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Gender, Kinship and the Economy of Plains Apache Identity

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Gender, Kinship and the Economy of Plains Apache Identity UNIVERSITY OF OKLAHOMA GRADUATE COLLEGE HONORING KIN: GENDER, KINSHIP AND THE ECONOMY OF PLAINS APACHE IDENTITY A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE FACULTY in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY By ABIGAIL S. WIGHTMAN Norman, Oklahoma 2009 HONORING KIN: GENDER, KINSHIP, AND THE ECONOMY OF PLAINS APACHE IDENTITY A DISSERTATION APPROVED FOR THE DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY BY Dr. Circe Sturm, Chair Dr. Morris Foster Dr. Gus Palmer Dr. Sean O’Neill Dr. Julia Ehrhardt © Copyright by ABIGAIL S. WIGHTMAN 2009 All Rights Reserved. Acknowledgements: To put it simply, I could not have written this dissertation without the support of many. First and foremost, I would like to thank the people of the Apache Tribe of Oklahoma and the city of Anadarko for welcoming me so warmly into their communities. I wandered into the Plains Apache community nearly four years ago, and undoubtedly made blunder after blunder in my first awkward attempts at anthropological field work. Without the patience, understanding, and good humor of my friends and consultants, I could not have successfully conducted my research. Indeed, if Apache people had not been so kind to share their stories and lives with me, I would not have had a dissertation to write. Words cannot express my gratitude for this generosity, especially to the women and men who took time out of their busy lives to talk with me. Even though I cannot name them here, I hope they know who they are. Secondly, to my committee – Dr. Circe Sturm, Dr. Morris Foster, Dr. Gus Palmer, Dr. Sean O’Neill, and Dr. Julia Ehrhardt. Without their support, their time, and their accurate criticism, this dissertation could not have been written. Circe Sturm, my advisor and chair, provided keen insight and asked the difficult questions. Morris Foster, who willingly assumed the temporary role of co-chair, provided practical and academic advice as well as my first real opportunity to conduct ethnographic research. Sean O’Neill and Gus Palmer were always willing to take time out of their busy schedules to talk to me about my research and provide essential linguistic advice. Julia Ehrhardt never failed to support me and my work, supplying academic and theoretical guidance as well as much-need boosts of confidence. iv I would also be remiss if I did not thank the many other people who helped me with this process, including those within, and outside of, the University of Oklahoma. The faculty and staff of the department of anthropology at the University of Oklahoma, especially Dr. Pat Gilman, Dr. Karl Rambo, Dr. Peter Cahn, Keli Mitchell, Wanda Downs, and Kim Tiger, offered support and guidance – administrative, intellectual, and financial – throughout my graduate studies. Dr. Jason Jackson, at Indiana University, provided crucial academic and professional insight. In addition, I would also like to thank the Whatcom Museum of Bellingham, Washington, for their generous support of this dissertation with a Jacobs Fund Dissertation Research Grant. Last, but certainly not least, I would like to thank my family. In Ohio, my parents, Judy and Bill Kellner, never waivered in their love for me and their support for my unconventional career choice. My father, Dan Wightman, inspired me through his intellectual curiosity and my sister, Betsy Wightman, encouraged me through her own growth as both a scholar and a person. I also want to thank Megan Smith, my former college roommate, for her constant friendship and very wise suggestion that I apply to the University of Oklahoma in the first place. Indeed, I want to thank all of my family and friends in Ohio – my grandmothers Flo Wightman and Jo Horton, my siblings, aunts, uncles, cousins, and the Avon Lake girls – for never letting me forget where I come from. I have been equally lucky to have found close family in Oklahoma. My in-laws, Chuck and Ruth DuBois, provided companionship, love, and an endless supply of home-cooked meals. My sisters-in-law Michelle Dugan, Laura Clinton, and Malinda DuBois welcomed me warmly into their family. v Throughout my eight years in graduate school, I have also been blessed with a wide and varied group of friends in Norman that became my “Norman family,” the family I chose. Besides the usual collegial exchange of ideas and research, we shared many holiday dinners, spent fall Saturdays watching OU football together, and commiserated with each other during Friday happy hours at Bill’s. Although divided by department and discipline, Mandy Taylor-Montoya and I have journeyed together through our graduate careers and personal lives. As a historian, she provided interdisciplinary wisdom and scholarly expertise – but most importantly, her friendship. John Taylor-Montoya, always willing to listen to my research and writing dilemmas, supplied a healthy dose of scientific skepticism along with good conversation. Through her friendship, Jessica Walker inspired me personally and professionally to be better and do better. My history friends, Michele Stephens and Emily Wardrop, provided insight, commiseration, and lots of laughter. In the department of anthropology, Amber Neely, my occasional roommate in Anadarko, and Michael Jordan, my one-time office-mate, were colleagues as well as friends. They share my love for the Southern Plains, and our long discussions were crucial to my development as a scholar. Kristy Feldhousen-Giles was both a friend and an excellent example of how to conduct and carryout ethnographic research. I also want to thank Michelle Stokely for first introducing me to the Apache community, and the rest of my colleagues and adopted cohort – Candessa Morgan, John Lukavic, Allison Ketter, Sydney Sevier, and Michael Searcy – who offered much-need encouragement, advice, brain-storming, and friendship. vi Finally, I would like to thank my husband, Chris DuBois. When I moved to Oklahoma to begin graduate school, I never imagined that I would also meet my best friend and life partner. Without his constant love, encouragement, wisdom, and sense of humor (not to mention amazing map-making skills), I would not have finished this dissertation. vii Table of Contents: Chapter One: Expectation and Anomaly 1 Chapter Two: “I Go From One to the Other”: Alliance, Accommodation, and 36 Historical Authenticity Chapter Three: “Its Hard To Do Because I’m Broke”: Visibility, Invisibility, 75 and the Anthropological Gaze Chapter Four: “Apaches Have Old Ways”: Kinship, Respect, and Apache 111 Narratives of Belonging Chapter Five: “You Can’t Do Anything Without Money”: Powwows, Kinship, 145 and the Cost of Culture Chapter Six: “Living in Two Worlds”: Contradiction, Authenticity, and 177 Mediation Conclusion: Indigeneity on Parade 211 Bibliography 218 viii List of Figures: Figure 1: Male Blackfeet dancers. 11 Figure 2: Female Blackfeet dancers. 14 Figure 3: Blackfeet symbol on license plate. 22 Figure 4: Welcome sign in Anadarko, Oklahoma. 30 Figure 5: Map of Central United States. 45 Figure 6: Pearl Tso-Tuddle and Eva Redbone cutting and drying meat. 62 Figure 7: Map of Caddo County and Comanche County, Oklahoma 66 Figure 8: Wooden Lance, Apache John, and Big Looking Glass. 68 Figure 9: Float in the Oklahoma Centennial Parade. 80 Figure 10: Blanket and grocery baskets for a giveaway. 101 Figure 11: Food set out for supper. 105 Figure 12: Kiowa-Apache Blackfeet dance. 153 Figure 13: Fry bread at a fundraising event. 206 Figure 14: Native American leaders at inauguration of Theodore Roosevelt. 212 ix Abstract This dissertation, “Honoring Kin: Gender, Kinship, and the Economy of Plains Apache Identity,” addresses how Plains Apache identity is articulated, claimed, and lived by contemporary Apache people. Using American Studies scholar Philip Deloria’s model of “expectation and anomaly,” I argue that national narratives of Indian identity, or indigeneity, are often based upon external, Anglo-American expectations of visible, cultural difference. On the Southern Plains, indigeneity is most often associated with participation in social and ceremonial powwows, a publicly visible marker of indigeneity. Because powwow participation requires cultural and economic capital unavailable to some Apache people, these individuals and their experiences remain largely invisible to anthropologists and the general public and they, in turn, are seen as anomalous. By focusing my data collection on local Apache narratives from participants and non- participants, I argue that identity for Apache people goes beyond visible powwow participation to include behavioral requirements embedded in ideologies of gender and kinship. Although these behaviors mediate the requirements of powwow participation, they also include expectations that some Apache people may find difficult or undesirable. Through the narratives of Apache people, I not only expose the tensions and contradictions surrounding contemporary native identities, but also the creative and strategic ways that Apache people challenge and transform these cultural expectations. x Chapter One: Expectation and Anomaly The highway, shimmering with heat, stretched out before me as I drove westward, my ancient Buick LeSabre loaded with boxes. On either side of the road, the barren rolling hills of southwestern Oklahoma were bleached white from the July sun. Nearly to Anadarko, I suddenly heard a resounding thump . Pulling over to the narrow shoulder, I quickly discovered the problem – a shredded tire on the passenger side. The sweat already beading on my forehead, I began to frantically consider my options. My cell phone, typically, had no service. I stared down the highway, where I could clearly see the outskirts of Anadarko, and considered the long, hot walk to my rental house in the center of town. I unlocked the trunk and examined the tire jack, depressed by the thought of changing the tire during the hottest time of day, when the temperature was already well over one hundred degrees. Just as I began to panic, a white car pulled slowly onto the should behind me.
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