Early Modern Jesuit Science. a Historiographical Essay
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Prehistory of Transit Searches Danielle BRIOT1 & Jean
Prehistory of Transit Searches Danielle BRIOT1 & Jean SCHNEIDER2 1) GEPI, UMR 8111, Observatoire de Paris, 61 avenue de l’Observatoire, F- 75014, Paris, France [email protected] 2) LUTh, UMR 8102, Observatoire de Paris, 5 place Jules Janssen, F-92195 Meudon Cedex, France [email protected] Abstract Nowadays the more powerful method to detect extrasolar planets is the transit method, that is to say observations of the stellar luminosity regularly decreasing when the planet is transiting the star. We review the planet transits which were anticipated, searched, and the first ones which were observed all through history. Indeed transits of planets in front of their star were first investigated and studied in the solar system, concerning the star Sun. The first observations of sunspots were sometimes mistaken for transits of unknown planets. The first scientific observation and study of a transit in the solar system was the observation of Mercury transit by Pierre Gassendi in 1631. Because observations of Venus transits could give a way to determine the distance Sun-Earth, transits of Venus were overwhelmingly observed. Some objects which actually do not exist were searched by their hypothetical transits on the Sun, as some examples a Venus satellite and an infra-mercurial planet. We evoke the possibly first use of the hypothesis of an exoplanet transit to explain some periodic variations of the luminosity of a star, namely the star Algol, during the eighteen century. Then we review the predictions of detection of exoplanets by their transits, those predictions being sometimes ancient, and made by astronomers as well as popular science writers. -
Catholic Christian Christian
Religious Scientists (From the Vatican Observatory Website) https://www.vofoundation.org/faith-and-science/religious-scientists/ Many scientists are religious people—men and women of faith—believers in God. This section features some of the religious scientists who appear in different entries on these Faith and Science pages. Some of these scientists are well-known, others less so. Many are Catholic, many are not. Most are Christian, but some are not. Some of these scientists of faith have lived saintly lives. Many scientists who are faith-full tend to describe science as an effort to understand the works of God and thus to grow closer to God. Quite a few describe their work in science almost as a duty they have to seek to improve the lives of their fellow human beings through greater understanding of the world around them. But the people featured here are featured because they are scientists, not because they are saints (even when they are, in fact, saints). Scientists tend to be creative, independent-minded and confident of their ideas. We also maintain a longer listing of scientists of faith who may or may not be discussed on these Faith and Science pages—click here for that listing. Agnesi, Maria Gaetana (1718-1799) Catholic Christian A child prodigy who obtained education and acclaim for her abilities in math and physics, as well as support from Pope Benedict XIV, Agnesi would write an early calculus textbook. She later abandoned her work in mathematics and physics and chose a life of service to those in need. Click here for Vatican Observatory Faith and Science entries about Maria Gaetana Agnesi. -
Thinking Outside the Sphere Views of the Stars from Aristotle to Herschel Thinking Outside the Sphere
Thinking Outside the Sphere Views of the Stars from Aristotle to Herschel Thinking Outside the Sphere A Constellation of Rare Books from the History of Science Collection The exhibition was made possible by generous support from Mr. & Mrs. James B. Hebenstreit and Mrs. Lathrop M. Gates. CATALOG OF THE EXHIBITION Linda Hall Library Linda Hall Library of Science, Engineering and Technology Cynthia J. Rogers, Curator 5109 Cherry Street Kansas City MO 64110 1 Thinking Outside the Sphere is held in copyright by the Linda Hall Library, 2010, and any reproduction of text or images requires permission. The Linda Hall Library is an independently funded library devoted to science, engineering and technology which is used extensively by The exhibition opened at the Linda Hall Library April 22 and closed companies, academic institutions and individuals throughout the world. September 18, 2010. The Library was established by the wills of Herbert and Linda Hall and opened in 1946. It is located on a 14 acre arboretum in Kansas City, Missouri, the site of the former home of Herbert and Linda Hall. Sources of images on preliminary pages: Page 1, cover left: Peter Apian. Cosmographia, 1550. We invite you to visit the Library or our website at www.lindahlll.org. Page 1, right: Camille Flammarion. L'atmosphère météorologie populaire, 1888. Page 3, Table of contents: Leonhard Euler. Theoria motuum planetarum et cometarum, 1744. 2 Table of Contents Introduction Section1 The Ancient Universe Section2 The Enduring Earth-Centered System Section3 The Sun Takes -
A New Vision of the Senses in the Work of Galileo Galilei
Perception, 2008, volume 37, pages 1312 ^ 1340 doi:10.1068/p6011 Galileo's eye: A new vision of the senses in the work of Galileo Galilei Marco Piccolino Dipartimento di Biologia, Universita© di Ferrara, I 44100 Ferrara, Italy; e-mail: [email protected] Nicholas J Wade University of Dundee, Dundee DD1 4HN, Scotland, UK Received 4 December 2007 Abstract. Reflections on the senses, and particularly on vision, permeate the writings of Galileo Galilei, one of the main protagonists of the scientific revolution. This aspect of his work has received scant attention by historians, in spite of its importance for his achievements in astron- omy, and also for the significance in the innovative scientific methodology he fostered. Galileo's vision pursued a different path from the main stream of the then contemporary studies in the field; these were concerned with the dioptrics and anatomy of the eye, as elaborated mainly by Johannes Kepler and Christoph Scheiner. Galileo was more concerned with the phenomenology rather than with the mechanisms of the visual process. His general interest in the senses was psychological and philosophical; it reflected the fallacies and limits of the senses and the ways in which scientific knowledge of the world could be gathered from potentially deceptive appearances. Galileo's innovative conception of the relation between the senses and external reality contrasted with the classical tradition dominated by Aristotle; it paved the way for the modern understanding of sensory processing, culminating two centuries later in Johannes Mu« ller's elaboration of the doctrine of specific nerve energies and in Helmholtz's general theory of perception. -
1 Peter Mclaughlin the Question of the Authenticity of the Mechanical
Draft: occasionally updated Peter McLaughlin The Question of the Authenticity of the Mechanical Problems Sept. 30, 2013 Until the nineteenth century there was little doubt among scholars as to the authenticity of the Aristotelian Mechanical Problems. There were some doubters among the Renaissance humanists, but theirs were general doubts about the authenticity of a large class of writings, 1 not doubts based on the individual characteristics of this particular work. Some Humanists distrusted any text that hadn’t been passed by the Arabs to the Latin West in the High Middle Ages. However, by the end of the 18th century after Euler and Lagrange, the Mechanical Problems had ceased to be read as part of science and had become the object of history of science; and there the reading of the text becomes quite different from the Renaissance 2 readings. In his Histoire des mathématiques J.E. Montucla (1797) dismisses the Mechanical Problems with such epithets as “entirely false,” “completely ridiculous,” and “puerile.” William Whewell remarks in the History of the Inductive Sciences3 that “in scarcely any one instance are the answers, which Aristotle gives to his questions, of any value.” Neither of them, however, cast doubt on the authenticity of the work. Abraham Kaestner’s Geschichte der Mathematik (1796–1800) mentions doubts – but does not share them.4 Serious doubts about the authenticity of the Mechanical Problems as an individual work seem to be more a consequence of the disciplinary constitution of classical philology, particularly in nineteenth-century Germany. Some time between about 1830 and 1870, the opinion of most philologists shifted from acceptance to denial of the authenticity of the 5 Mechanical Problems. -
Race and Class, Imperialism and Nationalism, Etiquette and Consumption in the Chinese and American Revolutions
Volume 7 | Issue 45 | Number 3 | Article ID 3248 | Nov 09, 2009 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Clean Politics: Race and Class, Imperialism and Nationalism, Etiquette and Consumption in the Chinese and American Revolutions Sarah Schneewind Clean Politics: Race and Class,truthful.3 Imperialism and Nationalism, Etiquette and Consumption in the Chinese and American Revolutions Sarah Schneewind “Why doesn’t this story stick when told?” Clive James1 Every generation of historians rediscovers and then forgets the history of Western views of China: the slow process in which the admiration of Marco Polo in the thirteenth century, Jesuit missionaries and other European visitors to China in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and Enlightenment thinkers like Voltaire turned to contempt as nineteenth-century Europe gained the upper hand in world politics and economy.2 Many negative perceptions – that China was weak; the government despotic and venal; the people supine, hypocritical, and dirty; and that nothing in China ever would change without European intervention – were inversions or new readings of material the more admiring Jesuits and The genteel Chinese, portrayed in others had put forward. To tie them to sharper Athanasius Kircher, China Illustrata, observation of Chinese realities, as scholars do published in Amsterdam, 1667 when they speak of the “revelation” of Chinese weakness, of “a new literature of hardheaded appraisal,” or of “new information” and “a fresh domain of realistic reportage,” is to buy into the discourse’s -
UC Davis UC Davis Previously Published Works
UC Davis UC Davis Previously Published Works Title The anthropology of incommensurability Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3vx742f4 Journal Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, 21(2) ISSN 0039-3681 Author Biagioli, M Publication Date 1990 DOI 10.1016/0039-3681(90)90022-Z Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California MARIO BIAGIOLP’ THE ANTHROPOLOGY OF INCOMMENSURABILITY I. Incommensurability and Sterility SINCE IT entered the discourse of history and philosophy of science with Feyerabend’s “Explanation, Reduction, and Empiricism” and Kuhn’s The Structure of Scient$c Revolutions, the notion of incommensurability has problematized the debate on processes of theory-choice.’ According to Kuhn, two scientific paradigms competing for the explanation of roughly the same set of natural phenomena may not share a global linguistic common denominator. As a result, the possibility of scientific communication and dialogue cannot be taken for granted and the process of theory choice can no longer be reduced to the simple picture presented, for example, by the logical empiricists. By analyzing the dialogue (or rather the lack of it) between Galileo and the Tuscan Aristotelians during the debate on buoyancy in 1611-1613, I want to argue that incommensurability between competing paradigms is not just an unfortunate problem of linguistic communication, but it plays an important role in the process of scientific change and paradigm-speciation. The breakdown of communication during the -
A Translation of Giovanni Battista Riccioli's Experiments
Doubting, Testing, and Confirming Galileo: A translation of Giovanni Battista Riccioli’s experiments regarding the motion of a falling body, as reported in his 1651 Almagestum Novum Christopher M. Graney Jefferson Community & Technical College Louisville, Kentucky (USA), 40272 [email protected] The Italian astronomer Giovanni Battista Riccioli is commonly credited with performing the first precise experiments to determine the acceleration of a freely falling body. Riccioli has been discussed by historians of science, sometimes positively but often not, but translations of his work into modern languages are not readily available. Presented here is a translation of his experiments regarding the nature of the motion of a falling body. Riccioli provides a thorough description of his experiments, and his data are quite good. He appears to have a model approach to science: He attacks the question of free fall with the expectation of disproving Galileo’s ideas, yet he is convinced by his data that Galileo is indeed correct, and he promptly informs a former protégée of Galileo’s of the results. Page 1 of 22 Page 2 of 22 iovanni Battista Riccioli (1598-1671), an Italian astronomer, published his encyclopedic treatise Almagestum Novum in 1651. This was an influential, massive G work whose length exceeded 1500 large-format pages, mostly of dense type with some diagrams. Within it, Riccioli discusses a wide variety of subjects; one of these is the behavior of falling bodies, including the results of extensive experiments. These experiments are often cited as the first precise experiments to determine the acceleration due to gravity [Koyré 1953, 231-232; Koyré 1955, 349; Lindberg & Numbers 1986, 155; Heilbron 1999, 180]. -
Jews in New Athens by Benedykt Chmielowski*
Studia Judaica (2017), Special English Issue, pp. 45–69 doi:10.4467/24500100STJ.16.021.7725 Jerzy Kroczak Jews in New Athens by Benedykt Chmielowski* Abstract: Benedykt Chmielowski (1700–1763), a Catholic priest, the author of the New Athens encyclopedia (extended edition: Lwów, 1754–1756) included in his polyhistorical work plenty of information on issues related to Jews. The article discusses these issues and connects their specificity with the character of different parts of the work in which Chmielowski placed them as well as with the detected and secret sources of his knowledge about Jews (especially books by early mod- ern scholars) and the ways he dealt with those sources. The author of the article also shows Chmielowski’s writing strategies, placing New Athens in the tradition of baroque encyclopedism—a literary production typical of the previous epoch. Keywords: encyclopedism, New Athens, Benedykt Chmielowski. * Polish edition: Jerzy Kroczak, “Żydzi w Nowych Atenach Benedykta Chmielowskie- go,” Studia Judaica 19 (2016), 2: 275–299. The special edition of the journal Studia Judaica, containing the English translation of the best papers published in 2016, was financed from the sources of the Ministry of Science and Higher Education for promotion of scientific research, according to the agreement 508/P-DUN/2016. 46 JERZY KROCZAK Benedykt Chmielowski (full name: Joachim Benedykt Chmielowski, 1700–1763) is known first and foremost as the author of Nowe Ateny [hence- forth: New Athens].1 In Lwów (now Lviv in Ukraine), two volumes of -
Religion, the Cosmos, and Counter-Reformation Latin: Athanasius Kircher’S Itinerarium Exstaticum (1656)
chapter 15 Religion, the Cosmos, and Counter-Reformation Latin: Athanasius Kircher’s Itinerarium exstaticum (1656) Jacqueline Glomski Itinerarium exstaticum was one of only two works of imaginative literature1 written by the Jesuit polymath Athanasius Kircher (1601/02–80), whose oeuvre amounted to more than thirty books, the topics of which ranged from magnet ism to Egyptian hieroglyphics.2 Published in 1656, when Kircher’s intellectual authority was at its height, the Itinerarium exstaticum tells the story of a voyage into the cosmos as a dialogue between Theodidactus, a human, and his guide, an angel called Cosmiel. But while the Itinerarium exstaticum has been mined by historians of science for its discussion of astronomy and its theory of the origins and functioning of the universe, this dialogue has never been studied as an interesting work of neoLatin literature. Indeed, Kircher’s dialogue can be classified as cosmic fiction; and it is a story that contains a rich blend of literary elements and that makes an important contribution to the body of fiction written in Latin in the seventeenth cen tury. The Itinerarium exstaticum combines certain features of Baroque liter ary art (such as a florid style, a blurred perception of reality, and an appeal to the senses) with reminiscences of the CounterReformation mystical tradition (including the Ignatian Exercitia spiritualia, and apocalyptic and Solomonic writings). It also harks back to the latehumanist genre of the somnium satyr- icum, because of its dream framework, biting humour, and heterodox view point. In the first context, Itinerarium exstaticum connects neoLatin literature to the vernacular writing of the Baroque; and in the second, it points to the 1 The second, also in dialogue form, was Iter extaticum II . -
Peter Rear * Jesuit Mathematical Science and the Reconstitution of Experience in the Early Seventeenth Century
PETER REAR * JESUIT MATHEMATICAL SCIENCE AND THE RECONSTITUTION OF EXPERIENCE IN THE EARLY SEVENTEENTH CENTURY I AN ‘EXPERIMENT’ in modern science is often contrasted with simple ‘experience’ by claiming that the former involves the posing of a specific question about nature which its outcome is to answer, whereas the Iatter does nothing more than supply items of fact regarding phenomena, and is not designed to judge matters of theory or interpretation. Thus it has been pointed out that pre-modern, scholastic uses of ‘experience’ in natural philosophy tend to take the form of selective presentation of instances which illustrate conclusions generated by abstract philosophizing, and not the employment of such material as a basis for testing these conclusions. ‘Experiment’ became a characteristic feature of natural philosophy only in the seventeenth century.’ In its broadest terms this picture must be accepted, but enough is left out in the analysis of the nature of ‘experiment’ to obscure understanding of its historical emergence. The science-textbook definition of experiment fails to capture the reality of the new conceptions of the seventeenth century: Robert Hooke’s term ‘experimentum crucis’, so signally adopted by Newton, was certainly intended to pick out an aspect of Bacon’s teaching suitable to the notion of ‘experiment’ as a test of hypotheses, but Boyle’s ‘experimental histories’, also indebted to Bacon, had no immediate purpose beyond the mere collection of facts.’ The ‘experiments’ of the Accademia de1 Cimento were frequently designed to test hypotheses or decide between alternatives,3 but the empirical work of the Accademia’s Florentine forebear, Galileo, seems at *Department of History, Corndl University, McGraw Hall, Ithaca. -
On the Alleged Use of Keplerian Telescopes in Naples in the 1610S
On the Alleged Use of Keplerian Telescopes in Naples in the 1610s By Paolo Del Santo Museo Galileo: Institute and Museum of History of Science – Florence (Italy) Abstract The alleged use of Keplerian telescopes by Fabio Colonna (c. 1567 – 1640), in Naples, since as early as October 1614, as claimed in some recent papers, is shown to be in fact untenable and due to a misconception. At the 37th Annual Conference of the Società Italiana degli Storici della Fisica e dell'Astronomia (Italian Society of the Historians of Physics and Astronomy, SISFA), held in Bari in September 2017, Mauro Gargano gave a talk entitled Della Porta, Colonna e Fontana e le prime osservazioni astronomiche a Napoli. This contribution, which appeared in the Proceedings of the Conference (Gargano, 2019a), was then followed by a paper —actually, very close to the former, which, in turn, is very close to a previous one (Gargano, 2017)— published, in the same year, in the Journal of Astronomical History and Heritage (Gargano, 2019b). In both of these writings, Gargano claimed that the Neapolitan naturalist Fabio Colonna (c. 1567 – 1640), member of the Accademia dei Lincei, would have made observations with a so-called “Keplerian” or “astronomical” telescope (i.e. with converging eyepiece), in the early autumn of 1614. The events related to the birth and development of Keplerian telescope —named after Johannes Kepler, who theorised this optical configuration in his Dioptrice, published in 1611— are complex and not well-documented, and their examination lies beyond the scope of this paper. However, from a historiographical point of view, the news that someone was already using such a configuration since as early as autumn 1614 for astronomical observations, if true, would have not negligible implications, which Gargano himself does not seem to realize.