relationships more superficial, anonymous and segmented. Since the North

End has always had a dense population, the question arises as to how the

Italian woman maintains her social bonds such as friendship, family ties and relations to the church.

Density refers to increased numbers of people in a land mass of given dimensions. Wirth (1938:11) restated Simmels* ideas on close physical proximity and believed close physical contact brought distant social contacts in the urban city. Space becomes important economically and physically to the individual. Since there are no emotional ties between people in crowded spaces competition and exploitation develop.

Symbols with special meaning are used to organize the dense population.

Is dress one symbol that helps to bring order or identify members of a community? 15

The third feature used by Wirth (1938:19) is heterogeneity. Due

to the large number of people, diversity is expected within the urban

environment. Most of the city dwellers are foreign born or children of

foreign born. The diverse cultural backgrounds of these immigrants are

often camouflaged by institutions such as the factory. Wirth (1938:16) believed individuals are often pulled into the mainstream of society and

leave their ethnic backgrounds for social and economic advancement.

Wirth's analysis of the urban city is significant in that it provides a structure for comparison of American cities. Immigrants of varying backgrounds are seen as one of the contributing factors in urban development.

Miner (1968:174) stated that Tonnies was the first to develop ideal types or "typical" features of ancient and modern society. The basis for Tonnies research was to contrast rural life and urban life. The variations are seen on a continuum with rural life and urban life on opposite polar positions.

Using a folk-urban framework, Redfield (1947) studied Mexican peasants of Topozltaln in 1930. He concluded these people were part rural and part urban. Rural characteristics were found in their self sufficient ways and emphasis on local functions and traditions. Urban characteristics were seen as the culture was being assimilated into modern society. Redfield looked at the Yucatan and its folk culture.

In his investigations Redfield did not define the urban community. The folk society and urban community were seen as opposite on a continuum.

Redfield's folk-urban ideal types have been criticized for the concept's simplicity in explaining folk and urban life (Lewis:1966). The complexity of life and the cultures that do not fit into this division such as the Zuni Indians (1966:493) and Mexicans in Mexico City

(1951) are used as examples for the need to reexamine Redfield's struc­ ture. The North End provides another environment that may be viewed from the folk-urban perspective. The North End in its urban environment with its folk origins provides a community of contradictions.

Features of Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft

Three features of community that may be used in the analysis of dress of North End women were identified: 1) physical boundaries,

2) temperament and character and 3) group will. These are features derived from sociological works in the area of Gemeinschaft and Gesell­ schaft.

Physical boundaries. Merrill (1969) stated the importance of the physical boundaries of a community on the behavior of the inhabi­ tants and stated that "The physical area defines the limits within which the social interaction occurs." This is true for both the rural and urban community. It is important that people believe they are members of the community. The feeling of belonging gives a resident a strong interest in a shared social setting and what happens to it physically and socially. All communities tend to undergo change. Tonnies (1887) had seen this change in the shift from Gemeinschaft to Gesellschaft.

Dressier (1969) saw America changing from an agricultural rural com­ munity to an urban community, and Merrill (1969) noted that as the transition occurred in the United States people took their rural values 17 and customs with them to the city. Examples of rural activities still found in cities are many; such as the number of urban gardens and pets which have no economic benefit to urban inhabitants.

The sociological study of urban life styles began primarily in

Chicago during the 1920's. Burgess (1925) investigated the Chicago area as an example of modern society. Urban expansion was described in terms of the concentration of population and how mobility was possible.

Land values were viewed as reflecting movement; as land increased in value, families moved out and businesses moved into the area (1925:44).

Mobility was seen as the "pulse of the community." However, ethnic and cultural groups remain in one region to enable individuals to find their role and place in society. As the individual is assimilated into

American life the ethnic neighborhood becomes less important and mobility to other neighborhoods takes place. Duncan and Lieberson

(1959) analyzed census data from 1930 and 1950 in Chicago to establish the pattern of ethnic segregation and assimilation. Visual indicators of the ethnic groups social status were found to keep them separate from others in the community. Dress may be viewed as a visual indica­ tor. As the status of the ethnic group increases, visual indicators are less obvious and the ethnic group assimilates into the general popu­ lation. In addition, the longer the ethnic group has been in the United

States the greater its assimilation (Duncan and Lieberson, 1959:364).

Boston was studied much later. In 1945 Firey studied the relations and character of space and its effect on urban development.

Three distinct locations in Boston were investigated as to the character of the location and its effect on urban sprawl and business development. 18

Flrey (1945:259) included the North End which he saw as an immigrant ghetto, ethnic slum and "Boston’s classic land of poverty." The North

End was viewed as a neighborhood to insure the social structure of the

Italian immigrant and residence in it was seen as necessary for Italian

ethnic solidarity. To move away from the North End, according to Firey,

signified assimilation into American society.

Temperament and character. Loomis (1940:278) in his analysis of

Tonnies viewed temperament as an important feature in a community.

Temperament in Gemeinschaft centered on liking development, seeking new experiences and valuing change. Emotions governed people in their daily life. Since Italians are in fact strongly emotional, this passion and the urge to live brought an emotional quality to their community.

The desire for change was accomplished with energy and sincerity. In contrast, the temperament in typical Gesellschaft centers on rationality, expediency and deliberation for seeking specific ends and purposes; the head rules over the heart.

Personal and moral character in Gemeinschaft was seen as de­ veloped by one's experience and background. The character developed was strong in courage, action and a balance between the mind and heart.

This character develops the virtues of valor, diligence and kindness.

In contrast, the Gesellschaft character is based on discrimination and reason based on greed for money and greed for profits.

Group will. Group will was seen as involving 1) blood or kin­ ship, 2) social control and 3) morality. In a Gemeinschaft one’s family is of primary importance and blood relationships are a major structuring 19

feature. The importance of kinships, mother and child, family and local people (folk) is the core of the community and the basis of interaction.

The occupation of the family centers around the home. There is an order

in relationships among family members, often based on one's role in the

family. In contrast, order in the Gesellschaft centers around the city and structured Gesellschaft organizations. The main occupation is trade among members of the society. In order to carry out trade and have the society engage in an orderly manner, contracts are necessary among men.

Social control refers to the governing structure or laws needed to maintain order in the community and society. The Gemeinschaft com­ munity has a strong attachment to the Gemeinschaft of place. Again, emotional ties of one's neighborhood govern one's actions. The social controls are accomplished by custom and reinforced by the folkways and mores of the people. Informal means such as gossip control people's actions. The family exerts control over its members in the neighborhood or village. In contrast, social control in the Gesellschaft society centers around regulations and laws especially legislative law. The group is less oriented to face-to-face encounters so that emotions are less important and adherence to the law brings about rigid social con­

trol.

Morality is the third feature of group will. Morality is based on friendship and on the church. Friendships develop so that one's moral behavior is known by one's friends. The church's religious teachings provide faith and often social sanctions on one's behavior.

In contrast, the Gesellschaft society represents the metropolis and 20 often the scholars. Rather than the church, knowledge becomes a governing force and public opinion becomes the social sanction.

Thus, in Tonnies work the development of an ideal type for

Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft was proposed. Each concept can be looked upon as an ideal but the degree to which a community fits into the ideal type is expected to vary. Thus, the concept of ideal type of community can be used to examine a community which is undergoing change.

HISTORY OF NORTH END, BOSTON

I believe that to understand the dress of a group in the present time the history of the group, their origin and their current place of residence must be studied and investigated. The following is a brief history of immigration of Italians to North End, Boston, a community with an exciting history.

America has been built by immigrants, such as the first group of

Pilgrims. Each year since 1620, America has received peoples from the various continents. The Italians as a unified group began their immi­ gration to America in 1870. The first to arrive were Italian intellec­ tuals and revolutionaries who were opposed to Papal rule in Italy and were striving for national independence (Mangano, 1917). The immigrants were from the northern cities of Italy and many were warmly welcomed in

Boston's exclusive social circles, according to Mangano (1917:37). By

1880, large masses of Italian immigrants had arrived. An estimated

5,000 Italians immigrated to the United States in 1800 and by the 1906-

1916 period the number had increased to 2,109,974 (Mangano, 1917). 21

The North End has been the entry area of various groups of immi­ grants into Boston: the English, the Irish, the Jewish and, since the

1880's, the Italians (Todisco, 1976). Most of the Italian immigrants were from southern Italy and their move to America was due to the rise in taxes, poor living conditions, natural disasters and tension between northern and southern Italy (Todisco, 1976 and Gambino, 1974). A general understanding of the Italian immigrant is necessary to under­ stand the North End.

Descriptions of early immigrants provide a colorful background for an understanding of the Italian ethnic. Mangano (1917) wrote a social and religious study of Italians in America entitled Sons of

Italy. The book, partly autobiographical, is a record of Italian ex­ periences in adjusting to American life at the end of the nineteenth century. The account of Tommaso illustrates the importance of dress and appearance to the Italian immigrant. Tommaso's parents migrated to

America and several years later sent for their young son. A padrone in

Italy had been commissioned to care for Tommaso and had been negligent in his care of the little boy. When Tommaso arrived in America he was disheveled, dirty and tattered. His parents first task before taking him home was to search for a shop "where Tommaso could be provided with a new suit of clothing" (Mangano, 1917:5). His improved appearance was pleasing to the child. "Arrayed in his cheap new suit, Tommaso felt quite American already and he strutted proudly along with his parents"

(Mangano, 1917:5). Thus, clothing served as a visual and tangible means of communicating to others and to the self. 22

The Italian women who immigrated to Boston often underwent con­

siderable hardship. The man was usually the first to immigrate; the wife and children remained in Italy until he had earned enough money to

support the family. Handlin (1951), in Uprooted, stressed the idea that

it took several years for the family to be reunited. The trip to America and the adjustment to American life were situations of culture shock to

the Italian women. The experiences associated with leaving one’s native village, traveling to a large European seaport and existing through the ocean voyage were unpleasant for most women (Handlin, 1951 and Gambino,

1973). The confined conditions and lack of sanitation on ship made their clothing objectionable when they arrived at their destination. Thus, it was necessary after the long ocean voyage to discard the garments which had been worn on the trip. Often the first purchase in America was a new clothing outfit, a change in their body covering. Economics and practicality were prime considerations in choice, thus an inexpensive outfit was purchased. Although similar in silhouette to the prevailing fashion, the garments were made of lesser quality fabric, lacked trim and were subdued in color (Handlin, 1951).

A change in the Italian woman's life took place immediately after arriving in America. The outdoor life of which she was accustomed

in Italy was transferred to an indoor life in a small city apartment.

Crowded conditions were typical in a northeast city. Mangano (1917) described the high incidence of tuberculosis among Italians and attri­ buted this to the lack of fresh air and sunshine.

Another change in living was in the manner of work. In Italy,

the woman's position was to care for the family and help out where she 23 was needed in tending to the small farm plot. The cities, including

Boston, had little or no space for farming plots. Often the man did not earn enough to support a large family, common among Italians, and the wife was forced to work. Phillips (1975) stated that typical jobs for women were in the garment industry as stitchers and seamstresses. Many

Italian women brought piece work from clothing factories into the home to be sewn by all members of the family in the evening.

By 1888, the North End Bennet Industrial School taught sewing, meal planning and meal preparation to the girls from the Hancock School

(Todisco, 1976:39). The skills learned by the young girls enabled them to aid their mothers in household tasks, home sewing and sewing for the garment industry.

Due to the struggling family situation, the woman was frequently the last to buy a new outfit of clothes. The advancement of husband and children was her first priority. The majority of the Italian immi­ grants were peasants and the women were accustomed to a hard and frugal life. When a new purchase was made, her practical mind looked for sub­ dued colors, good cloth and a silhouette that would last; the practical resourceful woman was admired by the Italian community. Her status during the early years of immigration was not derived by wearing fashion­ able clothing, but by the neat appearance and accomplishments of her family. Proper dress was conservative, attractive, versatile and long lasting. The practical objective for clothing made adherence to fashion change of minimal importance.

Eating is an important social function in each Italian family

(Ragucci, 1971). Rich gravies on pasta, foods cooked with oil and heavy 24 pastries have made most Italian women overweight by American standards.

The size of the women may have presented problems in selection and wearing of clothes. Hartwell and team (1968) interviewed Irish and

Italian women in Boston and noted the importance of body shape and dress.

One team member reported a second generation Italian respondent as saying:

As we become more Americanized we pay a great deal of atten- tention to the way we dress. We look at fashion magazines. We wear what is shown— at the proper length. We go to the hair­ dresser once a week. We want to wear our hair like the rest of American women. And we get away from being fat. We diet like everybody else. If you're going to be Americanized, its very important for you to be thin (Hartwell, 1968:40, 41).

Hartwell (1968:41) generalized from this one statement by an interviewee and stated "It goes without saying that all of the women in the sample have been assimilated behaviorally in many ways which need not be demon­ strated— clothing, for instance." Although this statement emphasizes the importance of dress, I question how far one can generalize from a single statement. To what extent can the older Italian women of today be described as being thin and fashionably dress? I believe that an in­ vestigation should include more than one person of a group prior to making a generalization.

CHANGES IN NORTH END, BOSTON

In reviewing the literature on Boston and from observation over the years, I found that North End, Boston, is undergoing change and that the changes are those which may effect the dress being worn by older Italian women. The study of an ethnic community has many complex factors con­ tributing to its make up. The community changes I will explore are 25

1) physical changes, 2) urban renewal, 3) social class, 4) regional

background, 5) newer immigrants and 6) the ethnicity movement.

The area called North End, is located along the coast of Boston

(Appendix A, map). In this three-quarter mile area are found such

historic places as the Freedom Trail, Paul Revere's House, and the Old

North Church. Based on State House statistics, an estimated 450,000

tourists walk through the North End each year (Tramontozzi, 1972). Ac­

cording to the 1970 census there were 13,962 permanent residents living

in the North End (Sullivan, 1972b).

Historically, researchers have looked at the North End as a distinct

community of Italian ethnic background. Physical boundaries have helped maintain this close community feeling. The defining boundaries, until

recent years, were the overhead subway tracks to the northwest; the

Central expressway to the west; and the harbor to the north, east and

south. In 1975-76 the overhead subway tracks were removed. Renovations

underway on the harbor and wharf area are to provide park and recreation

facilities. The harbor and wharf area is commonly called the Waterfront

and technically is not part of the North End census tract; however, the

two areas have become less distinct as renovations move toward the North

End. Also, the Waterfront, Haymarket and North End are considered to­

gether in the community action programs. Changes to the North End boundary are still being discussed (Boston Redevelopment Authority, 1975).

In 1976, plans were unfolded to put the Central Expressway underground!!

In 1978, Governor King proposed a third underwater tunnel to the

airport. These changes and those proposed have brought both physical and psychological changes to the community. 26

The housing of the North End is three, four and five story attached buildings which were built in the late 1800’s and early 1900's

(Boston Redevelopment Authority, 1975:5). Narrow stairways, narrow streets, and close quarters are the mode. The North End, a close com­ munity, is considered a safe place to live. Crime, historically, has been relatively low and this condition is attributed to one's concern for family and neighbor. However, this condition is beginning to change.

Renovation of the buildings has brought new people to the area. Pro­ fessionals and business people of many nationalities are moving into renovated apartments which have higher rents than before. The higher rents have forced the older Italian people to move elsewhere (Tramon­ tozzi, 1972 and Lupo, 1973). Many of the children from the Italian community are moving to the suburbs where ownership of property is pos­ sible. Lupo (1973:53), in a description of the North End, states the situation quite candidly;

A combination of forces slowly pushes out the Italian families and replaces them with new young urban dwellers who look at the North End and think, hey, quaint, safe, near downtown. Rents go up. Italos go out.

To understand the beginning of change in the North End, it is necessary to explore Boston and urban renewal. The Boston Redevelopment

Authority (BRA) used federal funds to begin the renovation of old neighborhoods in the 1950's. Within ten years Boston had received over

$300 million in Federal project funds for urban renewal. The most de­ bated project was the West End, Boston, where an entire neighborhood was torn down and replaced by high-rise and office buildings. Former residents were forced to other areas of the city or to the suburbs. 27

Increased urban renewal in the 1960's was referred to as the "New Bos­ ton"; however, as in the 1950's, little housing was provided for the working class. The housing which was provided was either the high cost luxury apartments, which were too expensive for the working man, or low income housing projects, which have developed into high crime areas.

The West End community formerly had been a secure area with low crime and low rent.

The local residents of the North End, Dorchester, and South Bos­ ton were concerned and rallied to protest against having their secure neighborhoods torn down. The 1970's saw a change in federal funding so that monies went directly to City Hall rather than to State government agencies (Lupo, 1973:78). The possibility was seen for citizens to have input into the decisions made. Local politicians and neighborhood agencies began working hard to have these funds aid the neighborhood.

Yet, to what goal are these funds aimed?

The North End is not unified in all of its objectives. This lack of identity is based on the differences among the groups of Italians of the North End. Whyte's (1943) and Ragucci's (1971) research identi­ fied differences of social class and regional background. Several criteria are the basis for determining the social class of the ethnic.

Adult social class is dependent on education, authority within the peer group, financial standing, occupation and the province or village of an­ cestors. Whyte (1943) explained each of these criteria in detail in an investigation of an East Coast city in the late 1930's and early 1940's.

Whyte's research has been thought to have been done in the North End,

Boston. 28

Todisco (1975:iii) stated that the North End has been one of the

"great entry points for the immigrant masses." The immigrants have in­ cluded .the English, Irish, Jewish and the Italians. In each case the newest immigrant group has pushed the former out of the North End. The last group to reside in the area was the Italians. According to the

1970 census data, 6,498 people or 77.6% of the residents listed Italy as country of origin (Sullivan, 1972b). Predictions (Ragucci, 1971 and

Todisco, 1975) that the North End will be replaced by a newer non-

Italian wave of immigrants have not taken place at this time. The changes in population which have taken place since 1970 cannot be sub­ stantiated until the 1980 census. The North End is still receiving

Italian immigrants for immigration to the United States continues to be desired by Italians. Economic and social conditions in Italy are un­ stable (Gambino, 1974), thus coming to America is desireable and ad­ vantageous to many Italians. Opportunities for employment and social advancement are still seen as feasible in America.

Changes in immigration laws in 1965 have allowed more Italians to arrive than was previously possible. This small influx of immigrants has again brought children to the North End. Prior to 1965, 54.3% of the population was over 35 years of age; however, by the 1970 census, only 50% of the population was over 35 years (Sullivan, 1972b:10).

The Italian immigrants who have arrived in Boston since 1965 are distinct from those in the past in that their travel to the United

States has been by air rather than sea. Thus, their Italian background was more intact when they arrived in America than for those who arrived by sea in the past. Another distinction of the recent immigrant is that 29 many of them do not have strong ties to the North End. Their goal is to join the exodus to the suburbs.

A strong Italian identity has remained among the North End

Italians despite the diversity of Italian background and variety in time of immigration. Although the second generation has left the area for the suburbs, ties have been maintained with families remaining in Bos­ ton. The closeness of Italian families is seen as one observes their participation at summer festivals in the North End (Ragucci, 1971). In addition, the frequent return of former North End residents to visit family and friends provides evidence of the close family ties.

In summary, the history of immigration into the North End has established that constant change has occurred in the community. The factors of physical change, the effect of social class, regional back­ ground and Italian immigration have made the North End a complex social setting.

PHOTOGRAPHY FOR RESEARCH

Research has traditionally been conducted by written or verbal collection of data. The written word has been catalogued and stored to allow researchers to investigate past generations. The spoken word has often been put into writing to insure a continuance of knowledge, thus the world has been studied primarily from a verbal perspective. An innovation of the 19th and 20th centuries has been the documentation of research by visual means, such as videotape, photographic prints and slides. The rise of television and electronic media has promoted re­ search into the effect of the visual on the individual and the group. 30

Arnheim (1969) stated that historically the Greeks viewed the visual as an inferior part of man's experience. Perception was viewed as feminine or inferior to the written and spoken work (Arnheim, 1969).

The visual was seen as misleading; therefore, it was not scientific and was inferior to the verbal.

Anthropologists were the first to use visual data as part of their scientific research. Mead (1946) photographed 3,000 Balinese children in her study and used the photographs along with field notes.

Photography was used to document that which was viewed.

The Film Study Center of the Peabody Museum at Harvard Univer­ sity allows researchers to view human life on film. Gardner (1957) stated that the researcher, when investigating cultures, often finds it difficult to "cross language and cultural boundaries without prejudice to their vision" (Gardner, 1957:345). Visual recordings, although selective, allow researchers to reuse data both in the immediate future and in future centuries.

Gardner (1957) and associates filmed Kung Bushman of the

Kalahari Desert. Films and field notes were collected over a two year period. Analysis of the data was done both on location in Africa and at the Harvard Film Study Center. The film was divided into five dominant aspects of the Kung Culture. The researchers found that the final analysis was done more systematically and carefully when time was avail­ able and the researcher was not on location.

Lewis Hine (Becker, 1974 and Newhall, 1964) was a photographer- sociologist whose photographs of women, children and immigrant workers were well known in the late 1800's. It is believed that his photographs 31 helped influence the change in child labor laws by raising the public’s awareness of the poor working conditions within the factories.

The work done by men such as Gardner and Hine has stimulated further research and documentation on visual studies. The need existed to communicate and share the methodology and findings of these investi­ gations. The American Anthropological Association began a publication entirely devoted to the visual in 1974, Studies in the Anthropology of

Visual Communication in which articles are presented on all phases of visual data.

Sociologists have dealt with the visual and photography. Becker

(1974) documented the close association between photographers and soci­ ologists in techniques and topics of human concern. Comte coined the word sociology the same year Daguerre made public the fixing of an image on a metal plate, the daguerrotype.

Mathew Brady (Kunhardt, 1977), known for the daguerrotypes of famous personalities and the Civil War, seldom took any of the famous photographs himself. During the 1800's it was common practice to have operators take, develop and mount the photographs without being given credit for their work. Brady was responsible for the style used and his own financial backing; his name drew famous and wealthy people into the studio.

The use of visual data, photography, is being investigated by sociologists. The framework in which to view their photographs has had limited research testing.

Barndt (1974) stated that for research purposes it is necessary to know the source and receiver of a photograph. The photograph taken 32 is determined by the photographer (the source) when he/she selects to click the camera. The photograph is later viewed by people (the re­ ceivers) who may not have been at the scene. The source (the photo­ grapher) and receiver (person viewing the photograph) must be viewed in relation to their beliefs, norms, social situation and communication skills. The subject is the person being photographed. Often the sub­ jects determine the type of photograph taken based on their reactions to the camera and their feelings of comfort or discomfort in being photo­ graphed. The subjects' attitudes toward being photographed are often reflected in the final photograph.

Visual can refer to film, videotape, or photographs as prints.

The visual can be supplemented with a verbal message. I will refer only to photographs, yet the same statements apply to other media.

The photographer must remember that he takes the picture. Byers

(1966:3) stated that "Cameras don't take pictures, people do." The background, objectives and awareness of the photographer must be con­ sidered in relation to the subjects that are photographed. The photo­ grapher selects the "right" picture when he clicks the button. Likewise, the selection of film, lens and angle of shot all make a statement.

The photographer selects a film speed appropriate for antici­ pated general conditions. When taking photographs, the adjustments of shutter speed and aperture allow the photographer to meet the demands of subject action and lighting conditions. One option available is the use of telephoto lens. Many sociologists question using the telephoto lens because of the right of human subjects and researcher ethics. In addition, a telephoto lens flattens a picture and makes it less real. 33

The current philosophy is that the subject should be aware of being photographed (Barndt, 1974).

The angle of a photograph may be determined by the photographer or by the situation imposed upon him. The slide series, Personal Com­ munication: Gestures, Expressions and Body English (1974), demonstrated how the photographer made use of an angle to show how a subject looks to an observer. A shot was shown of a small child looking at an adult.

The photograph was taken from a level lower than the child who was looking up toward the adult. The resulting impression was the over­ powering feeling the adult places on the small child.

The area of space in which the photographer works also in­ fluences the resulting photograph, for instance, when working in a small room where distance is limited the resulting photograph may be distorted.

In a natural setting, restrictions may be put on the photographer due to physical obstructions such as poles, trees, bridges or masses of people.

Each photograph needs to be taken as an individual situation.

The use of photography as a part of research has recently been investigated. Curry and Clark (1975) urge using the visual as part of the research process. Cues are seen as aiding in reading visual infor­ mation. Systematic analysis of visual data can provide links between verbal and visual perspectives.

Thompson and Clarke (1974) investigated the approach of two photo-journalists covering the Vietnam War. The photographs by David

Duncan and Larry Burrows were analyzed for content. Duncan's emphasis was the military view of war, thus the plight of the American soldier and a broad statement about the Vietnam situation was found. Burrows, 34 in contrast, focused on the effect war had on the civilians- Human tragedy experienced by the aged, women and children was shown.

Goffman (1976) investigated gender advertisements in which the focus was on social situations. Symbolic events were seen as a present­ ation of statements about man and his world.

Creekmore (1974) photographed contemporary dress worn on city streets including London, Bangkok, Madras, Manila and Johannesburg. The purpose was to test photography as a means of collecting data about con­ temporary dress. The data were collected in downtown areas in a shop­ ping district; time and temperature were recorded. Dress was analyzed in relation to color, occupational role, style, cultural differences, age, sex, socio-economic level and the country's economic development.

Photographs from each country were analyzed separately before a com­ posite of contemporary world dress was developed. Creekmore concluded that photography was useful in studying dress when observed and related to socio-cultural contexts of each culture photographed.

One difficulty with the use of visual data is the need to obtain entry into the situation to gather data. Entry may be difficult for the photographer and the individuals photographed may be uncomfortable. To photograph in a natural setting may cause uneasiness to both the photo­ grapher and subject. The photographer may experience anxiety and be un­ certain how to act. Creekmore (1974) stated that she tried to appear nonchalant and uninvolved. Barndt (1974) and Becker (1974) suggested that the photographer become so natural in handling a camera that it becomes a part of one's presence. Becker further suggested that the photographer become a part of the social situation. He became part of 35 a medic team to photograph people at a rock festival in California.

Worth and Adair (1972), rather than photographing subjects themselves, asked the Navajos to learn how to use a camera, to select a topic of interest and to photograph it. The theory was that the Navajos would photograph what was important in "their" world. The resulting photo­ graphs included crafts of the Navajo and natives walking. Crafts are the economic livelihood of most Navajo women. Walking is disliked by the Navajos but is imposed on them due to lack of other means of trans­ portation. To ride in a car is considered a high status symbol.

The reactions of the person being photographed varies. Barndt

(1974) and Becker (1974) do not believe in using sneak tactics. In taking each photograph the photographer is in view of the subject. A person who does not want to be photographed will demonstrate his objec­ tion. Thus, that person is not photographed.

Wilkes (1977), in filming Six American Families, was able to record interaction of families in a variety of personal situations in­ cluding family arguments, demonstrations of affection and daily activi­ ties. When a family desired not to be filmed, that request was honored.

In a public place people are often subject to being photographed.

The photographer should use common sense when selecting persons to be photographed. The objective is to maintain the dignity of the subject photographed. Chapter III

RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY

The study of everyday dress of older Italian^ women was ob­ served on location and recorded through the use of photography. The organization of the study is presented in the following order: 1) quali­ tative research, 2) methodology and 3) analysis of data.

QUALITATIVE RESEARCH

In qualitative research the objective is to understand the real world of the subjects. Often the objective is accomplished by obtaining information related to particular situational and environmental factors

(Filstead, 1970:7). Data may be obtained through interviews, partici­ pant observation, hidden observation and construction of a social situ­ ation. In the present study, a combination of field research, ethno- methodology and photography were used to obtain data in a natural occurring situation. Bases for the use of each of the methods are pre­ sented.

^The American-Italian subjects are referred to as Italian throughout the study.

36 Field Research

Field research is an investigation of situations, processes and perspectives through which data are obtained by observing, listening and recording. The researcher keeps a record not only of that which he/ she views the subjects to be doing and the place the event occurs, but also a record is kept of the researcher's reactions as to what the sub­ jects are experiencing. Schatzman and Strauss (1973:31) stated that

"How he (the researcher) organizes and experiences them (the data) ex­ presses his own identity as an observer and social analyst."

The theory underlying field research developed as a concept from physics and later was used in psychology and social psychology (Deutsch,

1954). The main concept is to think of people, places and events in terms of regions or fields. Important components of the research setting are obtained by looking at the field and observing, interviewing infor­ mally, looking at the environment and investigating the total situation.

Deutsch (1954) analyzed the work of Lewin, one of the first field re­ searchers. Lewin believed that for researchers to be able to define what was "real" they must be able to "infer or construct this reality from observable data, such as the course and consequences of the person's actions and the situations in which action was occurring" (Deutsch,

1954:184). The importance of defining the total situation to understand everyday behavior has consequences for research methodology. Dress is an integral part of this everyday behavior.

Schatzman and Strauss (1973) provided a realistic approach for field research and acknowledged that the researcher maintains links with several "fields" at one time, such as a situation under investigation, 38

current employment, kin and friendship groups. This interrelationship between fields means that dress should not be viewed as an isolated sub­ ject, but as an integrated part of a person’s life.

Compton (1974:2), a clothing researcher, suggested the use of research observations along with theory building to increase knowledge.

Horn (1968) encouraged the use of observation for research design.

Clothing researchers in the Western Regional Research Cooperative Pro­ ject W-98 study (1972) used observation techniques to define the items of dress which were being worn by high school students in eight states.

Their observations were used as the basis for further questionnaire development.

Ethnomethodology

In ethnomethodology the researcher investigates everyday life.

Daily activities are often taken for granted. The focus of ethnomethod­ ology is understanding the meaning of naturally occurring events. Ex­ periments are not created to test hypotheses nor is the methodology predesigned. Ethnomethodology is concerned with people's routine activities; the people observed are termed actors and are members of a group.

The social meaning of these daily activities is seen as impor­ tant to the individual's life. A social order is present in the actor's life during everyday activities. The ethnomethodologist attempts a descriptive and interpretive understanding of the everyday naturally occurring events. Data are first collected and then reflected upon.

The purpose is to understand events as they occur in each social 39 situation. An understanding of ethnomethodology is necessary to place the research design in perspective. While the present study was not solely ethnomethodological, it did provide the basis for the use of naturally occurring photographic data; that is, I made observations in a natural setting and interviewed older Italian women in an informal setting.

The origin of definitions of ethnomethodology are found in the work of Schutz and Garfinkel. Schutz's (1973) focus on the structure of daily life and Garfinkel's (1963, 1964) focus on the rules governing daily life have led to the concept of ethnomethodology.

Foundations by Alfred Schutz. Ethnomethodology had its found­ ation in the writings of Alfred Schutz, a phenomenologist, whose work was focused on understanding the structure of the world of daily life

(Schutz, 1973:xxv). Terms often used to explain daily life are "common- sense world" and "every-day world." Our every-day world provides the backdrop for social interaction. Our every-day world is taken-for- granted and for this reason the components of daily life are often not recognized nor appreciated. Instead, they are a fine part of our exist­ ence.

What constitutes our every-day world? Each individual has a unique historical and cultural background that influences the way he/she views life. Each person has a historical background based on his/her early life experiences. The individual's interpretation of this past effects how he views the present and future world. Cultural background refers to our parental heritage and a social interpretation of that background. 40

Schutz (1973) investigated the pattern of action and social interaction which underlies common sense thinking. Three components were investigated: 1) action, 2) social interaction and 3) the observer.

Schutz defined action as "human conduct devised by the actor in ad­ vance" (1973:19). The actor has a particular plan of action in mind prior to beginning an activity. Social interaction is more complex be­ cause it involves two or more people. The main actor assumes that a person with whom he comes in contact, whom Schutz terms "other," will understand his action. The third component of common sense thinking is that of the observer. Schutz (1973:26) characterizes the observer as one who is not a partner in the interaction patterns but is aware of the actions of the actor and the other, but maintains a detachment. The observer understands the social situation because of his past knowledge of similar patterns of interaction. These three components were used by the ethnomethodologist. Schutz provided the foundation upon which others built the idea of ethnomethodology.

Events of every-day life. Harold Garfinkel (1964:225), the founder of ethnomethodology, does not use the term ethnomethodology in his writings but states that his concern is understanding the "familiar common sense world of everyday life." He believes an order exists in the rules governing the everyday events in which we engage that can be iden­ tified by investigating the daily activities of people. Everyday ex­ periences in the real world are investigated by the ethnomethodologist, not events which are staged by the actors. Garfinkel is interested in how people cope with reality and assign meaning to a situation. His 41 method is to jolt the everyday situation and observe how the person copes with the situation. Garfinkel's (1963) methods include the use of games and changes in the assumed rules of a group to see how people react.

The behavioral result is often one of bewilderment, uncertainty or in­ ternal conflict. The underlying principle is that through this jolt the assumed everyday rules of the game will be understood. Garfinkel

(1963:193) does not call the studies experiments, but demonstrations.

The demonstrations seek to find out how the actor reacted and what meaning he assigned to his everyday experience. The actor's description brings interpretation to one’s activities.

Ethnomethodological considerations. The ethnomethodologist has several notions of meaning which are necessary to put ethnomethodologi­ cal research design in perspective Including 1) public vs. private con­ text, 2) theoretic stance: bracketing and 3) the member's (actor) inter­ pretation of activities. The context of public vs. private reflects how the actor's behavior may differ based on the location of a social situ­ ation and how the actor views that situation. Often the definition of public vs. private may relate to who is the observer. Most will agree a public road is considered a public place. Appleyard and Lintell (1975:9) found that streets may differ in regard to the actor's view of the street.

They investigated the flow of traffic on streets and found that individ­ uals who lived on lightly travelled streets engaged in more conversation and interaction with their neighbors than those on streets with heavy traffic. The residents of the streets investigated were approximately the same in economic background, mix of ages and type of dwellings. 42

The number of people on heavy traffic streets may inhibit public be­

havior .

Emerson (1970) investigated the expected behavior of women in

a private setting, a gynecological examination. The patient, the doc­

tor and nurse all engage in expected behavior to maintain proper decorum

in a medical situation that is often a threat to the patient's dignity.

Objects are often used to define a medical situation. The medical uni­

forms, medical gloves and the draping of the patient's body bring a

reality of a medical situation. The public and private setting have un­ written rules of proper behavior. Appleyard, Lintell and Emerson's works

are only beginning research on that which is expected behavior in social

situations. In the present study, the North End streets may be viewed

as public or private depending on one's view of the community.

The theoretic stance or bracketing allows descriptions of the

social situation. The ethnomethodologist accepted the idea of theoretic

stance and bracketing from the phenomenologist. Douglas (1970) stated

that the theoretic stance refers to viewing the everyday world by

standing back, reflecting upon it and reviewing the experience. Thus,

each experience in the everyday world is seen as a phenomenon. In order

to comply with the theoretic stance each ordinary, everyday situation must be viewed as an individual unit. Several terms, have been used to

explain this separation of experiences: bracketing, epoche' and pheno­

menological suspension. The application of bracketing allows the re­

searcher a method to describe what is occurring. The analysis is a documentation and explanation. Judgment of any kind is specifically avoided in ethnomethodological studies. 43

Ethnomethodologists (Garfinkel, 1963) are concerned with the way

in which the actor or member interprets activities that happen to him.

The actor’s interpretation of his everyday activities gives him meaning to the situation. Cicourel (1967:vii) tried to understand how the actor and observer (researcher) of a social situation "come to know, under­ stand, predict or categorize an environment of objects and consequently arrive at findings." In one study Cicourel's focus was on everyday activities of professionals and laymen in contact with juveniles. In another study Cicourel (1972:8) investigated the rules actors and others used in negotiating one's status and role. Using Schutz's terminology of actor, other and observer, Cicourel was interested in the way the actor assigns meaning to objects and events in his environment. In what way does the actor "code" what he sees and does? In relation to the establishment of status and role in everyday situation, Cicourel stated,

"initial social encounters are based upon ’appearance factors' and/or general ’background' information" (1972:8). The implication made in this statement is that one's appearance including dress is important in the establishment of status and role in everyday situations. Exter­ nal symbols, such as dress, often give identity to a social situation.

Cicourel stated that rules govern these external symbols but the way

they are assigned by each individual is not clearly understood (1970:18).

What is known is that the actor changes these external symbols to re­ define, broaden and modify his status and role based on the situations he encounters (1970:5).

In summary, ethnomethodology is concerned with the everyday behavior of man and man's interpretation of this behavior. 44

Ethnomethodology has its roots in the work of Schutz and has developed on the base of phenomenology. The research from the field of ethno­ methodology is unique in that it seeks to find meaning in the taken-for- granted activities within a social situation.

Photography

Photography was used as a qualitative method in recording the dress of older Italian women. The use of photography as a research tool is not a new idea. Margaret Mead (1946), working with photographer

Frances Macgregor, took over 3,000 photographs of eight Balinese infants and kept notes on the context of each picture to aid in understanding the photographs in relation to socialization. Anthropologists have often entered a cultural group with camera in hand.

Barndt (1974) wrote a technical position paper on the use of photography combined with sociology to aid in explaining people and human activity. To use photography as a research tool, Barndt recom­ mended maintaining a log while photographing, recording both the scene which was shot and the impressions gained. The purpose of the log was to connect a social situation and atmosphere with the photographs. She recommended still photographs for capturing a segment in time, because technically it is easier to carry and operate a 35 mm camera and finan­ cially it is less expensive than to use other filming techniques.

Byers (1966) investigated the use of still photography as com­ municative media. He looked at pictures as research data which the re­ searcher can analyze later to investigate relationships when time can be taken to study the subject matter photographed. Yet, it must be 45 realized that the meaning of the photograph may vary among those who view it for seeing is a visual experience. Information must be known about the photographer, subject and viewer. Byers (1966:31) concluded,

"photography can become more than a recoding or illustrating tool for behavior science. It can become observation itself." Thus, photography can produce data for analysis.

In the development of the research design I chose to use photo­ graphy as a method for collecting data on everyday dress. The photographs would show people engaged in daily activities and help explain dress in a natural social context.

METHODOLOGY

Data were obtained to document dress of older Italian-American women^ and to relate the dress to socio-cultural contexts. The method­ ology consisted of 1) establishment of a social situation to observe dress, 2) documentation of dress, 3) establishment of socio-cultural contexts and 4) methodological considerations in a qualitative study.

Establishment of a Social Situation to Observe Dress

Based on ethnomethodology, I identified a social situation to observe subjects and record data through the use of photography. The primary location for research was the North End, Boston, including

Haymarket and the residential area overlooking the waterfront. This

^"The Italian-American subjects are referred to as Italian throughout the study. 46

definition of the North End is used by Action for Boston Community De­

velopment (Sullivan, 1972b) for city projects.

Older Italian women were observed in everyday situations on the

streets of North End, Boston. Criteria for photographs were as follows:

women judged to be Italian, 55 years of age or older and engaged in daily

activities within the North End, Boston. Women in everyday situations

provided the establishment of a social situation for documenting dress

and relating the dress documented to socio-cultural contexts. Photographs

were in an outdoor situation, on pleasant days during spring or summer

so that a woman’s dress was seen. I took the photographs in a variety

of everyday situations, primarily women shopping, walking or talking in

neighborhood streets. Other social situations included women at the

library, at an Italian Festival and entering or leaving Sunday morning

mass at a Catholic church. Records were kept as to the exact street where photographs were taken.

Documentation of Dress

Dress was documented primarily through photographs. To support

this documentation, supporting data were obtained through newspaper ad­ vertisements of women’s dress, interviews with retailers and interviews with Italian women.

Photographing subjects. I used a 35 mm Yashica camera with 50 mm

lens and Kodachrome 64 slide film. Since I was always in view of the

subjects, a variety of techniques were used in photographing. Some

slides were taken without looking through the view finding; however, the majority of slides were taken by looking through the viewfinder, 47

focusing the subject and shooting when the subject was in view. Sub­ jects were not in a posed situation and pictures were taken as rapidly

as possible. No attempt was made to interrupt the participants' activi­

ties. Subjects who appeared apprehensive to the sight of the camera were not photographed. I photographed any women who appeared to be of Italian heritage and 55 years old or more. If I had any doubt regarding the sub­ ject's age or nationality, I photographed the subject. The pictures

that were questioned were reviewed by a woman of Italian heritage as to

the age and nationality of the subject.

Schatzman and Strauss (1973) cautioned that the subjects may respond to the researcher and his/her appearance. Therefore, I kept a descriptive record of what I wore each day while conducting data col­ lection. On some days it was possible to have a photographs of the out­ fit I wore. The purpose of recording information about my appearance was to see whether the subjects reacted to my outfits.

I started to photograph‘subjects during the summer of 1975. The slides made that summer were used as a pretest and three evaluation panels were used to gather reactions to photographs. The purpose of the evalu­ ation panels was to gather responses concerning photographic techniques and clothing attributes to photograph. Comments from the evaluation panels were tape recorded. Evaluation Panel A, three graduate students, was shown a representative sample of slides. Five slides were shown and each panel member responded orally to what she saw in each slide. The responses were spontaneous and no questions were asked. Additional slides were then shown and the panel members were asked to comment on impressions of garment style, accessories worn and accessories carried (Appendix B). 48

Evaluation Panels B and C were undergraduate students in the

Boston area. Students were shown three slides and asked to write their

impressions of the women, their dress and the social situation in which

they were engaged. The three slides were then repeated and students were

asked to describe the womens1 dress on criteria of color, line and sil­

houette. The panels were asked to record accessories they observed for

subjects in each slide. A background information sheet was completed

to determine the panel members ability to identify the ethnic group in

the slides and to establish their knowledge of Italians in the North End

(Appendix B).

The evaluation panels' assessments of the slides indicated that

I needed to be as close as possible to the subjects when taking photo­

graphs. Based on this knowledge, the technique of taking a picture by not looking through the viewfinder of the camera was discontinued. I

found that some clothing attributes, such as earrings, were not easily

seen in the picture and could not be judged in each slide. 2 During spring/summer 1976, 1977 and 1978 35 mm slides were taken of Italian women on the streets of the North End. I kept a record re­

garding the date the picture was taken, the weather and temperature of

the day and the location of photograph. In addition, I recorded my personal feelings about photographing, encounters with community per­

sonnel, encounters with the women photographed and general emotional

climate of the day. For instance I noted that a festive mood existed on

the day before a holiday.

2 The termJphotographs and slides is used interchangeably through­ out the study when discussing 35 mm slides. 49

Slides were reviewed as received, poor quality slides were dis­

carded and the remaining slides were labeled with the date and location.

The slides were numbered according to people within the slide. If two women over 55 years of age were shown within a slide, the slide would be

assigned two numbers, that is, 100 and 101. The numbering system allowed

for each woman to be analyzed.

Supporting data. Newspaper advertisements of women’s dress,

interviews with retailers and interviews with Italian women provided

supporting data for documenting dress.

Newspaper advertisements from 1960 to the present were viewed

to observe available dress. The Encyclopedia of Ethnic Newspapers was

consulted to obtain a list of the Italian newspapers available in the

United States, particularly in Boston. I found that none of the

Italian newspapers had advertisements of women’s dress. The Boston

Sunday Globe, available to North End residents, was investigated to ob­

serve daytime dress available in misses and half sizes. The purpose of the newspaper investigation was to determine the dress styles that would have been available to older Italian women within the past eighteen years.

Advertisements rather than the society page pictures, were selected be­ cause the audience of an advertisement is the average consumer. Criteria

for the selection of a store’s advertisements to be recorded were

1) the store must be accessible to North End residents and 2) the store was in operation from 1965 to 1978. The four retail stores that met

these criteria carried a variety of merchandise appealing to all budgets and social classes. The Boston Sunday Globe advertising sections for May 1965, 1970, 1975, 1976, 1977 and 1978 were viewed on microfilm for

dresses available in misses and women's half sizes. Line drawings were

made of the dresses, hats, shoes and accessories using a microfilm

machine that projected the image on a surface below. Paper was placed

on the bottom of the machine and the projected image appearing on the

paper was traced. Each sketch was identified according to name of source,

date of source, page number, advertising firm, dress size and other de­

scriptive information. I believed these sketches would give an indica­

tion of silhouette and style available to the Italian women in the North

End, Boston.

Retail store management personnel were interviewed in June, 1978,

to document merchandise that was available in retail stores spring/

summer 1978 for Italian women to purchase and to establish the stores

awareness of the Italian woman as a customer. Retail stores in down­

town Boston and in the North End were selected.

Downtown retail stores were selected on the basis of proximity

to the North End, type of merchandise sold (women's dresses) and years

in business (1965 to 1978). One large department store and three large

specialty stores met the criteria and were contacted. One of the large

specialty stores did not wish to be interviewed; therefore, interviews were held at one large department store and two large specialty stores.

In one specialty store two buyers were interviewed. The North End

stores selected were one small specialty store and one small fabric store (Appendix C). A list of questions was developed to ask each re­

tailer and related to type of merchandise available, popular styles for 51

summer 1978 and awareness of retailer of styles selected by Italian customers (Appendix D).

Each downtown retailer was contacted and an appointment was made with the buyer or manager of womens’ daytime dresses, sportswear and better dresses. In two stores, the interview questions were cleared with the public relations personnel. In each situation I explained the research study and received permission to interview department buyers or division managers. Prior to the interview I walked around the store to become familiar with the merchandise available to the consumer.

The North End specialty store was contacted by merely walking into the store, introducing myself and asking to speak to the manager.

Merchandise had been surveyed several days prior to the interview. The

fabric store in the North End was contacted by telephone and an appoint­ ment was made with the clerk/manager. Merchandise available was sur­ veyed several days prior to the telephone call and interview date.

In all stores, I gave a brief explanation of the research being made and the store was asked to participate in answering the questions.

The interview was kept as unstructured as possible. Few notes were taken during the interview. After leaving the interview I wrote addi­

tional comments concerning the information gathered and stated my im­ pressions of the retail store in relation to the study.

Women of the North End were interviewed to verify what was seen in

the photographs. Pretesting was conducted with two women of Italian back­ ground living outside the North End area. Items included on the ques­

tionnaire developed included attributes of clothing worn, shopping behav­

ior, typical daily activities and background information. One pretest 52

subject was asked the questions and responses were written on a copy of

the questionnaire; the second was asked the questions and responses were

tape recorded. The responses were analyzed and the interview schedule adjusted. The order of the questions was changed so that the first ques­ tions were easy for the subjects to answer and made them feel comfortable during the interview situation. Questions that were misinterpreted or not understood were deleted from the questionnaire (Appendix D).

Women interviewed in the North End were found through personal contacts, including a Catholic priest and the North End Union. The in­ terviews were kept as unstructured as possible. The questionnaire was referred to only when a lag in conversation was experienced. I inter­ viewed the women of the North End in a variety of locations: on the street after church; in the subject’s apartment; in the North End Union at the Senior Citizens Nutrition Center and at the Senior Citizens Craft classes. Interviews were tape recorded when possible. If subjects appeared uncomfortable, the interview was not tape recorded and re­ sponses were recorded on the questionnaire immediately after the inter­ view. A record was kept of date, time, place, social situation, at­ mosphere and whether the interview was in a group or individual situ­ ation.

Establishment of Socio- Cultural Contexts

Dress of older Italian-American women in the North End was related to socio-cultural contexts. The methodology for establishing the socio-cultural context was through library resources, photographs and interviews with North End women. 53

Library resources. The literature was reviewed to establish

socio-cultural contexts related to dress in the North End, Boston.

Sociological and historical literature on immigration, the Italian com­ munity, Boston’s ethnic history and dress of older Italian women were investigated. General bibliographic and specialized bibliographic ma­

terials were used. Of particular interest to me was the Bibliography of Ethnicity and Ethnic Groups (National Institute of Mental Health,

1973), The Italian American Experience (Cordasco, 1974) and The Italians in America: An Interdisciplinary Bibliography (McBride, 1976). The

Center for Migration Studies in New York was visited and primary sources related to Italian-Americans were found. Contact was made with person­ nel who helped me make contact with researchers and community personnel in the North End.

Photographs. The photographs taken in everyday situations in the North End were also used to establish the socio-cultural context.

The photographs were viewed in relation to the community and interaction among subjects in the slides. A sample of 36 photographs was viewed by researchers and community personnel in the North End. An unstructured interview followed in which the researchers or community personnel were encouraged to talk about the women viewed in the slides in relation to the North End as a changing community.

Interviews with North End women. North End women were inter­ viewed to establish the socio-cultural context of the North End. Al­ though the unstructured interviews focused on dress, the conversation of­ ten included comments on their community, family, friends and present life. 54

Methodological Considerations in Qualitative Study

Several methodological considerations are involved in conducting

a qualitative study such as protection of the human subjects and the

control of bias.

Consideration of the human subjects was insured by photographing

everyday situations. The subjects were engaged in typical walking,

talking or shopping situations. The subjects were photographed in a

situation that would not embarrass them or be a threat to their privacy.

Subjects who appeared apprehensive to the camera were not photographed.

Subjects and retailers were asked if the information obtained during

interviews might be included in the research. The research methodology was approved by The Ohio State University Human Subjects Committee

(Appendix F and G).

In qualitative research the problem of bias must be considered.

To limit the bias within the study, precautions included were 1) the use of a variety of data collecting techniques, 2) the researcher's daily record of observations and impressions and 3) a review by other re­ searchers in the North End of selected data collected. The variety of data collecting techniques used were photography, interviews, collection of newspaper advertisements and library research.

I recognized that as a researcher I might bring into the re­ search personal bias. Schatzman and Strauss (1973:2, 53) believe the researcher may use his past background as an asset rather than a liabil­ ity. Therefore, prior to the research I wrote about my knowledge and impressions of older Italian women and the North End. These impressions 55 were based on my Italian heritage and previous contact with Italians.

At the time of data collection, I wrote a daily log of observations and personal impressions. Additional information recorded included date, weather, the outfit I wore and my impression of the general atmosphere of the area. For instance, such comments were recorded as "a quiet day with few people on the street," "busy atmosphere with much shopping" and "festive mood with anticipation of a holiday." The log also included my comments regarding feelings of apprehension, mistakes, successes and

feelings of involvement in the research process.

My presence with camera may have introduced uneasiness to the everyday situation. However, the locations selected to photograph were all open-public areas, including the Freedom Trail where tourists walk with cameras. Photographing of the residents is a common sight.

As the researcher, I made preliminary conclusions based on my analysis of the photographs. To limit the effect of personal opinion, three researchers in the North End were asked to review 40 slides, to analyze the dress worn and to verify or challenge conclusions I had made concerning socio-cultural factors in the North End.

ANALYSIS OF DATA

Schatzman and Strauss (1973:108) stated that researchers doing qualitative research do not predesign their analytic operations prior to data collection. The analysis of data cannot be predesigned because the researcher may need to adjust his/her observational and photographic strategy in the field once data collection has begun. Equally important, 56

I did not want to put any limiting structure on the data to be collected

prior to the time of collection.

Schatzman and Strauss (1973:110) recommended discovering signifi­

cant classes of things (dress), and the properties which characterize

them. The classes and properties then can be linked to the information

gathered through observation and informal interviews. Schatzman and

Strauss stated:

The researcher will continue shifting his grounds as he creates or changes his classes, until all his presumed classes are displaced by those based upon observation. (1973:113)

Schatzman and Strauss (1973) recommend looking at data once collection

has begun. Emphasis is placed on accurate data collection with a clear

goal in mind. The method for analysis of the data collected was

developed as the study evolved. Each methodology used was analyzed in view of the research objectives: documentation of dress and relation­

ship of dress to socio-cultural contexts in the community.

Documentation of Dress

The analysis of data for documentation of dress consisted of the analysis of photographs. Supporting data used included newspaper adver­

tisements of women's dress, interviews with retailers and interviews with Italian women.

Photographs. The slides were analyzed upon the completion of

taking three years of photographs. Descriptive attributes, a total of

44,were developed by observing the slides and a coding system was de­ veloped (Appendix E). Attributes included background information of subject, dress silhouette, design details, and accessories worn or 57

carried. The slides were placed in slide trays in the numerical order assigned to subjects. A slide was projected on a screen in a darkened room and each attribute was judged and recorded on a computer code sheet. Approximately six slides were analyzed per hour. If an attri­ bute was not easy to judge, such as whether a watch was worn, it was coded as "unable to determine." Cards were keypunched for the coded sheets and a computer program was developed using the CULPRIT language to obtain frequencies and the mean score.

Based on my evaluation, subjects eliminated were those not appearing Italian or those not judged as 55 years of age or older. If

I was unsure of the age of the subject or unsure if the subject was

Italian the slide was viewed and evaluated by a woman of Italian heri­ tage who lived in the community. This review of slides provided sorting of data according to the established criteria.

Supporting data. Additional data were collected to verify the analysis of the photographs. Three types of supporting data were analyzed 1) newspaper advertisements of women’s dress, 2) interviews with retailers and 3) interviews with Italian women.

Upon the completion of tracing line drawings of newspaper adver­ tisements of women's dress in May of 1965, 1970, 1975, 1976, 1977 and

1978 all tracings were arranged according to date and page number in the newspaper. The same 44 descriptive attributes used to analyze the photo­ graphs were used to analyze the newspaper advertisements (Appendix E).

Additional attributes were identified and included name of store, dress sizes available to consumer, dress silhouette, design details and 58 accessories worn or carried. Each attribute was judged and the response placed on a computer code sheet. Approximately 10 line drawings were analyzed per hour. If an attribute was not easy to judge, it was coded as "unable to determine." If an attribute did not apply to the adver­ tisement, it was coded as "does not apply." Cards were keypunched for the coded sheets and a computer program was developed using the CULPRIT language to obtain frequencies and the mean score.

After conducting informal interviews with downtown and North

End retailers, I filled in a questionnaire for each store (Appendix D).

A summary statement was made for each retail store and was then compared to the other stores for each question. My impressions of each store were also recorded. The data were compared to information found in the photographs.

The taped interviews of women in the North End were played back and information was written on a questionnaire. The attributes used for the analysis of photographs were summarized under dress silhouette, design details and accessories. My impression of the dress of each woman interviewed was also recorded. The data were compared to charac­ teristics found in the photographs.

Relationship of Dress to Socio-Cultural Contexts in the Community

The relationship of dress to socio-cultural contexts in the community was determined after the completion of collecting all data and the analysis of the documentation of the dress. The socio-cultural con­ texts that exist in the North End were first identified through analysis 59 of library resources. The library resources provided the foundation for viewing the North End as a changing community.

The photographs were analyzed in relation to changes observed during the three years of the study. The dress was viewed in relation to the women and their cultural and historic background. Specific at­ tributes which were found to be more typical of the Italian women were evaluated in depth.

The interviews with North End women were unstructured. Thus, the womens' feelings about the North End community were documented.

Their comments were used to reflect upon the relationship between the women's dress, life and community.

The analysis of the relationship of dress to socio-cultural con­ texts was viewed as one of a changing community. Tonnies' ideal type of Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft was used as the basic model for analysis. Dress was viewed as one form of visual data symbolizing the continuum of Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft. Chapter IV

DRESS OF THE OLDER ITALIAN-AMERICAN WOMEN IN NORTH END, BOSTON

A study of the dress of a particular group of people in a natural setting was accomplished through the use of photography to record the data. Over 800 slides were taken of older Italian'*' women in the North

End, Boston, as the women were shopping in the market in the spring and summer of 1976, 1977 and 1978. In addition to the photographs, other data were obtained to provide support and insight in the interpretation of the data. As the observer/researcher, I was aware of the impact the situation communicated as I observed the dress, including appearance, of a group of people. Information regarding the dress of older Italian women was recorded and analyzed according to the research objectives.

DOCUMENTATION OF DRESS

The research objective developed for the study was as follows:

To identify characteristics of everyday dress worn by an ethnic group, older Italian-American women.

Based on an analysis of the photographs, I will present a des­ cription of the dress of older Italian women as they took part in an

The American-Italian subjects are referred to as Italian throughout the study.

60. 61 everyday activity, shopping In the market area. To gain further insight into the choice of clothing worn I investigated the apparel that was available for women in the stores and the apparel that was advertised in local newspapers as being fashionable. Also, I interviewed older Italian women regarding clothes, their preferences and their concerns.

As indicated in the research methodology (p. 47), I documented my appearance as the photographer/observer. My appearance could be de­ scribed as modest and inconspicuous: a dress or skirt and top outfit was worn; pants were not worn.

Descriptions of Dress and Women Subjects in Photographs 2 The total number of subjects analyzed was 603. The weather temperatures ranged between 70-90 degrees Farenheit for the days the slides were taken. The location for a majority of the slides (92.2%) was in the North End, and the Haymarket area was represented by 7.7% of the slides. Most of the slides (86.5%) were taken while women were walking, shopping or talking in the streets of North End, Boston. To observe the differences in dress for other social situations a few slides were taken at an Italian festival and in front of a Catholic church on a

Sunday. Data were recorded regarding the subject’s dress for those who met the criteria: Italian woman of 55 years of age or older. Based on personal experience, I evaluated the woman's age and whether she had an

Italian background. If I had any reservations regarding a subject

2 Criteria for including or discarding slides and the system of numbering the subjects are given on pages 49 and 57. 62 meeting the criteria the slide was shown to a woman of Italian heritage

to be evaluated.

The descriptions of the subjects are presented under the fol­

lowing topics: body height and weight, garment silhouette and design

details of garments and accessories.

Body height and weight. Descriptions of height and weight are presented first and followed by the analysis of the descriptions. The height of the women was judged as being short, with 45.1% being under

5 ft. and 51.0% being 5 ft. 1 in. to 5 ft. 5 in. (Appendix H, Table 1).

The majority of the women (62.3%) were judged to be overweight and an additional 8.4% could be described as obese.

The overall evaluation of the Italian women's height and weight was that they were short in stature and overweight. The extent to which overweight may be attributed to age and ethnic background is not known.

As women get older there is often a gain in weight. Also, the ethnic background of the Italian may contribute to this weight problem. Food is an important form of cultural approval. To be a good cook is a posi­ tive value in Italian society and the type of foods eaten contribute to overweight: pasta, rich gravies and bread.

In contrast, the fashion ideal of the 1970’s (Beller, 1978) has been the tall slender figure. Therefore, the women may have found that the current styles in advertisements and retail stores do not correspond favorably to their body shape.

Garment silhouette. The clothing worn by each woman was analyzed as to the type of outfit and silhouette. Although a wide variety of 63 types of outfits were worn, three-fourths of the women (72.3%) wore dresses (Appendix H, Table 2). One of the more recent fashion items of

the late 1960's and of the 1970's has been the acceptance of women wearing pants; however, only 13.1% of the women wore pants outfits for the oc­ casions observed including pants with blouse, sweater, top and pants suit. Each year an increase in the total number of women wearing pants was seen: 1976 (6.0%); 1977 (9.0%) and 1978 (17.5%).

The outfits were identified as to basic silhouette shape such as tent, tubular with no waist, tubular with waist, shirtwaist full skirt, shirtwaist A-line, bell, princess or fitted. The tubular shape was the dominant silhouette style (81.0%) and many of these women (52.0%) wore it with no waist emphasis. Relating the tubular silhouette of the gar­ ment to body shape, I find this is an aesthetically pleasing solution for a woman who is overweight and short. The silhouette helps give her some height and does not emphasize the excess weight through the trunk of her body.

Design details of garments. A variety of design details was identified for the outfits worn by the women. Included in the analysis were neckline treatment, shoulder line location, sleeves and length of skirt (Appendix H, Table 4). However, some details were difficult to

identify in the outfits for they could not be seen in the photographs.

The neckline finish was quite varied. The most popular treat­ ments were a faced edge on a round neckline and a shirt collar. The shoulder seam location usually ended at the shoulder bone. The sleeve 64 treatments which were most popular were the set in sleeve (34.1%) and the sleeveless outfit (19.4%).

Those wearing dresses and skirts most frequently wore them slightly below the knee (72.9%). In a time of fluctuating hemlines, I was surprised to find such little variation in the skirt lengths. While photographing I observed that frequently the outfits had been shortened by rehemming; in a few cases the hemming stitches were either visible or the hem seemed to be double rolled prior to stitching. For some outfits with a waistline seam, the skirt was short in proportion to the total length of garment.

Accessories. Accessories were grouped as to 1) items carried in the subject's hand, such as shopping bags and handbags, 2) shoes and stockings, 3) jewelry and 4) head coverings. In viewing the slides, I found that I could not see each item in all slides (Appendix H, Table 4).

The shopping bag was a distinctive accessory item (Appendix I,

Plate III). Since one of the main social settings for the photographs was in the shopping district of the North End, I did not find a high in­ cidence of shopping bags unusual (58.4%). The women who were shopping but did not carry a shopping bag were few (0.19%) (Appendix H, Table 5).

The type and number of shopping bags was notable. Often the shopping bags were reused for a number of the women were carrying empty bags. Some women were photographed more than once on the same day, and the previously empty bags were filled. The style of the shopping bags varied and in­ cluded brown paper, clear plastic, heavy plastic-coated fabric and signa­ ture advertising shopping bags from department stores (Appendix I, 65

Plates III, IV, VII). In many cases two or more shopping bags were

carried. Ten women were using a wheeling cart to carry their shopping

bags (Appendix I, Plate VI).

The contents appeared to be items purchased that day. However,

* one day I spoke with a woman and asked to see what she had in her shopping

bag. It included a sweater, a bag lunch and a towel used to place on the

cement bench in the park to keep her clothes clean while sitting on the

bench. This woman also carried a handbag. In another situation in the

park, I watched a woman remove various items from her shopping bag. The

contents included a piece of cardboard to be placed on the cement bench,

fruit, a sweater, a bone biscuit for her dog and a handkerchief. This

woman also carried a handbag.

The shopping bags were often heavy with their contents. I was

impressed with how sturdy and strong the women appeared to be as they

carried this weight. Most of the women carried their bags at the side.

In speaking with the women I found that many of them shop several times

a week. Several articles, such as produce, are purchased frequently in

order to get fresh quality. This shopping practice may be related to an

Italian village or conditions in Boston in years past with minimal re­

frigeration, causing people to shop frequently. This practice has carried

over into today's North End. One crucial factor that allows the practice

to be continued is the accessibility of produce stands and the meat mar­

kets. The North End has many markets from which to choose, all within

walking distance of one's home. Since these women are walking to purchase

their groceries, they buy only what they can carry. This may bring about

the need for frequent trips during the week. 66

The women carried handbags in addition to their shopping bags.

The typical handbag had a short strap and clasp opening at the top. Black and beige were the two most common colors. No shoulder bags were seen; this was unique since most fashion bags currently in the market were shoulder bags. The carrying of the bag with a short strap close to the woman's body, may be related to a feeling of protection from crime for the Italian woman. The hand held bag may be characteristic of the age of the women photographed.

In the analysis of shoes worn, several unexpected results were found. Relative to the age range of the women photographed, I had a pre­ conceived notion that tied shoes or pumps would be most popular; however, the most popular footwear was sandals (31.5%). Pumps were second in popularity at 28.0% with tie shoes at 11.4%. One style that I had to add after the analysis began was toe slippers (Appendix H, Table 5). These slippers have a sole and a section that goes over the top of the foot to secure them on the foot. I believe the slippers were worn primarily for comfort in the hot weather. Freedom of movement may also account for their use.

It was not possible to judge from the slides what type of stockings were worn. A few unusual cases were documented from the slides and some information was gathered through interviews. It appeared that at least one-third of the women were wearing stockings. In talking with personnel in the North End they stated that nylon stockings, not panty­ hose, were being sold. Six women were photographed with their stockings rolled (0.9%). In most cases it was not possible to document through photography the presence of stockings. Jewelry was an Important accessory and part of a woman’s adorn­ ment; unfortunately, jewelry is a small item in size and difficult to ob­

serve in unposed photographs. However, 308 women were observed wearing jewelry versus 42 without. Typical jewelry worn included small earrings

for pierced ears, usually 18 carat gold. Jewelry work appeared to be of

good quality and very few items of costume jewelry were seen. In speaking with women of the North End, I learned that their jewelry came from Italy.

This was acquired by travel to Italy, by friends going to Italy and taking with them money to purchase something special or as a gift from a rela­ tive. The necklaces worn by many of the women were either a simple chain or a chain with a medallion. A close view showed that the medallion was often of the Virgin Mary. One woman at the Senior Citizens’ apartments proudly showed me her medallion of 18K gold with fine detail work hanging on a very delicate chain. She had asked a friend to purchase it for her when in Italy 10 years ago and was proud she had the foresight to have one purchased for her. The medallion and chain appeared to have several meanings to her: status in the owning of the item, being able to afford the item and the religious attachment to the Virgin Mary.

Most of the women did not cover their heads for the social situ­ ations photographed (90.1%). Head coverings which were worn included hats and scarfs draped over the head. The hats worn were often small in size and perched on the top of the head, a style typical of the early

I960's. The scarfs photographed were of a variety of materials and shapes the fabric included both solid colors and printed designs. The Catholic

Church formerly required a head covering in church. The stereotype of the older Italian woman wearing a dark scarf was photographed only once 68

(Appendix I, Plate II). This woman was in an all black outfit including black stockings, dress, sweater and scarf. The scarf has historical sig­ nificance in that it was worn in Italian villages and signified one’s work clothes. One woman I photographed in Italy removed her head scarf 3 prior to being photographed and held it in her hand (Appendix I, Plate I).

When I spoke with the women, many of them told me that they do wear a headscarf while doing housework but would never wear one in public. Thus, what is appropriate for public verses private view is distinguished in head coverings.

The hairstyles of the women were also documented (Appendix H,

Table 5). Many of the women had curled hair arranged in a neat coiffure

(65.3%). Of the women photographed, 18.0% had their hair pulled back off their face and an additional 8.1% had a bun hairstyle. I was unable to determine what percent of the women with their hair pulled back also had a bun.

Aesthetic qualities of the garments were analyzed including color, line, balance and fabric design. The color of the dress worn was evaluated as follows: warm colors (yellow, red), cool colors (greens and blues), neutrals (beige, white, black, navy) or combinations of the above. Cool colors, neutrals or a combinations of the cool and neutral colors were seen most frequently (83.9%). About one-fourth of the women wore neutral colors; navy blue was the most prominant neutral. As pre­ viously stated, the stereotype older Italian woman all in black from head

3 At the completion of data collection, I travelled to Italian vil­ lages and photographed dress in an everyday situation. 69 to toe was found only one time. The same woman was photographed on dif­ ferent days in the same outfit. Variations of the stereotype of all black were found. The first item to be dropped was the head scarf. Next to be dropped were black stockings. The black dress with head uncovered and regular stockings was photographed on 32 women (0.05%). Thus, the stereotype of a woman in black is no longer the typical Italian in the

North End.

Line and balance of design in the garment were found to present a typical look. I believed most women would wear vertical lines to give them added height; however, only 8.2% of the garments had vertical lines.

Over one-half (55.7%) of the outfits did not have definite design lines; the fabric and/or silhouette were the dominant features. The balance of the design for the outfit was judged as being either formal or informal; the typical outfit was formal balance (94.3%) (Appendix H, Table 4 and

Appendix I, Plates II, IV, V, VI, VII, VIII).

Fabric design of a garment referred to the surface figures ap­ plied or incorporated into the structure of the fabric. Each garment was evaluated as having one or more of the following designs: geometric, dot and spot, naturalistic, abstract, stripes or solid fabric. The most typical garment was of solid fabric (27.8%); however, each of the other categories were represented (Appendix H, Table 4).

The overall aesthetic characteristics of the garments may be summarized as being simple garments of cool colors utilizing a formal balance in a solid color fabric (Appendix H, Table 4). 70

Description of Dress of Women Subjects Based on Supporting Data

Three types of supporting data further aided in the documentation of dress for the women subjects: 1) newspaper advertisements of women's dress, 2) interviews with retailers and 3) interviews with Italian women. The supporting data aided in documenting the fashions that were popular as viewed in advertisements, the apparel that was available in stores and type of clothing worn by the women.

Women's dresses shown in advertisements from a Boston Sunday newspaper during May were recorded by tracing the picture/sketch. Each outfit was analyzed on the same attributes used to analyze the dress of older Italian women who were photographed (Appendix E). Two hundred thirty four advertisements were analyzed according to the following topics: body weight, garment silhouette, garment classification, de­ sign details of garment and accessories.

Most (97.0%) of the models were judged as being slender; even when the outfit was available in large sizes. Beller (1978) stated there are fashions in human beauty. The fashionable female body shape for American women has been the lean look or endomorph shape; this thin shape was reinforced in the advertisements.

The dress (50.4%) was the most popular type of outfit shown in advertisements and was also the most popular outfit worn by older

Italian women (72.3%). However, the dress in the advertisements was an attempt to promote dresses over pant outfits. In contrast, the pants seen in the North End were a new and controversial article of clothes.

The greater number of dresses seen in photographs over those recorded 71 from advertisements may reflect the need for a cool garment (Appendix H,

Table 7).

The most popular garment silhouette for the advertised dresses was the tubular silhouette with a waistline (60.2%); however, only 29.0% of the garments for older Italian women were in this classification. The tubular silhouette with no waist was most popular for the older Italian women (52.0%) but was seen only 17.0% times in the newspaper. The body shape may be responsible for the desired garment silhouette. The slender women in the advertisement can wear a garment with emphasis on the waist­ line. The older Italian woman who was typically found to be short and overweight would have an aesthetically more pleasing appearance in a gar­ ment without a definite waistline.

Design details analyzed included skirtlength, neckline, shoulder location and sleeves. Aesthetic attributes such as color, line, balance and fabric design were also analyzed (Appendix H, Table 8). The skirt length for the garments advertised was varied; 26.9% were slightly below the knee and 21.3% were above the knee. The older Italian woman's hem­ line was most often slightly below the knee (72.9%) and only one subject wore her outfit above the knee.

Both subjects photographed and newspaper advertisements had outfits with a shoulder seam that ends at the shoulder bone. Sleeves were also similar with the set in sleeve being most popular and the sleeveless outfit being the second most desireable.

In looking at aesthetic attributes, I observed differences be­ tween the dress of the subjects photographed and dress as shown in news­ paper advertisements. The advertisements indicated a variety of colors 72

(62.3%); however, most subjects were wearing cool colors when photographed.

In observing retail stores, more cool colored garments were observed on the rack.

The lines within a garment’s design were found to differ between subjects photographed and newspaper advertisements. The older Italian women most often (55.7%) did not have dominant lines within their garments while the sketched garments showed a stronger evidence of dominant design lines. The garments shown in the newspaper advertisements often (44.0%) had a combination of lines and included horizontal (24.7%) and vertical

(20.5%) lines.

The garments of photographed subjects were formal balance

(94.3%) as were the newspaper advertisements (97.8%). The fabric design of the garments was also similar; however, the solid color fabrics were most preferred. Abstract and naturalistic fabric design patterns were also popular choices (Appendix H, Table 8).

Jewelry was seen in only 54.2% of the advertisements. Since this was a difficult item to view on the subject's photographed a de­ tailed comparison^was not possible (Appendix H, Table 9).

The jewelry, design details, garment silhouette and types of garments were viewed in newspaper advertisements to see whether the

Italian women were wearing fashionable dress of the times. I found that they did select similar design details and types of garments; however, the older Italian women did differ in the choice of garment silhouette: the photographed subjects were seen most often in a tubular silhouette without a waistline emphasis. Advertisements are used for promotional purposes and found to ap­

peal to a wide range of people. The select group of older Italian women was not the primary target audience. The women’s choice and use of ap­ parel could be influenced to some extent by availability in retail stores

in the shopping area. Therefore, downtown Boston retail stores and North

End retail stores were observed for merchandise available and retailers were interviewed. The interviews were done in summer 1978 to ascertain the retailers' awareness of the Italian woman and to document her pur­ chases. Information obtained included the store's manufacturing lines and store policies, typical garment selected by the stores' clientele and typical garment selected by the stores' Italian clientele. The results are presented according to the location of the stores: downtown stores or North End stores.

Four downtown stores met the criteria of 1) being within walking distance of the North End, Boston, 2) being in business in Boston from

1960 - 1978 and 3) carrying misses and women's half sizes. Three down­ town stores consented to be included in the interviews: one department store and two specialty stores. The personnel interviewed included a divisional woman's buyer, a store manager, and two specialty department buyers (Appendix C). Downtown retailers were asked a variety of ques­ tions concerning manufacturing lines, advertising policies and awareness of ethnic background of customer (Appendix D). All stores kept computer records of styles of women's dresses sold and were able to reorder popular styles during the beginning of each season. All three stores advertised in either one or both of the two major Boston newspapers; in addition, one store used mail order advertisements in one of the major newspapers. 74

None of the Boston stores advertised in the North End local papers. The

reason stated was low circulation and the wide availability and readership

of the two Boston papers. Only one store was aware of definite Italian

clientele and the respondent believed many of them were from Revere or

Saugus, suburbs of Boston with a large Italian population. The other respondents did not believe their clientele included many if any Italians

from the North End; however, they had an idea of what the "Italian woman" would wear and stated they did carry several black dresses each season.

The store which was aware of an Italian clientele stated the

Italian customer preferred an A-line silhouette print dress in a variety of colors of knit fabric construction. The knit fabric structure was still strong despite fashion changes away from knits. The fiber content preferred for summer was a blend, particularly a polyester and cotton blend; however, requests were being received for all cotton fabrics. The

North End customer was believed to shop most often with a daughter or relative rather than alone. I observed several women, whom I judged to be Italian by appearance and language, shopping with a relative. In one instance three women, two daughters and a mother, were shopping for a dress.

The downtown retailers service a wide variety of customers, from the urban shopper to the suburbanite. The age of the customers shopping in the same department ranges from the 16 year old to the 60 year old.

High volume is important for a large downtown store to survive, there­ fore merchandise is selected with high volume sales and profits in mind.

The buyers and managers of these stores select fashionable merchandise that would appeal to a general Boston customer. Their awareness of the Italian woman was nonexistent in the case of two downtown stores. Since

Boston is a community of many ethnic groups, the Italian's visibility may blend into the crowd. Possibly the stereotypes of the older Italian woman in black stockings and black dress had lead the buyer and manager to be­ lieve that the older Italian woman was not a customer since such apparel is seldom seen. Buyers and managers are also top personnel in the store.

In one specialty store and in one department store the office of the manager and buyer was located in a special area on a separate floor from the selling area of daytime dresses, pants and sportswear. Thus, the manager and buyer may not be totally familiar with the customer they serve.

The North End had a limited number of retail stores with mer­

chandise for the older Italian women. Two stores were located on Salem

Street and carried a variety of assorted merchandise in a small floor

space. Merchandise ranged from women's aprons and dresses to children's

and men's wear. The manager of only one store consented to be formally

interviewed; the personnel in the other store did not wish to be inter­

viewed formally although they did talk to me for 20 minutes.

I interviewed the owner and sales clerk in the one store for the

owner believed that the sales clerk was more aware of the Italian woman's

selection than he was. The manufacturing lines carried by the store in­

cluded such items as dresses, underwear and snuggles. Many of the

Italian woman wear undershirts with a bra, a practice also continued by

the younger immigrants from Italy. The largest selling item in the store

was regular stockings; pantyhose were seldom purchased. The selection

of merchandise for dresses was dependent upon the stock a salesman had 76

available since items were purchased by group selections and reordering

was not possible. No records were kept on style of garment since few

duplicate items were received. Womens1 garments were sold in sizes

16 1/2 and over, and the most popular silhouette was a sleeveless mumu

loose dress and a duster used for housework. Popular fabrics for the

garment included both prints and solids. The store has not advertised

in years since its clientele were local residents and many of the cus­

tomers were known personally.

The mumu shift and duster were purchased most often. Color pre­

ferences tended to be in light colors for summer unless the woman was in

mourning, then a darker color was preferred. Fabric construction pre­

ferred was stated as wovens for dresses, yet I observed that the store

had more knits in stock than dresses of woven fabrics. The fiber content

was stated as cotton for housedresses. Design features often requested

and purchased were front pockets for carrying items and front zippers for

ease in dressing. The most popular garments observed in the store were

paisley or floral prints with simple lines. The sales clerk stated that

*> many older women shop with their family or a social worker.

The biggest change in buying pattern reported by the retailer was the concern with the increase price of garments. The range of price

for dresses was $3.98 to $9.95. The $9.95 dress was usually a polyester

knit dress for better wear. During the interview with the owner and sales

clerk, changes in the North End were discussed as becoming apparent to

the merchant. Store rents have increased and many small businesses have

relocated. Salem Street was a primary retail district in Boston 20 to 30

years ago. Historically, Jordan Marsh Co. was located in the North End 77 during the 1800's. However, the largest stores on Salem Street burned a number of years ago and that was the demise of the area as a retail dis­ trict. High rents attributed to high Boston taxes have prohibited the return of many of the smaller dress shops. High rent was also seen as a cause for decreased business. The rents for apartments have risen from a range of $40 to $80 per month to a common $300 per month. This increase has forced the older tenants to leave the North End. Since 80% of the store's customers were from the North End, the change has had a drastic effect on the merchant's business.

My general impression was that the merchandise available in the

North End store was the serviceable everyday wear often seen worn by subjects in the slides taken on the North End streets. The merchandise was not high fashion but everyday wear. The duster or housedress was the most commonly seen garment in the store. An A-line or tubular shift with no waist was the most popular item seen. Many items seen in the store looked like the merchandise could have been run ends or left over garments from another season. Some of the reasons for the type of mer­ chandise in the store may be attributed to a salesman bringing to the store available merchandise, the inability to supply a garment selected in a variety of sizes, the limited variety of style mix and the inability to reorder.

Two fabric stores were located at Parmenter Street in the North

End. One store was contacted and the manager/sales clerk was interviewed.

The fabric store has a main store in downtown Boston and the Parmenter

Street store is a small branch which is open only three days a week:

Thursday, Friday and Saturday. The floor space of the store is 78

approximately 12 ft. by 10 ft. Fabrics are packed in the available space

and there is limited selection; the only notion sold is thread; no pat­

terns were sold. The available fabrics were selected by personnel at the main downtown store, although the customer tended to be from the North

End and many were known personally by the manager/sales clerk. Most cus­

tomers bring their patterns with them when they come to purchase fabric.

The store advertises in two Boston newspapers and the advertisements are

for both the downtown and North End stores.

The range of ages for the customers includes older Italian women.

Most customers shop with a friend or relative; the second person fre­

quently gives her opinion in the selection procedure. Since many of the

residents speak Italian, many transactions are conducted in Italian.

Retailers in the North End stated what was preferred by the older

Italian woman of the North End. The most popular silhouette worn is a

shift or tent with an occasional princess line dress. Color preferences

in fabric have been the darker colors for the older women, reminiscent of

darker colors worn in "the old country." The sales clerk/manager stated

that attempts to encourage older customers to wear lighter colors have

often been met with resistance for many of the women are reluctant to

change their habits. The respondent did not believe many older Italian

women wore pants, although she has noticed an increase in their accep­

tance; she did not believe that the very old Italian women wore pants.

Preference in fabrics has been polyester knit both for everyday and dressy

dresses. The reason attributed to the preference of polyester knit has

been ease of sewing, better fit for figure problems and more economical

than other fabrics. While several customers have purchased Qiana knits, 79

difficulties have been experienced in the handling of the fabric during

the construction process. Most customers tend to purchase similar fabrics

repeatedly and to make the same or similar designs using the same pattern.

A gradual change was seen taking place in a trend away from synthetics

and a desire to return to the natural fibers. Comfort was seen as the

main reason for the return to cotton for the hot summer months.

The following is a summary of reactions to the interviews with

Boston and North End retailers in 1978. Boston retailers appeared to be

unaware of the Italian woman as part of their clientele. If they be­

lieved Italian women were customers, the retailers were unable to distin­

guish North End Italians from those in suburbs such as Medford, Somer­

ville and Everett. A stereotype of dress worn by the older Italian woman existed. Retailers assumed their Italian customers would wear

dark colors, conservative lines and a predominance of black. The Boston

retailers were very uneasy about answering questions concerning their business. Many were fearful of improper publicity. In two stores

clearance was necessary first through upper management in order to talk

to personnel. The questionnaire was first viewed by management staff and I spoke with them stating the objectives of the research.

Retailers in the North End had a better feeling for the needs

and problems of the North End women than downtown retailers. Store per­

sonnel was concerned with the exodus of older citizens and the changes occurring in the neighborhood. Due to the large mix of merchandise in

the North End stores, the total assortment in women's clothing was small

and offered little selection to its older female customers. 80

SOCIO-CULTURAL FACTORS INFLUENCING DRESS: BASED ON A COMPARISON OF GEMEINSCHAFT AND GESELLSCHAFT

In the discussion that follows I will address the second objec­

tive of this study: To investigate the relationship between dress for

older Italian-American women and socio-cultural factors in their com­ munity.

The dress of older Italian women was analyzed in relation to

socio-cultural factors in North End, Boston and my analysis is based on

literary sources, photographs taken of older Italian women, interviews with North End women and interviews with North End personnel. Numerous researchers have stated that the change in the North End as a community has been continuous (Tramontozzi, 1972; Lupo, 1973; Ragucci, 1971 and

Todisco, 1976).

The North End community and its changes were viewed in relation to Tonnies ideal types of Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft. Dress and at­ titudes toward dress were also viewed in the relationship to these con­ cepts. In the discussion that follows I have looked at the North End older Italian woman as a group member whose community and society signif­ icantly influence the clothing that is worn.

The relationship of dress of older Italian women will be dis­ cussed under three headings: 1) the movement from family life and kin­ ship to individuality, 2) the movement from neighborhood to city and 3) the movement from religion to rational science or what Tonnies called blood ties. 81

The Movement from Family Life and Kinship to Individuality

Tonnies (1890) viewed the Gemeinschaft community as oriented to

the importance of the family which he saw as the foundation of unity.

He stated that relatives and married couples love each other or easily adjust themselves to each other. They speak together and think along similar lines. Thus there is love and understanding which allows people to remain together and dwell together to organize their common life

(Tonnies, 1890:55). These kinship and blood relations were of upmost im­ portance in a Gemeinschaft community and each individual had a contri­ buting function within the family. As the Gemeinschaft (GM) changed toward the Gesellschaft (GS) the family ties weakened and the individual became the primary focus. A model, viewed as a continuum, was used to aid in the discussion.

family individual

The North End family was seen as undergoing change as the com­

munity changes. The family was seen as the primary governing unit of

folkways and mores within the North End. The importance of the family

as reflected in one's dress and appearance was supported by the photo­

graphs, interviews and library research.

Photographic data reflecting family life to individuality. The

older Italian women were photographed in a natural setting while shopping

in the North End, Boston, and a daily log was kept each day that 82 photographs were taken. I found the majority of the older women shopped alone during the spring/summer 1976 - 1978. When slides were taken of women in groupings, they were analyzed as to whether the older woman was with women her own age, with a younger woman, with a man, or with small children. In viewing the slides and discussing the slides with community personnel, I believed many of these people were relatives because of the

1) likeness in appearance and/or 2) identification by community person­ nel. The older Italian woman was often photographed with a sister, daughter, husband or grandchild. The outfits worn by the women in the photographs were often the same in silhouette, design details and jewelry worn. Hairstyle was similar and body build appeared to reflect a blood relationship.

Many of the older Italian women interviewed were quite amazed that I was interested in photographing their dress and discussing their concerns about dress. They often stated that I should photograph the young girls who were dressed so stylishly. I agree with their assessment of the fashionable dress of teenage and young adult women in the North

End; even though most of the girls are short, they are usually slender and can wear fashionable clothes.

Supporting data reflecting family to individuality. Although the older Italian woman belongs to many groups, three main groups appear most important: her family, her ethnic community and her religious community.

The relationship of the Italian woman to members of her family is funda­ mental in understanding the clothing that is worn. The Italian views the family as a dominant force. Within the family the parental role of 83 mother and father were viewed differently although each role stressed family solidarity and love. Johnson (1977) investigated the parental roles of the contemporary Italian-American family and stated that "The mother is viewed as the center or heart of the family where without her, the family would cease to exist." The mother lived for children and their best interest, showed emotion and affection for them and provided a warm home and good food as a means for achieving a contented environment

(Johnson, 1977). The mother's reward was that she had raised a good family and earned their respect.

Strauss (1961:11) stated that the two principles in the Italian

family were power and support. Power referred to "actions which control,

initiate, change, or modify the behavior of another member of the family."

Support referred to "actions which establish, maintain, or restore, as

an end in itself, a positive effective relationship with another family

member." The Italian family in the North End was seen as possessing

both power over and support of the older Italian woman.

In a comparative analysis of ethnic groups Greeley (1977) found

the Italian family more powerful and supportive than any other ethnic

groups studied (Jewish, Irish and Scandinavian groups). The Italian

family was viewed as strongly centralized with Italian Catholics spending

the most time with their families, as most likely to visit relatives each

week and as living in the same neighborhood (Greeley, 1977:191). During

the interviews with the older Italian women, I found that most of them

had their family living near by, or those that did not were visited by

their family frequently, at least once a week. 84

For an Italian group to be a family, it must include children

(Lalli, 1969). Most of the older Italian women interviewed had four or more children; only one woman interviewed had no children. Prior to the

interview a neighbor apologized that the woman had no children and stated

that this was difficult for the woman to accept. In the Catholic context

the family relationship of parent and child is the highest and most im­ portant within the Christian heritage. It is seen as reflecting the re­

lationship of God to man, father to son. The family's growth and sur­ vival is dependent upon each generation supporting and adhering to its appropriate role (Abbott, Documents of Vatican II, 1966).

The older Italian woman looks to her son for decisions and

financial counseling while she waits on her son in the home in return

for his respect (Greeley and McCready, 1974). If anything happens to the

father, the son takes over the dominant role as the supporter (Gambino,

1974). Not only does the mother wait on the son, but also the daughter

is taught to wait on her brothers and father as preparation for waiting

on the males of her future family. Once a woman marries she becomes a

part of the husband's family but continues to provide emotional comfort

for her own family, especially her mother (Greeley and McCready, 1974).

The parents are proud that she is married and will be cared for by her

husband. Research supports the importance of mother daughter dependency.

In 1977 Smith investigated the changes in work and family roles of

Italian immigrant mothers and their daughters from 1850 to 1900. The

study, conducted in an Italian neighborhood in Providence, Rhode Island,

consisted of analysis of residence records, oral history interviews and

family histories. The background information given was assumed similar to North End women especially with respect to typical residence and eco­

nomic support related to the family. Smith (1977) stated "The expected path for daughters led from their fathers' houses to those of their hus­ bands, to those of their own sons," termed partrilocal by anthropologists.

When a woman in Italy married, her own relatives were considered to be outsiders; she assumed her position in her husband's family. Yet, the care of one's own mother was of concern to both sons and daughters.

The son was always considered part of the family unit. When the father died the son was looked to for economic support, and he appeared to be respected by all family members. With his entrance to adulthood the son's responsibilities in the home increased, and when he married, he was still expected to care for the family and make decisions. His wife was also considered part of the family and became a functional support for the sons's mother. It was an important visual indicator to others that a mother had raised a good son when he handled these responsibilities.

The transition of the Italian family from a Gemeinschaft family to a Gesellschaft society was seen in the difficulty sons had in caring for their mothers when they married and/or moved outside the Italian community. It was seen in the Italian daughter's conflicting demands her own family made on her time. One woman interviewed said she found it difficult to take care of her own children, husband and her mother. In past generations, the older Italian woman probably did not have her own mother nearby since a woman went with her husband when he immigrated to an area in America. Often, the wife was cut off from her own family and her mother; a woman whose mother was living close by was considered most fortunate. 86

In day-to-day living and for emotional support, the older Italian women seemed to depend on their daughters. McCready (1974) would support the idea of the strong contact and feelings the older Italian women of the North End had toward their daughters. McCready analyzed literature on Italian, Irish and Polish families. He hypothesized that the Italian women would have a positive, warm, interacting relationship with their mothers. Based on a survey of the literature, he concluded that young

Italian women do have a warm affectionate relationship with their mothers.

In interviewing women in the North End, it was found that many women were very conscious of their position in the family. Those who had a mother still living stated the importance of her care and support.

One interview included a mother, 84 years old, and her daughter, 55 years old. The mother maintained her own apartment and did some shopping on her own. The daughter interviewed stated she and other daughters in the family went with their mother for major clothing purchases. The older woman was very definite in what she liked to wear; cool cotton print dresses with no waistline were her favorite. While she appreciated her daughters bringing clothes home for her, she found it an indication that they felt she was not able to make a decision or take care of herself.

She preferred their taking her with them when shopping for clothes. The

84 year old mother stated she may walk slowly, but she still had her mind.

The daughter had a genuine concern for the mother, but conflicts appeared to exist between their roles for the daughter also had her husband, a family and a job to consider. The mother expected her daughters to spend each evening with her at her home. Each daughter alternated this 87 responsibility. Ordinarily, the son would be the expected person to care for the mother; however, this was dismissed because he had married an

Irish girl.^

Many of the women shop for clothing with their daughters. The reasons given for this arrangement were transportation and to aid in the decision of what should be purchased.

The strong family unit promoted standards of uniform behavior and dress. To wear an immodest or outlandishly different garment re­ flected upon one's entire family and such individuality was looked down upon. The older Italian women interviewed were very aware of the image their dress had on others and they valued being appropriately dressed for family occasions. A wedding was the most frequently stated occasion where an elaborate or dressy outfit was considered. The desired sil­ houette for this occasion was a long gown with no waist. A brocade dress, taffeta bodice with chiffon overdress or a polyester knit dress were the most frequently described outfits. These outfits were most often made by relatives, a dressmaker or themselves. Retailers stated they had not carried brocade gowns for many years, therefore the importance of having some clothes made by a dressmaker, a friend, or the older woman was evi­ dent. Only two women interviewed did their own sewing and they were in their eighties. One woman made only special occasion dresses because she found it difficult to sew since her eyes tired easily. The other woman made all of her dresses; however, she was in mourning and stated she sewed

4 It was often stated in the interviews whether a person married a person of Irish heritage. Yet in discussions held with community per­ sonnel and younger family members any Caucasian non-Italian Catholic was called Irish. 88 because it was difficult for her to find in retail stores nice quality dark colored dresses for everyday wear.

The older Italian women also had grandchildren. Although few of the women (1.1%) were photographed with children while shopping in the streets of the North End, each woman interviewed mentioned grandchildren if she had them. Clothes and jewelry given to the women as gifts from their grandchildren were proudly displayed and/or discussed. The most frequent item shown was gold jewelry. One woman discussed the importance of wearing something different to each grandchild's wedding shower or wedding because the grandchild would know she or he was important to the grandmother when a special dress and outfit was purchased or made especi­ ally for that grandchild's special day. Thus, dress was used to express the importance of the family and one’s position within the family.

The Movement from Neighborhood to City

Tonnies (1890:57) viewed the Gemeinschaft neighborhood as the basis for a common spirit. The neighborhood was based on the concept of going through stages. The family was the basis of life and the village was the most intimate form of group life for people of similar interests.

Villages were contained within the district or the province and in turn were part of the country. The further one went away from the family the more outside forces infringed upon the common spirit. Thus, the Gesell- schaft city had its beginnings. The city did not consist of mutual fam­ ily goals, but those of the city. Tonnies stated (1890:265) "Individuals or families are separate identities, and their common locale is only an accidental or deliberately chosen place in which to live." Thus, the city 89

destroys the common spirit grounded in the family. A continuum model may be used to aid in the discussion of the movement from neighborhood to

city.

GM GS < - -> neighborhood city

The North End is a neighborhood within the larger city of Boston.

How the older Italian woman saw her home tended to effect her dress.

This viewpoint, neighborhood to city, was reflected in choice of dress or appearance. Women who were neighborhood oriented, placed importance on the North End, selected dress that was similar to her peers and approved by family; while women who viewed their homes as part of the city, Boston, selected dress from an individual viewpoint with little concern for neighbors' sanctions. The North End represented the neighborhood to city continuum as supported by the library research and interviews conducted with older Italian women.

In order to understand the North End neighborhood, discussion of its relationship to family, to Italy and to the process of immigration is necessary. In Southern Italy family was viewed as the center of daily life. Banfield (1958) found that in Italian peasant villages the members did not work for the community good, but for the family. Thus, it was upon settling in America that the community became the strength of the

Italian immigrant and provided a group consciousness for social, economic and religious needs. The ethnic community of the North End provided the 90

Italian ethnic an old world tradition in the new surroundings of the ur­ ban city.

Greeley (1974:228) stated the neighborhood was Gemeinschaft in that the people of the neighborhood support each other in times of need and crisis. A loyalty developed between members of the neighborhood even if they were not close friends and this loyalty was especially evi­ dent when discussing the neighborhood to outsiders.

The North End residents have similar backgrounds and experiences as other immigrants. Old habits were uprooted and the emotions and senti­ ments which ruled acceptable behavior were suddenly questioned. The neighborhoods in the Northeast were largely a result of the immigrant's experience when he first arrived in America, although it was organized in accordance with the social structure of his European village (Greeley,

1974:220). The North End Italian immigrants spoke a foreign language, had little or no education, worked as laborers and found that their

Catholic religion was greatly transformed in America (Sullivan, 1972a).

However, since many men arrived without their entire family, they often joined other Italians especially from the same Italian village or province to form a larger family group. This new and larger "family" group was often based on Italian origins not on blood. Loyalties were based on

Italian villages or provinces which had similar dialects, similar patron saints and familiarity with shared family and friends.

Handlin (1951), one of the leading scholars in immigrant history, stated that it was impossible to transplant to America the community the emigrant had experienced in Europe. The European community had one state, one church and fixed patterns of role expectations and America was 91 diversified. Since the old community could never be duplicated, a com­ munity developed based on ethnic background and regions. The need to belong to a group was important to Italians once they reached America and it was satisfied in the ethnic community.

According to Todisco (1976) there were slightly more than 1,000

Italians in the North End in 1880. The Italian population increased to

7,700 by 1895 accounting for one third of the population in the North

End. The majority of the immigrants were from southern Italy (Nelli,

1967). By 1920 other ethnic groups had moved into better Boston neigh­ borhoods so that 90% of the population in the North End was of Italian heritage. The North End also increased in population density causing much crowding and labeling of the North End as an area of poverty.

Yet, these Italians were not all the same. Olivieri (1975) stated that in the late 19th century the North End Italians came from diverse regions of Italy with varied backgrounds. The Genoese were northern Italians with higher standards of living and higher education levels than the larger number of southern Italians that arrived. The southern Italians were further divided into men who arrived, worked hard, sent money to Italy and later returned to Italy or men who worked hard, sent some money to Italy, but also eventually brought their families to America.

Even within the North End today there is a separation of Italians based on Italian dialect, values, economic background, village and pro­ vince from which the family originally emigrated. Whyte (1943) documented these differences of the Italian in the North End in his famous analysis of street gangs of young men. 92

In keeping with these features of the North End it is note­ worthy that the older Italian-American women I interviewed identified themselves as Italian, yet were proud to be Americans. All of them were aware of the Italian province where they or their parents were born, and the women were also aware of the provinces where their friends or friend's family were born. During the interviews I found a very different reaction from those women who knew that I had an Italian heritage. Those who asked the province my family was from were pleased that I knew the ans­ wer, and those who were from the same province as my family were more willing to talk to me about their families as well as their dress. Thus even in my research the loyalties based on commonality of origin were important.

The North End was the entry point to America for many of the older Italian women or for their parents, and they had remained in the

North End. Two women interviewed had moved to the suburbs and then moved back to the North End. Reasons for their return were stated as the im­ portance of their neighbors and friends. One woman said her son, living in the suburbs, had a different life to which she could not adapt and she needed friends who were her age so she returned to the North End.

There is also a religious premise which supports these feelings of community. The Documents of Vatican II (Abbott, 1966:222) restated the importance of community. Interpersonal relationships of man toward his neighbor were viewed important in the furtherance of a spirit of brotherhood. The modern world's growing interdependence on technology and on each other can only be accepted with a deeper level of interper­ sonal relations. The importance of friends within the neighborhood is 93

based on Gemeinschaft origins. In contrast to ideal Gemeinschaft com­

munity where interpersonal relations and the improtance of one's neighbor

were accomplished through informal social structures, the North End con­

tains both formal and informal social structures.

Italian societies or clubs were formal community organizations.

Their membership was based on Italian heritage, and often the province

or village in Italy from which one emigrated determined the club to which one would belong. The society strengthened family ties in the community between blood relations and paesans, people of the same village. The

Italian clubs provided aid in time of sickness and death, child care, companionship, recreation activities and a sense of identity for the im­ migrant. These societies are still in existence. Their function today is more social than economic, for instance, the women cook and support the society in social activities. The members of the society often meet in small groups to talk and raise funds for the society or the village in Italy. Emotional support is still given to a family when there is a death or illness.

Another formal social structure for the women to get together was through the North End Union, a city sponsored agency. At the time of the interviewing the North End Union was in the process of moving from an old building to newer facilities. Many of the senior citizens I talked with stated their concern that their old friends would not like the new cen­ ter. The North End Union provided a location for structured activities for Senior citizens such as craft classes, shopping tours and card games.

Participation in such activities was voluntary and older Italian woman could attend as many or as few days as they wished. I found that the 94 women I interviewed would speak of daily meetings with friends. The

Community Nutrition Center was one of the locations where many of them met, for lunch was served each day for senior citizens. One woman stated

the companionship of those at lunch was more important to her than an in­ expensive nutritious lunch. Another woman stated she volunteered her

time to work at the Nutrition Center so that she could help her friends and also meet them daily. I observed a friendly atmosphere existed in which conversation and companionship were present.

Informal ways of women meeting were also present for North End women. The importance of long time friends to the older Italian woman was recorded in a recent study by Green (1976) who wrote about the North

End and described a setting for widowed older Italian women’s daily ex­ change of conversation and friendship at Francesca's third floor tenement apartment. He noted that the older women's meeting with each other was viewed almost as a ritual to meet one's daily needs of companionship.

Another location where friends met was in the Praedo or park located in the North End. During the afternoon, women would stop by and sit on the cement bench and talk to each other as well as watch what was happening in the community. Dress was a communicator for these older

Italian women. Members of the community tended to wear the basic tubular

silhouette dress. Woman who met in small groups tended to wear similar

types of outfits. The women at the North End Union wore dressy everyday wear such as knit outfits, and were most often seen with gold jewelry.

In contrast, women in the Praedo wore dresses of the basic tubular sil­ houette, but in cotton woven fabrics and often of a bright print design. 95

At the Nutrition Center women who were more dressed up sat together,

likewise those women in more casual dress sat together.

Women interviewed at their apartments who were not aware that

they were to be interviewed that day appeared in a variety of outfits.

Some of the women wore housedresses, some mu muu’s, some pants and some

were dressed in conservative dresses that could be worn for most daytime

occasions. When women knew they were to be interviewed, they were very

conscious of their outfits. One woman interviewed said she thought about

what she should wear and how she should respond to questions all day.

Many of the women showed that they had little confidence that they could

answer questions. When the interviewing was over they often stated,

"Oh, is that all? I expected hard questions I might not be able to

answer. . . ."

While most women did wear the basic tubular silhouette, individu­

ality was permitted in the selection of fabric design and design details.

Each woman interviewed had definite ideas of what she liked and what

looked best on her figure and she was aware of the dictates of appropri­

ate dress for the community.

One of the most recent changes has been the slow entrance of pants as an accepted garment for the older Italian woman (Appendix H,

Table 2 and Appendix I, Plate VIII). The fabric stores stated that the very old Italian women would not wear pants. In interviewing, one woman dressed in mourning dress stated her very vocal objections to wearing pants. The question was asked through a translator, "Do you wear pants?"

She immediately answered with a scowling, "No." The older Italian woman was then asked, "Why don’t you wear pants?" The woman, who had been standing and walking in her apartment throughout the interview, pro­

ceeded to do a pantomine of a woman sitting in pants. She spoke most

vehemently the entire time. The translator said she stated that "They

are unlady like" and gave an example of how improperly a woman sits down

in church when she is wearing pants. Thus, appropriate behavior in dress was considered for social situations. Another woman who had never worn

pants stated she would be 65 years old the coming winter, would no

longer be pressured by others and would wear pants this winter to stay warm. This woman explained two changes that would effect her selection

of dress. One change was her increase in age and the command of respect

she would have. The second change she noted was that as she got older

she knew fewer people in the community. Other than her friends she met each day, she no longer knew everyone in the community. Thus, the com­ munity no longer exerted the control it did in earlier years when she knew everyone.

Another older woman interviewed explained that at one time she knew each person who lived in her apartment building, but today, she knew only her daughter who lived on another floor. She was very aware of the possibility of meeting someone in the hall she did not know. She also mentioned she held her handbag tight when walking on the streets, some­

thing new for her in the North End.

In one apartment building I walked up to the fifth floor and at each landing someone came out of his/her apartment and asked if he/she

could help me. I responded with the name of the person whom I was to

interview. The woman then either waited until I was greeted at the in­

terviewee’s door or went back in her apartment and kept the door partially 97

open. I assume she closed her door when I entered the interviewee's

apartment.

The conception of the physical boundaries of the community dif­

fered for older Italian women that were photographed and interviewed.

Many women saw the streets as being part of their home and backyard, and

in the photographs they can be seen as presenting a casual and home ap­

pearance. Casual shift dresses, often described as housedresses, dus­

ters or mu muu's, were commonly seen on the streets of the North End.

Women varied in their explanations as to wearing these dresses about the community. Some said if they needed to purchase a few items they would wear such an outfit to the store and indeed many of the women photographed appeared in a shift dress, carrying a hand purse rather than a handbag.

One woman stated that on a hot day she wears such an outfit to remain cool. Several of the women wearing the shift dress were wearing slipper type shoes and had no stockings, again showing a casual at home appear­ ance. Other women interviewed stated they would never go out of their apartment in a shift or housedress. Yet, all stated they owned and wore

such outfits within their home.

Russo (1970:200) during his investigation of three generations of Italians summarized the effect of community when he stated:

The sense of community was strong among Italians and this helped them become integrated into American life: To the Italian immigrant, his family, his peer group and his neigh­ borhood were more important than institutions such as the church, the school or the place of occupations because the first three elements provided him with security and a feeling of solidarity. 98

The Movement from Religion to Rational Ties

Tonnies (1890:71) believed religion had its roots in the life within the home and that originally the family hearth and religious altar were the same thing. Tonnies stated religion began as a way of contem­ plating death of one's self and ancestors. As the town progressed the ancestors became gods and were elevated to heaven. Thus, the Gemeinschaft of religion was begun. The concept of ancestors becoming gods may be re­ lated to Italian village patron saints, former living people of the vil­ lage who were worshipped upon their deaths. The foundations of the

Gemeinschaft community had a strong personal and family sense of religion; organized religion was not yet important.

Tonnies (1890:254) stated:

Religion is family life itself, or the care and assis­ tance given by father or mother is the origin of all divine and godlike guidance and remains its innermost truth. Religion itself is, then, part of morality made real and necessary by tradition and age, and the individual human being is born into and brought up with it as he is brought up with the dialect, the way of living, the manners of dress and food of his native land, faith of the fathers, belief and customs, hereditary sentiment and duty.

Religion has the power to approve the folkways, mores and customs of the people who believe in a religion. The religion can pass judgment on a folkway, the mores or custom and condemn or praise them (Tonnies, 1890:

253).

The Gesellschaft society has found religion becoming so organized that it is challenged by science or rational ties. Science becomes the ruling force basing ideas on theory. The development of theory and ra­ tional ties in turn will effect public opinion. Sentiment has little 99

room in science and theory. Without sentiment, it is easier to change public opinion and the individual becomes more important than the family.

A continuum model was used to aid in the discussion of the movement from religion to rational ties.

GM GS < — > religion rational ties (science)

family individual

The North End woman believes religion influences her life and her behavior and dress reflect this belief. The majority of Italian-Americans in Boston (97.0%) are Roman Catholic (Sullivan, 1972a:27) and all of the women I interviewed were Catholic. The effect of religion on the lives of these women and their dress was based on the history of the Catholic

Church in America.

In Italy, the Catholic Church was a state religion and many of the southern Italians were skeptical of the Church. Part of the strained relations between Italians and the Church was based on historical con­ frontations; the Italian peasant and the Church were often in conflict.

Vecoli (1969) was the chief supporter of this idea stating the Church was the political power which was unable to deal with their lack of land, food and education. The teachings of the Church were followed, but they were tempered with the remnants of paganism from ancient Roman times.

The village saints and village priests carried great powers. The conflict 100

between Church and southern Italians bred mistrust and these attitudes were transferred with the immigrants to the United States.

Nelli (1967) researched the adjustments Italian made in the urban

setting. Many Italians did not agree with the American Catholic Church’s

operations since it was operated and controlled by the Irish. Italians

found the American Church very money conscious and objected to financially

supporting it because in Italy the Church was state-supported. Russo

(1970) found that the average contribution was a dollar or less per week by Italian immigrants.

Marriage, motherhood and death were found to be the most impor­

tant church connected occasions mentioned by the Italian women in the interviews. The importance of marriage was that a woman would soon have a family. The celebration of the wedding was in a church to which family and friends were invited. The older Italian women mentioned the impor­ tance of the wedding as a family gathering; the sharing of the couple's happiness was important to family and friends. No mention was made in the interviews to God or to the marriage vows. The dress for the older

Italian woman worn to the wedding was seen as an important image carrier to friends and the outfit was seen as representing the family’s economic and social acceptance.

I did not find that Sunday dress was different from everyday wear; the silhouette and design details were similar. One woman stated that her wardrobe was limited and she did not have a special outfit for

Sunday. However, she insisted that her Sunday dress was freshly washed, pressed and starched. Today she still likes to look extra clean for 101

Sunday. This woman was simply dressed and very neat in her clothes and personal appearance.

Motherhood and the Church were seen in the worship and devotion of the Blessed Virgin Mary. The strong ties of the Italian woman to the

Virgin Mary were based on Mary being an example of the perfect mother.

The Documents of Vatican II (Abbott, 1966) support this concept using the

Virgin Mary as an example of maternal love. Mary was viewed as a person of purity, hope and faith. The relationship with her son was one in which she followed his ideas and trusted in his word, thus providing a model for the Italian mother and her son. The Italian son guides his mother and has great control over her life. Secondly, Mary was an off­ spring of Adam and a human being; therefore, she had the emotional feelings and physical suffering man encounters (Abbott, Documents of

Vatican 11:86). Mary was viewed as a sign of hope for human beings and provided both joy and comfort for those undergoing turmoil (Abbott, Docu­ ments of Vatican II, 1966:95). Mary's emotional ties to families brings her close to the Italian family as a mother and intermediary to seek favors from God and people of authority. Many of the women interviewed mentioned the Blessed Virgin Mary in their conversations and often showed gold medals of the Madonna. Gold medallions were also viewed in the slides taken of the women. One woman stated that in addition to a medal­ lion of the Blessed Virgin Mary she also wore a gold cross at all times, including to bed.

Traditionally Italian women upon the death of a family member have gone into a long period of mourning. The mourning period included the wearing of black for female members of the family for black was the 102

color of Church vestments worn during the funeral mass. Although the

length of time of mourning varied from family to family, some women would

wear black for the remainder of their life when their husband or a child

died. In article 25 of the Documents of Vatican II (Abbott, 1966) a re­

vision of Church vestments was recommended and one result has been the

change in the color used for the mass of the dead from black to white.

The philosophy was that death is a time to rejoice since man is now united

with God; therefore white was chosen because the funeral mass was a time

to celebrate. I believe that this change in color may have been one

reason for the decline in women wearing black for mourning.

Religion for the older Italian woman was more family and neighbor

related than Church related. Religion (Kayal, 1975) provided the medium

for emotional, expressive and spiritual release. The formal cold struc­

ture of Church activities is not important. Many stereotypes have been made of the Italian woman regarding religion. Abramson (1975) compared

the religious practices of Italians, Irish, Polish, French-Canadians,

Germans, Mexicans and Puerto Rican Catholics. One stereotype of the

Italian woman has been a devote Catholic who attends church often. Yet

Abramson found the Italian woman is the second lowest of the seven ethnic

groups studied to attend church, with only 67.0% of the Italian women

attending mass once a week.

When the Italians began to settle in the North End, the Church in

the North End was controlled by the Irish. To help meet the needs of the

Italian immigrants ethnic parish churches were begun of which

St. Leonard's is the second oldest Italian church in the United States

(Bacegalupo, 1975). It was founded as the number of Italian immigrants 103

Increased and provided social and educational activities in addition to

religious training. Nelli (1970) stated that the Italians' neighborhood

church became a part of their life, yet their attitude toward the neigh­ borhood church did not represent a national support of the American

Catholic Church. The Italian Catholic was viewed by the Irish Catholic as inferior because of his superstitions and image worship of the Virgin

Mary and old world patron saints. The religious festivals (festas) were viewed as having magical overtones; however, in reality they were a result of Roman festivals that evolved into Italian village customs, later trans­ ported to America. The festivals were an old world tradition the Italian did not wish to lose. Tomasi (1970) stated that the festivals in New

York in the Italian Community were very much opposed by the American

Catholic Church which was controlled by the Irish. The Irish Catholics viewed the processions as lower class and as evidence that the Italian

Catholic was unorthodox. One explanation of the festivals was that they were patriotic displays by Italian priests who were viewed as opposing the Papacy (Tomasi, 1970). The North End residents still celebrate the festivals. These summer celebrations are a way of observing the diver­ sity in Italian background that exists in the North End and the desire to retain old world traditions. The Italian Church societies were varied and each society's patron saint has a different fiesta. Throughout the summer, present and past North End residents returned to celebrate their village's patron saint. The dress at the festivals showed ties to reli­ gion in the wearing of gold medallions and religious crosses.

The religious festivals are used by others to label the Italian

Catholics as casual in their religion. Russo (1970:196) discussed 104

southern Italian Catholicism more accurately when he described it as

"personal." It is an occasion for some to dress casually and meet

friends. For other’s it is an opportunity to impress others with one’s dress and jewelry. The festival is a family, community and religious occasion. What is important to the Italian immigrant regarding religion

is the strong sense of family, loyalty to the community and provincialism.

Family, community and religion were socio-cultural factors found to dominate and to experience the most stress and change in the North

End. The North End can be viewed as a strong Gemeinschaft community that is changing rapidly to a Gesellschaft community. However, many older Italian women will not live to see the ultimate change. Others will leave the North End as the Gesellschaft society begins to dominate their daily life. Chapter V

SUMMARY, IMPLICATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

SUMMARY

The study documented everyday dress worn by older Italian-

American women living in North End, Boston from 1975 - 1978 and related the dress worn to socio-cultural factors. Primary documentation was accomplished by photographing the Italian-American women in unposed natural everyday situations. The dress of 603 women 55 years of age or older was analyzed based on attributes of body height, body weight, type of garment worn, design details of garment and accessories worn or car­ ried. Frequencies of attributes were calculated to establish the typical dress worn by the Italian-American women. Documentation of dress was further supported by interviews with retailers, interviews with women of the North End and interviews with community personnel of the North End.

In documenting what was worn by older Italian-American women it was found the women 55 years of age and older preferred dresses in a loose fitting tubular silhouette. Dresses slightly below the knee with set-in sleeves and a variety of neck facing treatments were found. Both woven and knit garments were worn with consideration given to ease of care and comfort for the summer. The stereotype black color was not found to be the dominant color for the older women. Gold jewelry was

105 106 found to be an Important symbol of prosperity and gold medallions were often worn for religious significance. The women carried large bags for groceries and items purchased at the stores.

Following the analysis of documentation of dress the socio-cul­ tural factors that affected dress in the North End, Boston, were investi­ gated by using library resources, interviews with retailers, interviews with community personnel and interviews with Italian-American women. The socio-cultural factors of family, community and religion were investi­ gated. The underlying theory was a comparison of Tonnies' (1890) Gemein­ schaft and Gesellschaft as it existed in North End, Boston and its effect on dress. Gemeinschaft is a rural peasant community with close family ties, emphasis on one's community and a religion that is a part of one's daily life. In contrast, Gesellschaft is an urban community focusing its emphasis on a society where the individual, the nation and science or ra­ tional ties governs one's daily life. The North End, Boston was viewed as moving on a continuum from Gemeinschaft to Gesellschaft.

The dress of the older Italian women reflected the changes of the

North End, Boston, community. The North End was viewed as reflecting a change from a Gemeinschaft community to a Gesellschaft society. Three factors were looked at according to the movement from 1) family life and kinship to individuality, 2) from neighborhood to city and 3) from reli­ gion to rational ties. The family remained strong and Gemeinschaft for the woman's husband, children and grandchildren were primary in her life.

She in return was often cared for by them and was considered a family responsibility shared by sons and daughters. Daily visits with their family were frequent for the women with relatives in the North End; 107 however, if the family lived in the suburbs weekly visits were common.

The power of the older women over her children was based on the importance of family life and the respect she commanded for her role in the family structure. The dress of the older Italian women was often purchased with assistance from the family. The older women were extremely clear as to what they liked for dress: an attractive, neat, proper and comfortable appearance that would be accepted and approved by their family. Articles of clothing and accessories purchased by family members for the women were proudly worn and displayed.

The neighborhood of the North End was found to be Gemeinschaft, and strong in its acknowledgement of what was approved dress for the older Italian women. A strong community spirit was seen in daily meetings among women of the community either while walking or in organized activi­ ties. Appropriate clothing was worn for such occasions, yet because one was with friends the clothing was not one's best dress. However, the movement toward Gesellschaft was seen in the North End. As businessmen and businesswomen desire housing in the North End the rents have risen, forcing many Italians to move when they cannot afford the increase in rents. Due to the changes women know fewer people. This lack of aware­ ness and friendship can be seen in the wearing of pants, new to the older

Italian-American woman of the North End. Women stated the comfort of pants and the wearing of pants as an experimental form of dress. Thus, one’s appearance was becoming more of what the woman as an individual desired rather than the sanctions of the community, a movement from Ge­ meinschaft to Gesellschaft. 108

Religion and Its effect on dress reflected the change and con­ flict which was occuring. The Gemeinschaft emphasis on religion focusing on the home was still in effect. Thus proper dress for religious func­ tions was important and was described as being "neat dresses." Articles of religious jewelry were still worn and cherished. Gold medallions of the Virgin Mary were worn and symbolized the suffering and understanding both the Virgin Mary and the Italian woman encountered.

The wearing of black for mourning the death of a relative or friend was based on past Church teachings. The black dress was part of the rural peasant background of the Italian women. The formal church teachings were adjusted to the Italian peasant's village heritage. The

Catholic Church has changed recently, from Vatican II, and the Italian woman has experienced confusion as to proper behavior and appropriate dress. The change of church vestments for death from black to white has been hypothesized as one reason for the decrease in black being worn by women in mourning. The covering of one's head in Church was very rarely seen. Religion was recorded as more of a daily living experience than a Sunday group worship.

Thus, the North End older women were experiencing changes in their lives. There were the beginning of changes from Gemeinschaft to Gesell­ schaft in family, community and religious life.

IMPLICATIONS

The documentation of the dress of older Italian women provided visual data for seeing what the ordinary person wears for everyday acti­ vities. Clothing can be seen as reflecting what is appropriate for a 109

person's daily life. The older Italian women wore clothing that was

comfortable for the warm spring/summer days of a city community. A cer­

tain mode of dress prevailed: loose fitting dresses providing comfort­

able outfits for shopping and conversing with one's neighbors. The wearing of sandals and slipper type shoes provided an at home atmosphere

on the streets of the community. The tubular silhouette was aestheti­

cally appropriate for women who tended to be overweight. Jewelry was worn which distinguished each women as to her religious belief and eco­ nomic condition within the community. The dress worn also showed the older Italian women's individuality in her selection of fabric design, design details and fiber content.

Differences in fiber content, applied design of the dress and design details were found. Fashion change was found acceptable to the older Italian women. Silhouette changes were less acceptable due to the body shape of the women. The wearing of pants was slow in being accepted by some women and other women strongly objected to wearing pants. Out­

fits worn were not static but reflected change in regard to occasion, season and one's friends.

The socio-cultural factors a person experiences do effect what is worn. Family, community, and religious changes are primary factors that demonstrate change in dress. When family, community and religion were strong controlling features dress remained stagnant and rigidly pre­ scribed. However, as conditions changed in the family, in the community and in one’s religion, dress became less rigid and the individual ex­ perienced more choice. The older Italian American woman has found her­ self in the center of this change. As her family was forced to move to 110

the suburbs, as the community became less Italian and as the Church be­

came more "modern," the Italian woman has had to make her own decisions

of what to wear. The majority of women still wear a dress of tubular

silhouette worn slightly below the knees. However, there are older

Italian-American women who are trying new types of dress, chiefly the wearing of pants. I was amazed at the small number of women wearing black, considered a symbol of mourning. The old stereotype of the older

Italian-American women all in black was not found in the North End, Bos­ ton from 1976 - 1978.

The cultural setting of the North End, Boston, as an Italian com­ munity may not exist in the future. I expect the 1980 Census will show a decrease in the number of older Italians living in the neighborhood as well as a decrease in people of Italian heritage. I believe the profes­ sional businessman and businesswoman will be the emerging dominant popu­ lation of the North End, Boston. It will be the first time in the North

End history that an immigrating ethnic group does not dominate the area.

Throughout the study a variety of qualitative methods was used to document the dress of the subjects and relate the results to socio­ cultural factors. The use of unposed on-street photographs provided the primary methodology. The resulting photographs were found to provide a wealth of information on what was worn, the manner it was worn and the social situation in which it was worn. The photographs provided a means of capturing a moment in time that can be used again for further study.

The photograph provided a medium in which I could analyze the dress that was worn in a systematic and organized manner. Ill

The supporting qualitative methods of interviews with the older

Italian women, interviews with community personnel, interviews with re­ tailers and analysis of fashion advertisements supported and strengthened the conclusions first made on the analysis of the photographs. Thus, photographs taken in everyday situations of people in their everyday dress can be used to document what is being worn by that particular group of people and the photographs reflect the part dress and appearance has in their lives in selected socio-cultural contexts.

RECOMMENDATIONS

I found that in doing this research I was always faced with a variety of other research possibilities. Seeing a community undergoing change brought forth a sense of urgency that much research needs to be done regarding the immigrant, ethnic communities and our everyday dress.

The following recommendations are challenges to present and future re­ searchers.

1. While the present study focused on older Italian women, the documentation of dress of other Italian members of the North End, in­ cluding older men, daughters of the group studied and grandchildren was seen as providing data to put the entire family in perspective. A dif­ ferent role in the family will most likely provide a difference in dress.

As second and third generation Italians select their dress do they lose their peasant Gemeinschaft values and does their dress change?

Since the head scarf, black stockings and black dress have been dropped as typical dress are there any remnants of the past remaining? Will the gold medallions be worn by future generations of older Italian women? 112

2. The Italian-American was the ethnic group studied; however,

the documentation of dress of other ethnic groups and their relationship

to socio-cultural factors in that ethnic community may provide insight

into the importance of dress on different ethnic groups and provide data

for comparisons. Possible ethnic groups in Boston that may be studied

include the Irish of South Boston, Chinese of Chinatown, Italian of East

Boston and Old Yankee of Beacon Hill. The study also needs to be dupli­

cated in other parts of the country. As the socio-cultural factors differ

among regions is there a difference in dress?

3. Focusing on the Italian-American, to what extent is the com­ munity a large factor in the dress that is worn? I recommend a compari­

son of dress documented in North End, Boston, to a) suburban Italian com­ munities such as Medford and Everett and b) women living in the suburbs, but not in a suburban Italian community.

4. In the review of photographs the body shape and body move­ ments of the women seemed to project an image. I recommend further analy­

sis of the older Italian women's body shape including a) the analysis of body type of older Italian women and specific fitting problems based on body shape, b) the further analysis of daily activities such as walking, work and eating and their effect on body shape and c) analysis of the visual image of these women to others in a first impression situation.

5. In speaking with the Italian women many showed small samples

of hand work done by themselves or family, especially tatting and lace- work. Several of the women stated that they were the last member of their

family that knew how to do the handicraft. A few of the women in their

eighties and nineties had not done the handicraft in years and doubted they could remember how It was done. Few women in their fifties and sixties had ever done the handicraft. I recommend the documenting of the pieces that remain, the learning of the craft and the teaching of the craft to younger Italians, since handicrafts are popular with younger generations. REFERENCES

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Map of North End, Boston

123

APPENDIX B

Reaction to Slides: Summary of Comments By Evaluative Panels

125 Reactions to Slides: Summary of Comments By Evaluative Panel A

Body Shape

Short, square Shoulders used to carrying heavy items Figure problems Unshaven legs Olive skin color Most wear size 18 or over Body structure Large breasts, few under B cup size Heavy arms Worked hard

Garment Comments

Polyester double knits Cotton prints Garments do not fit well Dark colors, possibly mourning for deceased Brights to contrast patterns and colors Housedresses

Accessories

Purses: large and black Shopping bags Carrying purses close to body

Hair

Neat In a bun or slightly curled

Jewelry

Pierced ears Gold jewelry

126 127

Reactions to Slides: Summary of Comments By Evaluative Panel A Continued

Shoes

Slip on wedgy, clog shoes

Overall Questions

What determines what is worn: ethnic group, age, body structure or availability of dress?

Is there symbolism in dress?

Is dress different for other occasions?

Are most women large in body structure?

What effect does body structure have on dress? Reactions to Slides: Summary of Comments from Evaluative Panel B and C

Evaluative Panel B Evaluative Panel C

Date: Spring, 1977 October 25, 1977 N = 25 N = 22

1. Can you identify location where these slides were taken? If yes, state location

Boston ...... 3 Boston ...... 2 North E n d ...... 10 North E n d ...... 10 Hayma r k e t...... 10 Haymarket ...... 2 N o ...... 3 N o ...... 6 Incorrect ...... 1 Open produce market .... 2

2. Have you been to this location?

Y e s ...... 19 Yes...... 15 N o ...... 6 N o ...... 5 Uncertain ...... 2

3. Can you identify the ethnic group shown? If yes, state the group

Italian 21 Italian ...... 20 Not k n o w n ...... 1 Not kn o w n ...... 2 Yes, but did not state the g r o u p ...... 2 Incorrect ...... 1

4. Was this based on location where photographed, people photographed or both?

Location ...... 5 Location ...... 0 P e o p l e ...... 9 P e o p l e ...... 4 B o t h ...... 7 B o t h ...... 17 U n c e r t a i n...... 4 No response ...... 1

128 129

Reactions to Slides: Summary of Comments from Evaluative Panel B and C Continued

5. Your name ______.

6. Do you have any Italian background?

N o ...... 20 N o ...... 21 Y e s 5 Y e s ...... 1 APPENDIX C

Retail Stores Interviewed

130 Retail Stores Interviewed

Downtown Stores North End Stores

Type of Store Large Large Large Large Small Small Dept. Specialty Specialty Specialty Specialty Fabric

Personnel District Store Dept. Dept. Not Clerk Owner Clerk/ Interviewed Buyer Manager Buyer Buyer Interviewed Manager Small 1/2 Shop Sizes

Criteria: 1) walking distance of North End, 2) carried women’s clothing and 3) in business 1965 - 1978. APPENDIX D

Interview Schedules

132 Interview Schedule for Business and Retail Store Personnel

Store:

Name of respondent:

Job in store:

Type of store:

• k Questions to Respondent

1. What manufacturing lines do you carry?

2. What sizes do you sell for larger women?

3. Do you keep a record of styles of women's dresses sold?

4. What newspapers or magazines do you advertise in?

5. Describe your most popular item sold.

6 . Do you sell more print or solid color women's dresses?

7. Do you have customers you can identify as Italian?

8 . Can you identify any of these customers as from the North End, Boston? If yes, what makes you believe they live in the North End?

9. Can you estimate their age?

The following questions refer to older Italian women (55 yr.) who reside in the North End.

10. What type of dresses do women from the North End purchase?

silhouette

preference for solids, prints, plaids * Space was provided between questions for responses.

133 134

Interview Schedule for Business and Retail Store Personnel Continued

1 0 . color preferences

fabric construction

fiber content

11. Have you noticed any consistent pattern in their purchases?

12. Do women from the North End tend to shop alone or with others? If, with others, can you identify whom? friends, relatives?

13. Have you noticed a change in their buying patterns in the last 3 - 4 years? Interview Schedule for Italian- American Women

Do you buy your clothes?

make your clothes?

have your clothes made?

If you buy:

Where would you shop for a dress for a wedding?

Where would you shop for a dress for everyday wear?

In what store have you been most successful in buying a dress?

If you were to buy a daytime dress, how would you answer the following questions?

What is your favorite color in a dress?

Would you prefer a solid color or a print?

What silhouette would you prefer? a line, tent, fitted?

What details in the dress would you like?

neckline

sleeves

opening

length

What fiber content do you prefer? cotton; cotton polyester; polyester; acetate, etc.

Do you prefer knits or woven fabrics?

Do you think fiber content affects comfort? How?

If you were to buy a dress for a wedding, how would you answer the following questions? (same as daytime dress) 136

Interview Schedule for Italian- American Women Continued

3. Do you dress for yourself, husband, family, friends?

4. When you shop, do you find variety in what is available?

5. What do you think of the quality of the items you see?

6 . What do you find most difficult in looking for clothes?

7. How much do you like to pay for a dress for the house?

dress for a special occasion?

8 . Do you have a favorite outfit? if yes, describe.

Where would you wear this outfit?

9. If you needed to purchase another item like it, where would you shop for it?

10. Can you describe the outfit you wear most often each day.

Did you purchase it, make it or have it made?

11. When you get up in the morning, what helps you decide what to wear?

12. Describe a typical day in your life.

13. If you were to go shopping for produce

a. where would you shop?

b. what would you wear?

If You Make Your Clothes

1. Do you make your own pattern?

2. Use a commercial pattern? What brand?

3. Use a former outfit as a guide?

4. Where do you purchase your fabric?

5. What do you look for in the fabric? 137

Interview Schedule for Italian- American Women Continued

6. Why do you make your own clothes?

design, fit, quality, savings in money

7. How many dresses did you make last year?

If You Have Your Dresses Made

1. Why?

2. Who makes your dresses: friend, relative, dressmaker?

3. Who purchases fabric? Where?

4. Do they use a pattern?

5. What occasion would you have a dress made?

6 . How many dresses did you have made last year?

7. Did you have any other articles of clothes made?

Other Questions:

1. Do you wear pant outfits? If yes for what occasions?

Describe what one may look like.

2. Any other clothing you wear that you have difficulty finding? in fit, quality, design?

3. What type of jewelry do you like to wear?

4. What type of shoes do you wear each day?

Background Information

1. Age

2. Size worn

3. Place of birth

4. North End resident since 138

Interview Schedule for Italian- American Women Continued

5. Former residence

6 . Family size

7. Members currently home

8 . Does your family live close by? APPENDIX E

Attributes for Analysis of Slides and Newspaper Advertisements

139 Attributes for Analysis of Slides and Newspaper Advertisements

Background Information Garment Evaluation Accessories and Items of Adornment .Year * General Classification of * ^Temperature outfit ^Shopping bag ^Slide condition Garment silhouette ^Handbag Approximate place of slide Design details Umbrella Grouping of individual Length of skirt Shoes View of subject Neckline Stockings Shoulder location Jewelry Subject Characteristics Sleeves Earrings

■ k Color Necklace *A§e Line Watch ^Height Balance Bracelet Italian Fabric design Headcovering ABody weight Texture Hairstyle Social situation Fabric structure, ^Glasses drapability ^Coat, worn or carried Fiber content Sweater, worn or carried Fabric construction Garment opening Additional Information for Advertisements

Store Sizes

■k Did not apply to advertisements APPENDIX F

Research Involving Human Subjects Proposed Use of Human Subjects: Action of the Review Committee

141 Protocol No. 77B W

Original Review ^E3 Continuinq Review □

THE OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY

RESEARCH INVOLVING HUMAN SUBJECTS

PROPOSED USE OF HUMAN SUBJECTS: ACTION OF THE REVIEW COMMITTEE

The Behavioral & Social Sciences Review Committee has taken the

following action: Approve

Approve with Conditions

3. Disapprove

with regard to the employment of human subjects in the proposed research

entitled: PHD Dissertation: Dress of Older Italian Women: Documentation

of Dress and the Influence on Socio-cultural Factors

Lois E. Dickey/Judy Flynn -js listed as the principa 262- Campbell, ~17S7~HeTl'"Ave:------investiqator.

The conditions, i f any, are attached and are signed by the committee chairperson and by the principal investiqator. If disapproved, the reasons are attached and are signed by the committee chairperson.

It is the responsibility of the principal investigator to retain a copy of each signed consent form for at least four (4) years beyond the termination of the subject’s participation in the pro­ posed activity. Should the principal investigator leave the Universitysigned consent forms are to be transferred to the Human Subjects Review Committee for the required retention period.

Date December 16. 1977 Signed (Cna6?personj

PA-025 142 APPENDIX G

Subjects Consent Form

( The Ohio State University Department of Textiles and Clothing 262 Campbell Hall 1787 Neil Avenue Columbus, Ohio 43210 Phone 614 422-8063

I consent to participate as a subject in the research investi­

gation entitled: "Dress of Italian Women: Documentation of Dress and

the Influence of Socio-Cultural Factors."

The nature and general purpose of the experimental procedure have been explained to me by Judith Zaccagnini Flynn. She is authorized to proceed on the understanding that I may terminate my participation as a subject in this research at any time I so desire. I understand my iden­

tity will not be revealed in any publication or document resulting from this research.

I understand that any additional questions related to this re­ search may be directed to the chairman of Textiles and Clothing, Dr. Lois

Dickey or to the chairman of the Human Subjects Review Committee, Graduate

School.

S i gned______

(Subject)

Date

144 APPENDIX H

Tables

145 Table 1

Frequency Distribution of Perceived Weight and Height of Subjects Photographed

1976 1977 1978 Total Body Weight and Height Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

Body Weight Overweight 59 59.0 69 69.6 248 61.3 376 62.3 Average 21 21.0 22 22.2 103 25.4 146 24.2 Obese 10 10.0 4 4.0 37 9.1 51 8.4 Slender 6 6.0 3 3.0 15 3.7 24 3.9 Unable to deter­ mine 4 4.0 1 1.0 1 0.2 6 0.9 Total 100 100.0 99 99.8 404 99.7 603 99.7

Body Height 5 ft. 1 in. to 5 ft. 5 in. 56 56.0 45 45.4 207 51.2 308 51.0 Under 5 ft. 33 33.0 50 50.5 189 46.7 272 45.1 Unable to deter­ mine 11 11.0 3 3.0 2 0.4 16 2.6 5 ft. 6 in. to 6 ft. 0 0.0 1 1.0 6 1.4 7 1.1 Total 100 100.0 99 99.9 404 99.7 603 99.8 Table 2

Frequency Distribution of General Classification of Subjects' Dress

1976 1977 1978 Total General Classification of Dress Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

Dress 75 75.0 79 79.7 282 69.8 436 72.3 Pants and Blouse 3 3.0 1 1.0 41 10.1 45 7.4 Skirt and Blouse 1 1.0 7 7.0 18 4.4 26 4.3 Dress with Coordinated Jacket 2 2.0 4 4.0 18 4.4 24 3.9 Pants and Sweater or Jersey 3 3.0 4 4.0 15 3.7 22 3.6 Pants and Matching Top (pantsuit) 0 0.0 4 4.0 15 3.7 19 3.1 Unable to Determine 14 14.0 0 0.0 5 1.2 19 3.1 Skirt and Sweater or Jersey 2 2.0 0 0.0 9 2.2 11 1.8 Other 0 0.0 0 0.0 1 0.2 1 0.1 Total 100 100.0 99 99.7 404 99.7 603 99.6 Table 3

Frequency Distribution of Garment Silhouette of Subjects1 Dress

1976 1977 1978 Total Garment Silhouette of Subjects' Dress Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

Tubular, No Waist 60 60.0 59 59.5 195 48.2 314 52.0

Tubular, with Waist 12 12.0 26 26.2 137 33.9 175 29.0

Unable to Determine 19 19.0 2 2.0 34 8.4 55 9.1

Tent 8 8.0 5 5.0 20 4.9 33 5.4

Shirtwaist, Full Skirt 1 1.0 6 6.0 2 0.4 9 1.4

Shirtwaist-A-Line 0 0.0 1 1.0 5 1.2 6 0.9

Fitted 0 0.0 0 0.0 6 1.4 6 0.9

Princess Line 0 0.0 0 0.0 4 0.9 4 0.6

Bell 0 0.0 0 0.0 1 0.2 1 0.1

Total 100 100.0 99 99.7 404 99.5 603 99.4 Table 4

Frequency Distribution of Design Details in Subjects’ Dress

1976 1977 1978 Total Description of Details Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

Length of Skirt

Slightly Below Knee 67 67.0 78 78.7 295 73.0 440 72.9

Does Not Apply 19 19.0 12 12.1 67 16.5 88 14.5

Unable to Determine 19 19.0 7 7.0 10 2.4 36 5.9

At Knee 5 5.0 2 2.0 21 5.1 28 4.6

Mid Calf 0 0.0 0 0.0 10 2.4 10 1.6

Above Knee 0 0.0 0 0.0 1 0.2 1 0.1

Total 100 100.0 99 99.8 404 99.6 603 99.6 Table 4 Continued

Frequency Distribution of Design Details in Subjects' Dress

1976 1977 1978 Total Description of Details Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

Neckline

Faced Edge, Round 35 35.0 31 31.3 105 25.9 171 28.3

Unable to Determine 23 23.0 25 25.2 104 25.7 152 25.2

Shirt Collar 10 10.0 11 11.1 102 25.2 123 20.3

Faced Edge, V 11 11.0 11 11.1 38 9.4 60 9.9

Rolled Collar 10 10.0 13 13.1 28 6.9 51 8.4

Faced Edge, Other 10 10.0 8 8.0 25 6.1 43 7.1

Cowl Collar 1 1.0 0 0.0 1 0.2 2 0.3

Chelsea Collar 0 0.0 0 0.0 1 0.2 1 0.1

Total 100 100.0 99 99.8 404 99.6 603 99.6 Table 4 Continued

Frequency Distribution of Design Details in Subjects' Dress

1976 1977 1978 Total Description of Details Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

Shoulder Location

On Shoulder 64 64.0 87 87.8 174 43.1 325 53.8

Unable to Determine 27 27.0 9 9.0 220 54.5 256 42.4

Off Shoulder 4 4.0 3 3.0 9 2.2 16 2.6

Does Not Apply 5 5.0 0 0.0 1 0.2 6 0.9

Less Than Dominant Bone 0 0.0 0 0.0 0 0.0 0 0.0

Total 100 100.0 99 99.8 404 100.0 603 99.7 Table 4 Continued

Frequency Distribution of Design Details in Subjects' Dress

1976 1977 1978 Total Description of Details Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

Sleeves

Unable to Determine 29 29.0 10 10.1 220 54.4 259 42.9

Set-In-Sleeves 35 35.0 45 45.5 126 31.1 206 34.1

Sleeveless 35 35.0 39 39.3 43 10.6 117 19.4

Does Not Apply 1 1.0 0 0.0 7 1.7 8 1.3

Shirt Sleeve 0 0.0 5 5.0 3 0.7 8 1.3

Gathered Cap 0 0.0 0 0.0 3 0.7 3 0.4

Raglan 0 0.0 0 0.0 1 0.2 1 0.1

Straps 0 0.0 0 0.0 1 0.2 1 0.1

Cap Sleeve 0 0.0 0 0.0 0 0.0 0 0.0

Total 100 100.0 99 99.9 404 99.6 603 99.6 Table 4 Continued

Frequency Distribution of Design Details in Subjects' Dress

1976 1977 1978 Total Description of Details Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

Color Cool 34 34.0 31 31.3 140 34.7 205 33.9 Neutrals 22 22.0 34 34.3 97 24.0 153 25.3 Combination 25 25.0 22 22.2 102 25.2 149 24.7 Warm 11 11.0 12 12.1 53 13.1 76 12.6 Unable to Determine 8 8.0 0 0.0 12 3.0 20 3.3 Total 100 100.0 99 99.9 404 100.0 603 99.8 Lne No Dominant Line 41 41.0 67 67.7 228 - 56.4 336 55.7 Horizontal 10 10.0 13 13.1 79 19.5 102 16.9 Combination 22 22.0 11 11.1 36 8.9 69 11.4 Vertical 14 14.0 5 5.1 31 7.7 50 8.2 Unable to Determine 11 11.0 2 2.0 20 5.0 33 5.4 Diagonal 2 2.0 1 1.0 10 2.5 13 2.1 Total 100 100.0 99 100.0 404 100.0 603 99.7 Table 4 Continued

Frequency Distribution of Design Details in Subjects' Dress

1976 1977 1978 Total Description of Details Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

Balance Formal 84 84.0 95 96.0 390 96.5 569 94.3 Informal 2 2.0 1 1.0 2 0.5 5 0.8 Unable to Determine 14 14.0 3 3.0 12 3.0 29 4.8 Total 100 100.0 99 100.0 404 100.0 603 99.9 ibric Design Solid 21 21.0 27 27.3 120 29.7 168 27.8 Abstract 26 26.0 19 19.2 56 13.8 101 16.7 Combination 8 8.0 12 12.1 75 18.6 95 15.7 Naturalistic 9 9.0 22 22.2 58 14.4 89 14.7 Geometric 10 10.0 5 5.1 32 7.9 47 7.7 Stripes 13 13.0 3 3.0 22 5.4 38 6.3 Dot, Spot 5 5.0 9 9.1 20 5.0 34 5.6 Unable to Determine 8 8.0 2 2.0 21 5.2 31 5.1 Total 100 100.0 99 100.0 404 100.0 603 99.6 Table 5

Frequency Distribution of Accessories and Items of Adornment Used by Subjects

1976 1977 1978 Total Accessories and Items of Adornment Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

Shopping Bag Yes 72 72.0 54 54.5 227 56.2 353 58.5 No 9 9.0 33 33.3 140 34.7 182 30.1 Unable to Determine 13 13.0 11 11.1 34 8.4 58 9.6 Rolling Cart 6 6.0 1 1.0 3 0.7 10 1.6 Total 100 100.0 99 99.9 404 100.0 603 99.8

Handbag

Yes 70 70.0 68 68.6 301 74.5 439 72.8 Unable to Determine 25 25.0 25 25.2 59 14.6 109 18.0 No 3 3.0 6 6.0 32 7.9 41 6.7 Wallet in Hand 2 2.0 0 0.0 12 3.0 14 2.3 Total 100 100.0 99 99.8 404 100.0 603 99.8 Table 5 Continued

Frequency Distribution of Accessories and Items of Adornment Used by Subjects

1976 1977 1978 Total Accessories and Items of Adornment Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

Shoes

Sandals 12 12.0 31 31.3 147 36.4 190 31.5

Pumps 22 22.0 20 20.2 127 31.4 169 28.0

Unable to Determine 42 42.0 23 23.2 40 9.9 105 17.4

Tied 11 11.0 9 9.0 49 12.1 69 11.4

Toe Slippers 9 9.0 13 13.1 26 6.4 48 7.9

Other 4 4.0 3 3.0 13 3.2 20 3.3

Slippers 0 0.0 0 0.0 2 0.5 2 0.3

Total 100 100.0 99 99.8 404 99.9 603 99.8 Table 5 Continued

Frequency Distribution of Accessories and Items of Adornment Used by Subjects

1976 1977 1978 Total Accessories and Items of Adornment Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

Stockings Unable to Determine 47 47.0 58 58.6 201 49.7 306 50.7 Stockings 44 44.0 32 32.3 163 40.3 239 39.6 No Stockings 2 2.0 4 4.0 20 4.9 26 4.3 Colored Stockings 4 4.0 3 3.0 16 4.0 23 3.8 Stockings Rolled 3 3.0 1 1.0 2 0.5 6 0.9 Socks 0 0.0 1 1.0 2 0.5 3 0.4 Total 100 100.0 99 99.9 404 99.9 603 99.7 swelry Yes 50 50.0 41 41.4 217 53.7 308 51.0 Unable to Determine 39 39.0 52 52.5 162 40.1 253 41.9 No 11 11.0 6 6.1 25 6.2 42 6.9 Total 100 100.0 99 100.0 404 100.0 603 99.8 Table.5 Continued

Frequency Distribution of Accessories and Items of Adornment Used by Subjects

1976 1977 1978 Total Accessories and Items of Adornment Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

Items of Jewelry

Earrings

Unable to Determine 39 39.0 57 57.5 236 58.4 332 55.0

Yes 35 35.0 26 26.3 110 27.2 171 28.3

No 26 26.0 16 16.2 58 14.4 100 16.5

Total 100 100.0 99 100.0 404 100.0 603 99.6

Necklace

Unable to Determine 34 34.0 62 62.6 244 60.4 340 56.3

No 45 45.0 23 23.2 76 18.8 144 23.8

Yes 21 21.0 14 14.1 84 20.8 119 19.7 158 Total 100 100.0 99 99.9 404 100.0 603 99.8 Table 5 Continued

Frequency Distribution of Accessories and Items of Adornment Used by Subjects

1976 1977 1978 Total Accessories and Items of Adornment Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

Items of Jewelry

Watch

Unable to Determine 49 49.0 59 59.0 270 66.8 378 62.6

No 31 31.0 16 16.2 68 16.8 115 19.0

Yes 20 20.0 24 24.2 66 16.3 110 18.2

Total 100 100.0 99 99.4 404 99.9 603 99.8

racelet

Unable to Determine 65 65.0 78 78.8 298 73.7 442 73.3

No 34 34.0 21 21.2 96 23.8 151 25.0

Yes 0 0.0 0 0.0 10 2.5 10 1.6

Total 100 100.0 99 100.0 404 100.0 603 99.9 Table 5 Continued

Frequency Distribution of Accessories and Items of Adornment Used by Subjects

1976 1977 1978 Total Accessories and Items of Adornment Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

Headcovering No 90 90.0 95 96.0 356 88.1 541 89.7 Yes 8 8.0 4 4.0 48 11.9 60 9.9 Unable to Determine 2 2.0 0 0.0 0 0.0 2 0.3 Total 100 100.0 99 100.0 404 100.0 603 99.9

lirstyle

Curled 61 61.0 69 69.7 264 65.3 394 65.3 Pulled Back 22 22.0 17 17.2 70 17.3 109 18.0

Bun 7 7.0 9 9.1 33 8.2 49 8.1 Head Covered, Unable to Determine 2 2.0 2 2.0 27 6.7 31 5.1 Unkempt 6 6.0 2 2.0 10 2.5 18 2.9 Other 2 2.0 0 0.0 0 0.0 2 0.3 Total 100 100.0 99 100.0 404 100.0 603 99.7 161

Table 6

Comparison of Frequency Distributions Between Subjects Photographed and Newspaper Advertisements of Body Weight and Body Height

Subjects Newspaper Photographed Advertisements Body Weight and Body Height Number Percent Number Percent

Body Weight

Overweight 376 62.3 0 0.0

Average 146 24.2 4 1.7

Obese 51 8.4 0 0.0

Slender 24 3.9 227 97.0

Unable to Determine 6 0.9 3 1.2

Total 603 99.7 234 99.9

Body Height

5 ft. 1 in. to 5 ft. 5 in. 308 51.0 0 0.0

Under 5 ft. 272 45.1 0 0.0

Unable to Determine 16 2.6 234 100.0

5 ft. 6 in. to 6 ft. 7 1.1 0 0.0

Total 603 99.8 234 100.0 162

Table 7

Comparison of Frequency Distributions Between Subjects Photographed and Newspaper Advertisements of General Classification and Garment Silhouette

Subj ects Newspaper Photographed Advertisements

Number Percent Number Percent

General Classification

Dress 436 72.3 118 50.4 Pants and Blouse 45 7.4 3 1.2 Skirt and Blouse 26 4.2 11 4.7 Dress with Jacket 24 3.9 19 8.1 Pants and Sweater or Jersey 22 3.6 13 5.5 Pantsuit 19 3.1 17 7.2 Unable to Determine 19 3.1 0 0.0 Skirt and Sweater or Jersey 11 1.8 17 7.2 Other 1 0.1 36 15.3 Total 603 99.6 234 99.6

Silhouette Tubular, No Waist 314 52.0 40 17.0 Tubular, with Waist 175 29.0 141 60.2 Unable to Determine 55 9.1 1 0.4 Tent 33 5.4 12 5.1 Shirtwaist, Full Skirt 9 1.4 11 4.7 Shirtwaist-A-Line 6 0.9 8 3.4 Fitted 6 0.9 1 0.4 Princess Line 4 0.6 18 7.6 Bell 1 0.9 2 0.8 Total 603 99.4 234 99.6 163

Table 8

Comparison of Frequency Distributions Between Subjects Photographed and Newspaper Advertisements of Design Details

Subjects Newspaper Photographed Advertisements

Design Details Number Percent Number Percent

Length of Skirt Slightly Below Knee 440 72.9 63 26.9 Does Not Apply 88 14.5 63 26.9 Unable to Determine 36 5.9 37 15.8 At Knee 28 4.6 10 4.2 Mid Calf 10 1.6 3 1.2 Above Knee 1 0.1 50 21.3 Ankle 0 0.0 8 3.4 Total 603 99.6 234 99.7

Neckline Round Faced Edge 171 28.3 79 33.7 Unable to Determine 147 24.3 8 3.4 Shirt Collar 123 20.3 36 15.3 V Faced Edge 60 9.9 14 5.9 Rolled Collar 51 8.4 23 9.8 Faced Edge, Other 43 7.1 62 26.4 Does Not Apply 5 0.8 0 0.0 Cowl or Turtleneck 2 0.3 6 2.5 Chelsea Collar 1 0.1 6 2.5 Total 603 99.5 234 99.5 164

Table 8 Continued

Comparison of Frequency Disbributions Between Subjects Photographed and Newspaper Advertisements of Design Details

Subjects Newspaper Photographed Advertisements

Design Details Number Percent Number Percent

Shoulder Location On Shoulder 325 52.8 171 73.0 Unable to Determine 256 42.4 0 0.0 Off Shoulder 16 2.6 38 16.2 Does Not Apply 6 0.9 12 5.1 Less Than Dominant Bone 0 0.0 13 5.5 Total 603 99.7 234 99.8

Sleeves Unable to Determine 259 42.9 3 1.2 Set-In Sleeves 206 34.1 95 40.5 Sleeveless 117 19.4 83 35.4 Does Not Apply 8 1.3 14 5.9 Shirt Sleeve 8 1.3 3 1.2 Gathered Cap 3 0.4 4 1.7 Raglan 1 0.1 5 2.2 Straps 1 0.1 9 3.8 Cap Sleeve 0 0.0 18 7.6 Total 603 99.6 234 99.5 165

Table 8 Continued

Comparison of Frequency Distributions Between Subjects Photographed and Newspaper Advertisements of Design Detail

Subjects Newspaper Photographed Advertisements

Design Details Number Percent Number Percent

Color

Cool 205 33.9 25 10.6

Neutrals 153 25.3 25 10.6

Combination 149 24.7 146 62.3

Warm 76 12.6 4 1.7

Unable to Determine 20 3.3 34 14.5

Total 603 99.8 234 99.7

Line

No Dominant Line 336 55.7 23 9.8

Horizontal 102 16.9 58 24.7

Combination 69 11.4 103 44.0

Vertical 50 8.2 48 20.5

Unable to Determine 33 5.4 0 0.0

Diagonal 13 2.1 2 0.8

Total 603 99.7 234 99.8 166

Table 8 Continued

Comparison of Frequency Distributions Between Subjects Photographed and Newspaper Advertisements of Design Details

Subjects Newspaper Photographed Advertisements

Design Details Number Percent Number Percent

Balance

Formal 569 94.3 229 97.8

Informal 5 0.8 5 2.1

Unable to Determine 29 4.7 0 0.0

Total 603 99.9 234 99.9

Fabric Design

Solid 168 27.8 76 32.4

Abstract 101 16.7 37 15.8

Combination 95 15.7 36 15.3

Naturalistic 89 14.7 38 16.2

Geometric 47 7.7 20 8.5

Stripes 38 6.3 20 8.5

Dot, Spot 34 5.6 7 2.9

Unable to Determine 31 5.1 0 0.0

Total 603 99.6 234 99.6 167

Table 9

Comparison of Frequency Distributions Between Subjects Photographed and Newspaper Advertisements of Accessories and Items of Adornment

Subjects Newspaper Photographed Advertisements

Number Percent Number Percent

Jewelry

Yes 308 50.1 127 54.2

Unable to Determine 353 41.9 3 1.2

No 42 6.9 104 44.4

Total 603 99.8 234 99.8

Items of Jewelry

Earrings

Unable to Determine 332 55.0 3 1.2

Yes 171 28.3 79 33.7

No 100 16.5 152 64.9

Total 603 99.6 234 99.8

Necklace

Unable to Determine 340 56.3 3 1.2

No 144 23.8 220 94.0

Yes 119 19.7 11 4.7

Total 603 99.8 234 99.9 168

Table 9 Continued

Comparison of Frequency Distributions Between Subjects Photographed and Newspaper Advertisements of Accessories and Items of Adornment

Subj ects Newspaper Photographed Advertisements

Number Percent Number Percent

Items of Jewelry Watch

Unable to Determine 378 62.6 3 1.2 No 115 19.0 227 97.0 Yes 110 18.2 4 1.7 Total 603 99.8 234 99.9 Bracelet Unable to Determine 442 73.2 3 1.2 No 151 25.0 171 73.0 Yes 10 1.6 60 25.6 Total 603 99.9 234 99.8 Headcovering No 541 89.7 162 69.2 Yes 60 9.9 32 13.6 Unable to Determine 2 0.3 40 17.0 Total 603 99.9 234 99.8 Hairstyle Curled 394 65.3 154 65.8 Pulled Back 109 18.0 15 6.4 Bun 49 8.1 3 1.2 Headcovered, Unable to Determine 31 5.1 62 26.4 Unkempt 18 2.9 0 0.0 Total 603 99.7 234 99.8 APPENDIX I

Plates

169 PLATE I

Traditional Dress: San Donato, Italy, 1978

170 171 PLATE II

Woman in Black Dress with Friend: North End, Boston

172

PLATE III

Typical Dress and Shopping Bag A: North End, Boston

174

PLATE IV

Typical Dress and Shopping Bag B: North End, Boston

176

PLATE V

Typical Shift Dress: North End, Boston

178 179

ifpgiss tepptii! PLATE VI

Typical Knit Dress: North End, Boston

180

<•

PLATE VII

Mother and Daughter: Haymarket, Boston

182

PLATE VIII

Woman in Pants: North End, Boston

184