sign in sign up
<<
Home , Bracteate

99 Gold, Gods and Women

Marta Lindeberg

Women in lron Age Scandinavia were not passive homemakers. Instead they had considerable interest in and occasional influence over events outside the domestic sphere. Through a study of the gold bracteates - their function, and iconography —the role of women will be investigated. Gold bracteates were not artefacts with exclusively male associations, but rather, they demonstrate the influence of women in political matters.

Marta Eindeberg, Department of' Archaeology, Stockholm Unive&sitv, SE-10691 Stockholm, Sweden.

The stereotypical image of Iron Age woman the hoards containing bracteates can be as a passive homemaker with little or no attributed to both men and women, and interest or influence outside the domestic bracteates in graves largely to women (Hauck sphere may need to be reconsidered, since the et al. 1985:1lf). There are a number of influence of women in the political sphere has exceptions which occur also in southern and not been sufficiently acknowledged. By using western Norway, where bracteates have been the gold bracteates as a starting point, this recorded in male graves (Andrén 1991:246). study will attempt to give a more balanced Bracteates were worn around the neck as analysis of the female gender roles during the pendants and may have been intended as Iron Age. The function, iconography and runic protective amulets. They were, however, inscriptions of the bracteates have generally primarily ornaments of prestige which been considered in terms of masculine con- indi cated that the wearer belonged to the high- texts, in spite of the fact that bracteates are est social-economic class (Axboe 1990:27). often found in feminine contexts. Bracteates have been analyzed thoroughly by Oberg (1942), Mackeprang (1952), Mal- GOLD BRACTEATES mer (1963) and Hauck et al. (1985) among Gold bracteates were used during the Migra- others. tion Period in southern Scandinavia, but are also found in England and central Europe. THE POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT Bracteates are found both in graves and in Gold bracteates appeared at a time when the hoards, but there are significant differences in social system founded on kinship was no their distributions. Hoards are found in Den- longer in sole control. During the Migration mark, southern Sweden, southern Norway and Period a number of small chiefdoms developed, on the southern Baltic coast. Ouside this cen- which struggled against each other for tral territory, gold bracteates only occur in dominance. Increasingly, these chiefdoms grave s, except in southern and western Norway evidently had to build alliances over larger where they are found in both grave s and hoards geographical areas than had previously been (Andrén 1991:246).According to Karl Hauck, necessary. Tove Hjt&trungdal (1991:112ff)has

Carrent Swedish Archaeology, Vol. 5, 1997 100 Marta Lintleberg analyzed the archaeological material from bracteates held special significance in the Vestlandet in Norway, and she regards the exchange of gifts. As both jewellery and gifts, early Iron Age as a period characterized by gold bracteates demonstrated prestige and the ideological conflicts between the older, highest political status. kinship-based society, which was largely maintained by women, and the newer male- THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN IRON dominated political system of chiefdoms, AGE SOCIETY which depended on greater contacts and The division oflabour in alliances between groups separated by vast is generally regarded in terms of a rigid sepa- geographical distances. This new system ration between the public sphere, which was engendered a new aesthetic of the masculine controlled by the men, and the domestic sphere warrior, which is subsequently reflected in the to which women were confined. Seemingly, weapon graves. The retinue was of greater the dividing line between the public and importance in this new social system (Hedea- domestic spheres was drawn at the threshold. ger 1992:184ff;Axboe 1996:196).The Mig- Any work or chores within the home was the ration Period is regarded as a ti me characterized sole responsibility of the women. Similarly by widespread violence and upheaval. Char- any work outside was performed by the men lotte Fabech is of the opinion that the people of (Holtsmark 1964:565). This division of la- this period lived in societies which were bour, which is regarded as having been a affected by aggression and war (Fabech social norm, can be traced back to the writings 1991:283) and that this is reflected, for of Aristotle. This model prevails, and even example, in the war-booty sacrifices (for a today it is u sed uncritically (Arwill-Nordbladh different opinion on the crisis of the Migration 1994:36ff). This conventional view of the Period, see Näsman 1988). division of labour in prehistoric societies does The standard view of the notgive acomprehensivepicture, and therefore might be considered over-simplified and one- the conclusions drawn from these notions dimensional. If this is the case, certain regarding male and female activity are modifications of this view may be in order. fallacious. Indeed it might be said that For example, war and aggression have been differences between the gender roles of men over-emphasized and less attention has been and women have been over-emphasized, and paid to the more mundane aspects oflife in the consequently the potential for both men and period. As a result, gold bracteates have been women to transgress the imagined boundaries given an all too militaristic interpretation, in of their respective spheres, has been which male associations are taken for granted. overlooked. By confining male and female In the evolving chiefdoms of the Scandi- gender roles and behaviour-impermeable navian region a system of reciprocal gift- spheres, a rigid framework is established which giving developed as a means of consolidating cannot easily accomodate evidence which is and ensuring mutual trust and goodwill suggestive of such transgressions. Indeed, such between the different groups involved in poli- evidence is often omitted or regarded as tical alliances, as they were not kinsmen. The anomalous or marginalised for precisely this gift was a potent tool for forging new alliances reason. In other words, it would be better to or reaffirming old ones (Vestergaard1991 :98). avoid such inflexible stereotypes in favour of Aron J. Gurevich describes the relationship a looser model in which the traditional roles of between giver and receiver as characterized men and women might more easily overlap. by "magic dependence" (Gurevich 1985:223). The state of opposition that Hjprungdal In this climate, in which bonds of kinship (1991: 112ft)discerns between the old kinship- were supplemented by pol itical all iances, gold based ideology maintained by women and the

Cttrtettt Sssetiish Arehaeologi; Viih 5, l997 Gold, Gods and Woinen 101 male warrior aesthetic, might not stand in 1994:6, my translation). sharp contrast to each other. The differences Another example of the permeability that appear in the archaeological material found between the roles of men and women is the in graves may evoke the different roles played rune stone from Jättendal, Häl- by men and women in this period, rather than singland, which was carved by a woman (Klint- being evidence of a conflict of interests berg 1996).The complementary roles of men between the two groups. The two different and women in the division of labour were ideologies may be regarded as complementary conditioned culturally and were to a greater rather than in opposition to each other, and extent fixed, which naturally limited personal both systems were necessary to accomodate choice. However, a certain merging of the changes in society. gender roles was necessary in some situa- Many different conclusions have been tions. Perhaps gold bracteates reflect a situa- drawn from the analyses of Old Norse- tion in which the role of women was pivotal Icelandic literature, in which women are often to the public sphere. decribed as strong and willful. Therefore the In Norse-Icelandic literature it was the opinions regarding the postion of the Iron Age woman who could, withoutputting her honour women vary accordingly. The literature is at stake, cross the division between the gender considered to reflect that strong and indepen- roles. The same kind of overstepping of dent women were apparently typical (Gutt- boundaries by a man was not socially accepta- ormsson 1992:188;Mundal 1992).Altemativ- ble. A man in this situation would lose social ely, it has been argued that such literature status, whereas a woman could occasionally should be regarded in terms of propaganda behave in a way which was traditionally written by men of the church to emphasize regarded as masculine. These women are their progress towards civilization since heat- portrayed favourably in the literature, and it is hen times andtodenounce independent women emphasized, by stressing their femininity and (Jochens 1986). Naturally these analyses are female characteristics, that they were not con- not wholly objective but are coloured by per- sidered manly. Strong women were sonal views, and consequently the conclusions appreciated, and the strength of men and regarding the prehistoric woman become women was regarded equally (Meulengracht biased to a certain extent. One example of this Sörensen 1993:206). is the image of Iron Age woman as homemaker, It is essential that the general view of Iron responsible for the family budget, which is Age women is discussed in depth, as the image manifest in descriptions of the Viking Age that is often put forward is too simplistic and (Arwil l-Nordbladh 1991).There is widespread overlooks important subtleties. agreement that women of the period rarely, if ever, ventured outside their allotted sphere of WOMEN AND ALLIANCES influence. However, by comparing legal As mentioned previously, the gold bracteates documents with rune stones and registers of have been interpreted as a medium that landed property, Birgit Sawyer has come to facilitated political arrangements. A large part the conclusion that the position of women in of the bracteates have been found in contexts the late Iron Age was not as restricted as it that are associated with women and, according appears in legal documents of the time. Sawyer to Birgit Arrhenius this may reflect the fact is of the opinion that "both prehistoric and that bracteates were used as morning gifts, as medieval women, in practice, were able —and gold bracteates have occasionally been found expected —to act independently, although dif- in Frankish graves with otherwise non-Scan- ferent customs, ideals and laws formally dinavian artefacts (Arrhenius 1992).However, restricted their liberty of action" (Sawyer this interpretation is too narrow, since women

Current Swedish Arehaeologs; Voh 5, l997 102 Marta Lindeberg enabled alliances not only when they got no direct influence in the public areas of married, but also in many other situations. society. However, this did not imply that she Anders Andrén (1991)is of the opinion that was passive; rather, she had to act indirectly the bracteates demonstrate that women were through the men to have an effect on activities seen as makers of political alliances, and that took place outside the household. One furthermore that the gold bracteates have important factor that rendered this possible functioned as ethnic markers for groups of was, as Sverre Bagge points out, that the people outside the Scandinavian region who woman had room to operate as a consequence claimed a southern Scandinavian heritage. of belonging not only to her own family but Gold bracteates are, for instance, found in also to that of her husband (Bagge 1990:21). female graves in Kent, in southern England, In addition to this, her children were com- where the leading families traced their descent pletely integrated into her husband's family. from Jutland, Denmark. The function of the Furthermore Bagge believes that the woman gold bracteates has thus changed over time could act indirectly through her sons, which and over geographical areas (ibid:254). would have been particularly effective in One of the most important ways to create conflicts with her husband. The relationship or preserve alliances in Migration Period so- between the sons and their father was prob- ciety was through marriage between people of ably characterized by competition; the sons different families. A marriage involved long- were in an inferior position until the death of term legal as well as moral obligations and their father, and therefore the position of the was therefore considered especially reliable. woman was strengthened by the support of In Anglo-Saxon poetry the wife is given the her sons (ibid:21). The spatial restrictions of name "peace-weaver" as the possibility of the woman were moreover compensated by peace between the two families was verbal action. Agneta Breisch sums up the significantly improved, and this also is belie- situation: "The men had the , the wo- ved to apply to the men had their tongues" (Breisch 1994:86,my (Arrhenius 1992:20;Enright 1990:66). translation). The Hetzerin motif which is Marriage probably had the form of a frequent in the Norse literature, whereby wo- contract between the families of the bride and men goad their reluctant husbands or male groom, who were expected to be of equal relatives into taking revenge, is a reflection social standing and comparable wealth of this strategy by women to participate ver- (Sawyer 1992:38).There is much to indicate bally (ibid:86; for a different opinion see that neither the man nor the woman had any Jochens 1986:49f). influence over the choice of the person they Consequently the woman as well as the married (Meulengracht S&rensen 1993:177). man had an interest in strengthening the so- Nevertheless women as well as men had a cial position of the family, although their strategic interest in marrying as well as possible ways of achieving this were different as they since that gave honour, which was of great were restrained by their culturally-defined social importance. This increase in honour gender roles. The woman should therefore strengthened the social position of the family not merely be seen as a passive object of (ibid:231). The woman was seen as the exchange in the marital barter. guardian of honour and was in some ways responsible for making sure the honour was RUNIC INSCRIPTIONS ON not lost (ibid:246). To be able to do this, she BRACTEATES had to act. The role of the woman as a facilitator of Since the gender role of the woman alliances was important not only in marriage restricted her to the domestic realm, she had affairs but in other situations as well, and this

Current Swedish Archaeology; VoL 5, i997 Gold, Gods anal Women 103 is reflected in the runic inscriptions on the Furthermore it is described in the Norse- gold bracteates. Andrén (1991)has analyzed Icelandic literature that it was the responsibility the words lapu, and laukaR that occur in of priestesses (gydjorna) to bless the mead 22 bracteate inscriptions, and he has been able before the ritual sacrifices (Adol fs son & Lund- to show that the Germanic bracteates have ström 1993:11).All these examples point copied form and function from the Roman toward the special connection bet ween women imperial coins. and mead, and this connection is also clearly The first two words, lapu and alu, meaning demonstrated on the bracteates. invitation and mead, point clearly to the kind The third word, laukaR, meaning onion, of situations in which bracteates were worn: at also occurs in Old Norse literature. Onions feasts where useful contacts were made or principally occur in works dealing with fertil- maintained and oaths of allegiance were ta- ity and are primarily connected with women. ken. The inscriptions reflect the role of women One well-known example is from in these circumstances. The woman hosted Flateyjarbok, in which there is a description these festive gatherings, where high status of a fertility rite where a horse's penis and was attained through generosity. Hospitality, some onions were wrapped together in linen. which was the responsibility of the woman, The woman of the house is in charge of the was of great importance in Iron Age society. ceremony (Steinsland & Vogt 1981:87).The The woman could, through invitations, inscription lnukaR also occurs on a number of establish relations with other households and bone knives from western Norway. These as a resul t of thi s could take on duties that were knives have only been found in female graves usually the responsibility of the man (Bagge and the complete inscription reads li nalaukaR, 1990:21).To arrange feasts and to give gifts meaning "linen and onions" (Hjprungdal were of the utmost significance when 1991:108;Magnus 1992:140).The alliterative attempting to improve or strengthen the social linnlaukaR is presumed to be part of an old position in the Scandinavian Iron Age society chant (galder) that was used in connection (Gurevich 1985:239). with fertil i ty rites (Steinsl and &.Vogt 1981:93). There seems to have been a special Another reason to associate the symbolism of connection between mead and women, not the onion with women is that powers attributed only because it was the women who brewed it to the onion are often represented within but also because they played an important role traditional Old Norse women's names. For at the occasions on which it was consumed. example, names ending in -gard and -borgh According to Norse-Icelandic literature, it was are associated with fertility and protection women who had the mead already prepared (Otterbjörk 1968:208).The biggest sources in for the occasions when the men drank toasts to terms of names are the runic inscriptions and one another to confirm oaths and agreements the Old Norse literature, which are largely of (Andrén 1991:253).The responsibility of the later origin than the bracteates, but there is a women in this situation is further indicated by distinct continuity in the use ofpersonal names the pendants found depicting women holding from the Migration Period up to the Viking drinking-horns. The same theme occurs on a Age (Hald 1968:217). number of Gotlandic picture stones where a Consequently the runic inscriptions in this man, interpreted as , is greeted by what is group can be attributed equally to male and presumed to be a valkyrie holding a horn of female settings, although the personal names mead (Andrén 1993:41). The task of the on the bracteates, which have so far been valkyries to offer mead to Odin reflects the identified, are male names. The bracteates responsibility of the ordinary women to serve reflect the responsibilities of women in politi- food and drink to their men (Jesch 1991:127). cal situations, and even though these situations

Current Swedish Arehueology, Vol. 5, 1997 104 Marta Li ndeberg have been dominated by men the role ofwomen High One". The reason why Odin occurs most is described on the bracteates. frequently on the bracteates is believed to be that people in such hostile times gave THE ICONOGRAPHY prominence to the god of war over other, less The iconography of the bracteates is difficult belligerent, gods (Axboe 1990:27,1991:196). to interpret. This is due to the fact that an entire The depicted symbolism and mythology is series ofevents is depicted in one motif (Hauck regarded as militaristic and by association el al. 1985; Arrhenius 1987:111).The same male. As a consequence there appears to be a holds true for the Gotlandic picture stones in conflict between the male iconography and which one figure might represent an entire the prevalence of female find contexts (Lamm myth. Both on the picture stones and on the 1994:53). bracteates a man, who has been interpreted as Odin is believed to have appealed primarily Odin, occurrs frequently (Andrén 1993:41). to men who prayed for victory in war (Sawyer This type of picture stone belongs to a later 1992:79).Through this focus on Odin in his period, the Viking Age (ibid:36), but can serve capacity of war-god his other characteristics as an example of an art form that in many ways are overlooked, though they are equally, if not resembles that of the bracteates. more important in this context. The gods of Few bracteates are identical. Most have are complex and have minor differences even though they were several, often paradoxical, features. Odin is sometimes manufactured using the same die. the god of war but he is also the god of It seems as if the variations in symbolism were knowledge and magic, and it is in this sense deliberate and that the different combinations that he should be regarded on the bracteates. of symbols had different meanings. The The reason Odin is regarded somewhat differences between the bracteates were, one-dimensionally as a war-god could be that therefore, intentional (Arrhenius 1987:110). research has concentrated on the appearent Perhaps the bracteates were intended for a conflict between two different religious particular person already at the stage of systems: the a:sir cult and the vanir cult. The manufacturing, and the symbolism may vanir cult is believed to originate from the therefore have been adapted to sui t that specific Nerthus cult in the Bronze Age in which person. This might explain why the bracteates women had a strong position. Peace and fertil- were never mass-produced, even though it ity were central, and the importance of kinship would have been technically possible. Only was also emphasized. The vanir cult is belie- one or two identically imprinted bracteates ved to have been in opposition to the male- have been recovered (Axboe 1992:50). dominated, war-oriented a:sir cult, where loyalty and camaraderie were given priority ODIN AS WAR-GOD over kinship (Sawyer 1992:79; Hj91rungdal The iconography of the bracteates fits well 1991:104).By viewing the two cult systems as with the idea of the Migration Period as a time conflicting, the obvious differences between of intense competition, fragile alliances and the systems come into focus. The female, war. Scenes from Germanic mythology are fertility-based, vanir cult has been contrasted depicted on the bracteates, and the god that with the male, war-oriented, a:sir cult in a way appears most frequently is Odin (Axboe that might not be accurate. As a result the 1991:193).The inscription houraR on a image of Odin has become biased and his bracteate from Funen, in Denmark, supports warlike characteristics have been over- this theory. HourctR literally means "the High emphasized, and consequently his other One", and it is the same name that is used for features have been left out. Odin in Havamal, that is, "the Speech of the Instead of regarding the systems as

Current Swedish A rchaeolog»; VoL 5, /997 Gold, Gods and Wotnen 1 05 opposites they should be seen as two describing how Loke derides Odin and accu ses complementary, intertwined systerns. In her him of having practiced seidr in a state of analysis of Vestlandet in Norway, Hjprungdal ecstacy like a sorceress. Even Odin's man- does not find any indications of a conflict hood is questioned by Loke, and Odin is said between the different cult systems during the to be of args adal (Strömbäck 1935:57).The early Iron Age. A number of graves can be danger of being associated with argr is also attributed to both systems (Hjprungdal indicated by the curse on the rune stones in 1991: 109). Björketorp and Stentoften, in Sweden, where the word occurs (Jacobsen 1935:57). ODIN AS GOD OF KNOWLEDGE When Odin practiced seidr or performed AND MAGIC sorcery he was in a state of ergi and therefore Odin is not depicted on the bracteates as the his nature had as many female as male char- war-god but rather in his capacity as the god of acteristics. Consequently Odin was able to knowledge and magic. A good example of this move between male and female just as he was is a group of C-bracteates that have been able to shape-shift and change into animals, interpreted by Hauck as Odin breathing life which is also depicted on the bracteates. It is into Balder's injured horse (fig. 1). He is Odin's ability to transform and to cross bord- helped by some birds that can be seen on some ers that is important in the study of the of the bracteates (Axboe 1992:49). Odin is iconography of the bracteates. The able to heal the injured horse as he has super- iconography of the bracteates can not be natural abilities and knowledge of sorcery. regarded as purely male, as Odin is often In the Ynglinga saga there is a passage depicted in the mythological scenes as describing how Odin learns the practice of androgynous. seidr, which with the exception of Odin was an exclusively female activity. Seidr was BALDER AND TYR sorcery used, for example, to gain knowledge Balder and Tyr are two other gods that are about the future or to destroy an enemy (Ström- bäck 1968:76). The practice of seidr was linked to the concept of ergi, which meant that a male practitioner would become more feminine and run the risk of losing his masculinity (Brendalsmo & Rgthe 1992:93). The only male that could be associated with ergi was Odin, since the loss of honour would be too great for an ordinary man who would lose social status. The concept of ergi is very close in meaning to the word argr, which denotes the passive man in a homosexual encounter. It was not primarily the homosexuality in itsel fthat was frowned upon but rather implied passivity, cowardice and weakness, which were regarded as exclusi vely female features (ibid:93). To be accused of arg r was the most devastating thing that could happen to a man and as a consequence many people could be killed in retaliation (Steins land Fig. 1. Bracteate frotn Dödevi, Öland (Haack 1990:61).In Lokagenttct there is a passage 1992).

Carrent Swedish Archaeologs:, Vol. 5, t997 106 Marta Lindeberg frequently depicted on bracteates and have as a sign of goodwill. The wolf bit off his hand also been interpreted as having a male asso- when he understood that he had been tricked. ciation, as they personify archetypal male The characteristics associated with Tyr are characteristics. courage and eagerness to fight, and he was The bracteates that depict the death of furthermore regarded as the god who decided Balder are difficult to classify as male or which side would win the battles (Ba.ksted female. In Germanic mythology Balder was 1990:123ff).A bracteate from Års, in Den- the son of Odin, and he was wise, handsome mark (fig. 4), is suggested by Arrhenius to and popular among the other gods. He dies depict the god Tyr, since the spear carried by after being shot with a twig of mistletoe, the the figure might be interpreted as the rune T, only thing in the entire world that can injure alsocalledTyr(Arrhenius 1987:113).On some him. Balder is often portrayed as quite passive of the bracteates which represent the death of in the myths; he may, however, have had more Balder, the figure that has been interpreted as warlike characteristics in earlier versions. His Odin holds the same kind of spear. The spear name occurs in kennings to mean warrior on the bracteate from Års points towards the (Bxksted 1990:157).On the bracteates Bal- figure himself, and Inger-Lise Kolstrup der is depicted with the mistletoe hanging out (1991:199)has interpreted this as symbo- of his chest and he is flanked by a figure on lizing Odin's self-sacrifice as described in each side (fig. 2). One figure is supposedly Hcivamal. Odin sacrificed himself in order to Odin and the other is Loke, the instigator of gain knowledge and obtain the . the murder (Axboe 1991:193f). The warlike characteristics of Balder are One of the mythological scenes depicting virtually unsubstantiated, and therefore these Tyr is the one in which the wolf bites his bracteates should not be considered as hand off (fig. 3).The wolf became too strong appealing primarily to men. On the contrary, for the a:sir to control, and in order to chain the death of Balder and his return from him Tyr put his hand into the mouth of the wolf after Ragnarok has been interpreted as

Fig. 2. Bracteate from Fakse, Zealand (Hauck Fig. 3. Bracteate from Trolllsättan, Västergötland l 992). (Hauck et al. 1985)

Current Swedish Archaeotogy, Vol. 5, l997 Gold, Gods and Women 107 symbolizing the recurring seasons and the it would not have been difficult to find more eternal cycles of nature, where spring follows suitable examples from Germanic mythology. winter and death is followed by rebirth The iconography of these two groups of (Dumézil 1973:61).Balder is therefore more bracteates can therefore not be regarded as associated with fertility and agriculture than militaristic, and as such they would not have with aggression and war. Tyr's warlike char- appealed only to male warriors. Thus there is acteristics have been over-emphasized. He is reason to assume that the iconography attract- principally the god of law. There is not a single ed men and women alike which is not con- passage in the literature where Tyr is described tradicted by the implications of the contexts on the battlefield (ibid:43). Therefore it is of the finds. unlikely that these myths were chosen for the bracteates as militaristic symbols. Besides, THE GODDESS WHO WEAVES the iconography should not be interpreted A group of bracteates that have been found in solely on the basis of the personal characteris- Germany and Denmark depict a woman. The tics of the different gods. image is viewed as a weaving goddess by Although Tyr and possibly Balder are gods Michael J. Enright (1990) and the symbols that have some belligerent aspects to their that surround the depicted woman are characters, this is not the most important factor interpreted as swifts, spindles and other in the study of the iconography. The myths weaving paraphernalia (fig. 5). The image, that have been identified are not wholly which has its origins of inspiration in the belligerent. It is entirely possible that the portraits of the weaving Virgin Mary in depicted myths were selected for altogether Byzantine art, has been adapted to Germanic different reasons. Both myths - the death of mythology in which weaving metaphors are Balder, and Tyr and the wolf Fenrir —involve numerous. Weaving has ambiguous symbolic violence and death but not in warlike situations. meanings, like most things in Norse mytho- Ifthat had been the main aim ofthe iconography logy. In one passage from Njals saga, weav-

Fi g. 4. Bracteate from Års, Jutlattd (Hauck et al. Fig. 5. Bracteate probably jouml in south-wes- l 985). tern Germany (Hauck et al. 7985)

Current Swedish Archaeotogs:, Vol. 5, 1997 108 Marta Lindeberg ing is related to valkyries and warfare. In Migration Period would have been been able Voluspa, however, weaving is associated with to relate to different elements within the the Norns, and so indirectly with prophecy imagery, and this is possibly reflected in and fate. The non-militaristic symbolism is southern and western Norway where bracteates only mentioned cursorily in Enright's analy- have been found in both male and female sis. Instead the warlike characteristics of this contexts. weaving goddess are accentuated. It is also The bracteates can hardly be labelled male worth mentioning that this figure was, until or female but can be considered to have quite recently, interpreted as a stylized man androgynous symbolic meanings. Since there (ibid:58). is reason to believe that we can only interpret In weaving is also fragments of this culturally-defined symbo- associated with the goddess , who is lism, it would be pointless to attempt to also known as Hörn. Hörn is closely related to categorize gold bracteates as male or female the Old Icelandic word hörn and the Swedish based on such insubstantial evidence. This dialectical word hö r, meaning linen. Traces of would only result in further deviation from the the cult of Hörn can be found in place-names, original, deliberate ambiguity of the symbolic for example, in Härnevi which occurs in seve- language. ral cases in Uppland, in Sweden (Enright The bracteates found in female hoards and 1990:59). Another example where Hörn graves demonstrate the (albeit indirect) forms the origin of the name is Husaby-Är- influence of women in political matters, and nevi, which is the old name for the parish of therefore women can not be regarded as passive Husby-Långhundra, Uppland (Calissendorff onlookers who were only involved in excep- 1986:33).Hörn is primarily associated with tional circumstances. female characteristics, which is indicated by The symbolic meaning of the bracteates is the use of Hörn as a kenning for woman elusive and the message of the bracteates is (Enright 1990:59).Another relevant aspect i» not yet deciphered in its entirity. The same can that Hörn, or Freyja, is linked to the runic be said of the find contexts where bracteates i nscri ption linalaukaR on the Norwegian bone can not easily be classified since they are knives mentioned previously, which occur found in both hoards and graves, and in both only in female graves. male and female contexts. Whether bracteates are categorized as male or female is of minor BRACTEATES AND POWER significance; the people who wore gold One conclusion which might be drawn from bracteates held social status and the bracteates this is that the iconography of the bracteates themselves represented power more than should not be seen as having exclusively male anything el se. associations, but rather, the symbolism might just as accurately be interpreted as female. Both men and women in the society of the English revised by Laura Wrang.

REFERENCES

Adolfsson, G. & Lundström, I. 1993.Den stai&.ka SanIfictidsorganisati on og Regional Variatiott. kvinnan. Museiarkeologi 6. SHM Stockholm. Red. Fabech, C. & Ringtved, J. Jysk Arkteo- Andrén, A. 1991.Guld och makt - en tolkning av logisk Selskabs Skrifter XXVII. Århus. Pp. de skandinaviska guldbrakteaternas funktion. 245-256.

Curtent Su edish Archaeologs; Vol. 5, t997 Gold, Gods and Women 109

— 1993. Doors to Other Worlds: Scandinavian verden 2. Ed. Hastrup, K. Köpenhamn. Death Rituals in Gotlandic Perspectives. Jour- Hald, K. 1968. Personnamn. Kulturhistoriskt leri- nal &&fEuropean Archaeology vol. I. Pp. 33-56. kon filr nordisk medeltid. Band 13. Malmö. Arrhenius, B. 1987. Kring en ny brakteatcorpus. Pp. 217-226. Fornviinnen. Pp. 110-115. Hauck, K. (Ed). 1992.Der Historische Horiaont — 1992. Smycken som diplomati. Fiyremål so&n der G&rtterbi ld-Amulette aus der Ubergangs- vittnesbi&rd. En festskrift till Gertrud Grenan- epoche von der Spiitnntike &u&n Friil&mi&tel- der Nyberg på 80-drsdngen den 26juli I992. nlter. Abhandlungen der akademie der wissen- Nordiska museet. Pp. 18-25. schaften in Göttingen. Philologisch-historische Arwill-Nordbladh& E. 1991.The Swedish Image of klasse dritte folge nr 200. Göttingen. Viking Women. In: Social Approaches to Vi- Hauck, K., Axboe, M. , Diiwel, K. & von Padberg, king Studies. (Ed). Samson, R. Glasgow. Pp. L. 1985. Die Goldbrnkteaten der Völker&van- 53-64. derungs:;ei t. Miinstersche Mittelalterschriften — 1994. Begriper vi begreppen? Om androcentris- 24/ 1-3. Miinchen. men i några vanliga analytiska begrepp. Hedeager, L. 1992. Danmarks jernalder. Mellem META. Lund. stam&ne og stat. Århus universitetsforlag. Axboe, M. 1990. Odin og den romerske kejser. Hj&srungdal, T. 1991.Det skjulte kjtt&nn. Acta Ar- SKALK nr 4. Pp. 18-27. chaeologica Lundensia. Lund. -1991. Guld og guder i folkevandringstiden. In: Holtsmark, A. 1964. Kvinnearbeid. Kula&rhis(o- Snn&fi&ndsorganisation og Regional Variation. risl'& lexikon för nordisl medeltid. Band 9. (Edsl. Fabech, C. & Ringtved, J.Jysk Arka. o- Malmö. Pp. 565-574. logisk Selskabs Skrifter XXVII. Århus. Pp. Jacobsen, L. 1935. Forba»delseforn&ularer i nor- 187-202. diske ru»ei»skrifter. KVHAA handlingar, del - 1992.Guldbrakteaten från Nord-Edsten. Bohus- 39:4.Stockholm. liin» årsbok 1992. Pp. 48-52. Jesch, J. 1991. Women in the Viking Age. The Bagge, S. 1990.Mann og kvinne i Heimskringla. Boydell Press. Fokus på kvinner i n&iddelnklerkilder. (Eds). Jochens, J. 1986.The Medieval Icelandic Heroine: Jansen Sellevold, B., Mundal, E. & Steins- Fact or Fiction? Viator 17. Pp. 35-50. land, G. Klintberg, L. 1996.Att h«gga i ste». On& kvinn&r&. Breisch. A. 1994. Frid och fi&edlirshet. Studia som &.un&istare. Magisteruppsats. Arkeologiska historica Upsaliensia 174. Uppsala. institutionen. Stockholms universitet. Brendalsmo, A. J. & R»&the, G. 1992. Haugbrot Kolstrup, I-L. 1991. Ikonografi og religion. Nor- eller de levendes forhold til de dv&de. META. disk Hedendom. (Eds). Steinsland, G., Drobin, Lund. Pp. 84-119. U. , Pentikiiinen, J. & Meulengracht St&rensen, Breksted, A. 1990. Nordiska gudar och I&J?iltar. P. Odense universitetsforlag. Oslo. Lamm, J. P. 1994. Brakteater. Guldets magi i sng&a Calissendorff, K. 1986.Ort&u&mni Uppln&ul. Stock- och verl'lighet. (Ed). Knape, A. SHM. Stock- holm. holm. Pp. 52-55. Dumézil, G. 1973. Gods of the Ancient Nortlnnen. Mackeprang, M. B. 1952. De nordiske guklbrnl'- University of California Press. (ente&: Jysk Arkreologisk Selskabs Skrifter bd. Enright, M. J. 1990. The Goddess Who Weaves. II. Århus. Friilnni ttelalterliche Studien. Band 24. Pp. 54- Magnus, B. 1992. A matter of literacy or magic? 70. Peregri &u&tio Gothicn III. Universitetets Old- Fabech, C. 1991.Samfundsorganisation, religic&se sakssamling» Skrifter. Ny rekke nr 14. Oslo. ceremonier og regional variation. In: Sn&n- Pp. 133-143. fin&dsorgianisntion og Regionnl Vnrintion. Malmer, M. P. 1963. Metodproblen& inon& j&ir»- (Eds). Fabech, C. & Ringtved, J. Jysk Arkr. o- ålde&n&» I'onsthistoria. Acta Archaeologica logisk Selskabs Skrifter XXVII. Århus. Pp. Lundensia. Lund. 283-303. Meulengracht Sorensen. P. 1993. For(&elling og Gurevich, A. J. 1985. Catego&ies &rf Medieval &e&e — studie& i iskendingesagae&ne. Aarhus C«itu&. e. London. universitetsforlag. Århus. Guttormsson, L. 1992. Familjen. Den nortlisl'e Mundal. E. 1992. Norr@n litteratur som kjefde til

Curren& Sivedi sh Aret&neolog&&; Vril. 5, l&)&J7 110 Marta Lindeberg

nordisk kvinnehistorie. Kvi nnospå r i medelti- giske ideer i ferkristen nordisk religion. Co/- den. (Ed). Lövkrona, I. Kvinnovetenskapliga /egi utn Medievale 1990/1. Pp. 59-72. studier 1.Lund University Press. Pp. 93-113. Steinsland, G. & Vogt, K. 1981. "Aukinn ertu Näsman, U. 1988.Den folkvandringstida? krisen i Uolse ok vpp vm tekinn*'. En religionshisto- Sydskandinavien, inklusive Öland och Got- risk analyse av Volsapattr i Flateyjarbok. Ar- land. In: Folkevandringstiden i Norden. En kiv för nordisk filologi. Band 96. Pp. 87-106. krisetid mellem aldre og yngre jernalder. Strömbäck, D. 1935. Sejd. Textstudier i nordisk 1Eds). Näsman, U. & Lund, J. Århus. religio»shistoria. Nordiska texter och under- Otterbjörk, R. 1968. Personnamn. Kulturhisto- sökningar nr 5. Uppsala. riskt lexikon för nordisk medeltid. Band 13. - 1968. Sejd. Kulutrhistoriskt lexikon för ttordisk Malmö. Pp. 206-217. medeltid. Band 15. Malmö. Pp. 76-79. Sawyer, B. 1992.Kvinnor och famijli det forn- och Vestergaard, E. 1991.Gift-Giving, Hoarding and medeltida Skandinavien. Occasional Papers on Outdoings. In: Social Approaches to Viking Medieval Topics 6. Skara. Studies. (Ed). Samson, R. Glasgow. Pp. 97- - 1994. Kvinnoporträtt. Hustrur, helgon och härs- 104. karinnor i det medeltida Sverige. Småskrift nr Öberg, H. 1942. Guldbrakteaterna frcm Nordens 4. Skaraborgs länsmuseum. Skara. folkvandri ngsti d. KVHAA. Stockholm. Steinsland, G. 1990.Antropologiske og eskatolo-

Current Swedish Archaeology, Vol. 5, l997