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MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL L I / 2 ZVEZEK/VOLUME

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 1 13.5.2015 12:44:22 Izdaja • Published by Oddelek za muzikologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani Glavni in odgovorni urednik • Editor-in-chief Jernej Weiss (Ljubljana) Asistentka uredništva • Assistant Editor Tjaša Ribizel (Ljubljana) Uredniški odbor • Editorial Board Matjaž Barbo (Ljubljana) Aleš Nagode (Ljubljana) Svanibor Pettan (Ljubljana) Leon Stefanija (Ljubljana) Andrej Rijavec (Ljubljana), častni urednik • honorary editor Mednarodni uredniški svet • International Advisory Board Michael Beckermann (Columbia University, USA) Nikša Gligo (University of Zagreb, Croatia) Robert S. Hatten (Indiana University, USA) David Hiley (University of Regensburg, Germany) Thomas Hochradner (Mozarteum Salzburg, Austria) Bruno Nettl (University of Illinois, USA) Helmut Loos (University of Leipzig, Germany) Jim Samson (Royal Holloway University of London, UK) Lubomír Spurný (Masaryk University Brno, Czech Republic) Katarina Tomašević (Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Serbia) John Tyrrell (Cardiff University, UK) Michael Walter (University of Graz, Austria) Uredništvo • Editorial Address Oddelek za muzikologijo Filozofska fakulteta Aškerčeva 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija e-mail: [email protected] http://revije.ff.uni-lj.si/MuzikoloskiZbornik Prevajanje • Translations Urban Šrimpf Cena posamezne številke • Single issue price 10 EUR Letna naročnina • Annual subscription 20 EUR Založila • Published by Znanstvena založba Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani Za založbo • For the publisher Branka Kalenić Ramšak, dekanja Filozofske fakultete

Tisk • Printed by Birografika Bori d.o.o., Ljubljana Naklada 300 izvodov • Printed in 300 copies Rokopise, publikacije za recenzije, korespondenco in naročila pošljite na naslov izdajatelja. Prispevki naj bodo opremljeni s kratkim povzetkom (200–300 besed), izvlečkom (do 50 besed), ključnimi besedami in kratkimi podatki o avtorju. Nenaročenih rokopisov ne vračamo.

Manuscripts, publications for review, correspondence and annual subscription rates should be sent to the editorial address. Contributions should include a short summary (200–300 words), an abstract (not more than 50 words), keywords and a short biographical note on the author. Unsolicited manuscripts are not returned. Izdajo zbornika je omogočila Javna Agencija za Raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije With the support of the Slovenian Research Agency © Univerza v Ljubljani, Filozofska fakulteta, 2015

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 2 13.5.2015 12:44:22 Vsebina • Contents

Jernej Weiss In Celebration 7

Dalibor Davidović Branches Veje 9

Marko Motnik Excudebat Leonhardus Formica: Leonhard Formica (Lenart Mravlja) und seine Musikdrucke Excudebat Leonhardus Formica: Leonhard Formica (Lenart Mravlja) in njegovi glasbeni tiski 27

Thomas Hochradner Einem Wunder auf der Spur: Die Mozarts und das Miserere von Gregorio Allegri Na sledi čudežu: Mozarta in Misesere Gregorija Allegrija 41

Helmut Loos Beethoven und der Fortschrittsgedanke Beethoven in misel napredka 57

Michael Walter Komponist und Dirigent: Verdi und Mariani Skladatelj in dirigent: Verdi in Mariani 69

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 3 13.5.2015 12:44:22 Nico Schüler Rediscovering Forgotten Composers with the Help of Online Genealogy and Music Score Databases: A Case Study on African-American Composer Jacob J. Sawyer (1856–1885) Ponovno odkrivanje pozabljenih skladateljev s pomočjo spletne genealogije in podatkovnih baz glasbenih del: Vzorčna raziskava afriško-ameriškega skladatelja Jacoba J. Sawyerja (1856–1885) 85

John Tyrrell From Rubinstein to Rebikov: influences of Russian composers on Janáček Od Rubensteina do Rebikova: vplivi ruskih skladateljev na Janáčka 99

Lubomír Spurný Pavel Haas: “Janáček's Most Talented Student” Pavel Haas: »najbolj nadarjeni Janáčkov učenec« 119

Niall O’Loughlin Characterization in the Operas of Penderecki Karekterizacija v operah Pendereckega 127

Tatjana Marković Narrations of a nation: Montenegrin self-representation through (re)construction of cultural memory Naracija naroda: črnogorska samoreprezentacija skozi (re)konstrukcijo kulturnega spomina 139

Melita Milin Cultural isolation of Yugoslavia 1944–1960 and its impact on the sphere of music: the case of Serbia Kulturna izolacija Jugoslavije med letoma 1944 in 1960 ter njen vpliv na področje glasbe: primer Srbije 149

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 4 13.5.2015 12:44:22 Bruno Nettl What Are the Great Discoveries of Your Field? Informal Comments on the Contributions of Ethnomusicology Kaj so velika odkritja tvojega področja? Neformalni komentarji k prispevkom etnomuzikologije 163

Jeff Todd Titon Ethnomusicology as the Study of People Making Music Etnomuzikologija kot preučevanje ljudi, ki ustvarjajo glasbo 175

Engelbert Logar Der slawische Anteil am Bestand des Blasmusikarchives der Universität für Musik und darstellende Kunst in Graz Slovanski delež repertoarja godb na pihala v arhivu Univerze za glasbo v Gradcu 187

Jasmina Talam Creation, Transmission and Performance: Guslars in Bosnia and Herzegovina Ustvarjanje, prenos in izvajanje: guslarji v Bosni in Herzegovini 203

Imensko kazalo • Index 223

Avtorji • Contributors 245

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 5 13.5.2015 12:44:22 MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 6 13.5.2015 12:44:22 J.WEISS • IN CELEBRATION Jernej Weiss

In Celebration

Just as Slovene musicology occupies a prestigious place among other leading Slo- vene scientific disciplines, so the Musicological Annual holds a similar position among academic publications. On this occasion, let me point out some of the most important achievements that helped to establish the Annual’s prominent position. In the 50 years of its existence, some of the most important domestic and foreign scholars of musicology and ethnomusicology wrote for the Musicological Annual. In the 5 decades, as many as 61 issues were published, containing 631 articles, 63 sum- maries of MA degrees, PhDs and habilitation theses as well as 7 other texts. 294 authors from 29 countries in 7 languages contributed to the journal. The firm basis that was formed by the previous editors-in-chief and the editors of special issues enabled the Musicological Annual to become internationally recognized and part of key citation databases. Even more important is the fact that with its two issues per year (mixed or thematic) the Annual maintains a tradition of continuous publishing, disseminates knowledge of state-of-the-art scholarly findings and through this fortifies its key role around the core of musicological and ethnomusicological scholarly efforts. The striving for scholarly excellence has been the main constant of all previous editors-in-chief: professor emeritus Dr. Andrej Rijavec, professor Dr. Matjaž Barbo and of course the founder and longtime editor of the Annual, Slovene Academy member, professor emeritus Dr. Dragotin Cvetko. Each of them worked untiringly for the An- nual and tried to the best of their abilities to promote the journal’s good reputation in Slovenia and abroad. The Musicological Annual has presented topics that were discussed by contemporary musicology and invited the most important domestic and foreign researchers to contribute to the journal’s relevance. What is more, the Annual has furthered the musicological discourse in Slovene and clarified or even established domestic terminology that can only be achieved with regular and extensive use of the field’s distinctive language. In future this will remain, along with furthering the journal’s international reputation, one of the main objectives of the Musicological Annual: the constant search of harmony between the musicological world and the domestic scholarly achievements through the deepening of scholarly insights on the one hand and the constant enrichment of the Slovene musicology vocabulary on the other. The tasks ahead are endless but worth the effort, difficult but nevertheless attainable and without a doubt necessary for a healthy development of a national scholarly discipline.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 7 13.5.2015 12:44:22 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 At the end of this prelude to the complex matter that follows may I, as editor, sin- cerely thank all our past contributors and express special gratitude to the authors of the contributions to the two special anniversary issues, the Editorial Board, the Assis- tant Editor, the International Advisory Board, the translators, the proofreaders and of course all the previous editors and other collaborators of the Annual for their relentless work. To all the domestic and foreign subscribers as well as to all other readers of the Musicological Annual goes a promise that the makers of the journal will continue to do all they can to achieve scholarly excellence and international recognition of the oldest Slovene scholarly publication devoted to musicology.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 8 13.5.2015 12:44:22 D. DAVIDOVIĆ • BRANCHES UDK 78.04.07Cage DOI: 10.4312/mz.51.1.9-25

Dalibor Davidović Akademija za glasbo, Univerza v Zagrebu Music Academy, University of Zagreb

Branches Veje

Prejeto: 17. januar 2015 Received: 17th January 2015 Sprejeto: 31. marec 2015 Accepted: 31st March 2015

Ključne besede: anarhija, programska glasba, im- Keywords: Anarchy, Program music, Improvisation, provizacija, poezija, znanje (v glasbi) Poetry, Knowledge (in music)

IZVLEČEK ABSTRACT

Članek, ki za svojo osnovo vzame pogovor med Joh- Taking the conversation between John Cage and nom Cageom in Geoffreyjem Barnardom – izdanim Geoffrey Barnard – published as Conversation kot Pogovor brez Feldmana (Conversation without without Feldman – as a starting point, the following Feldman) –, raziskuje Cageevo idejo anarhije. article explores Cage’s notion of anarchy.

“Inwiefern ist die ratio eine Zwiesel?”1

Conversation without Feldman is a transcript of a conversation between two musicians. The older one, John Cage, was at that time already an artist with an international reputation, primarily as a composer but also as a writer and poet, and occasionally as a performer of his own pieces. Behind him were already some retrospectives, such as the famous 25-year Retrospective Concert that took place in 1958. Behind him was the famous appearance at the International Summer Course for New Music in Darmstadt in 1958, a shocking experience for many of his European colleagues. Behind him were the extravagant multimedia productions which took place during the late sixties and involved the participation of hundreds of performers and the use of the newest technologies. Behind him were already four collections of writings, not just lectures and articles dedicated to what he called experimental music, but also poetic cycles and the Diary series. Behind

1 Martin Heidegger, Der Satz vom Grund (Pfullingen: Neske, 1978), 174.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 9 13.5.2015 12:44:22 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 him were already some visual works of art, the first of them having been realized in the late sixties. From 1978 (when the Conversation without Feldman took place) on, these works’ part in Cage’s output and their importance for the other fields of his work would significantly grow.2 Finally, behind him were the covers of the influential magazines producing and spreading the image of a “not just well-known, but notorious”3 public person. In contrast to that, the younger dialogue partner, Geoffrey Barnard, was at that time just at the beginning of his career. Behind him was the experience of participation in the group AZ Music founded in Sydney in the early seventies by the composer David Ahern after his return from London. Having been involved with the Scratch Orchestra, Ahern took it as a model and established in Sydney a free weekly class in experimental and improvised music, and this gradually developed into the ensemble. Just like its model, AZ Music was soon confronted with inner doubts concerning its orientation and subsequently split into different groups and side-projects,4 giving its members the bitter feeling that life had brought something that they initially didn’t want. In this situation of crisis, Barnard, plagued by the question which way his musical career should take after this discouraging experience, approached Cage in order to ask him for some advice. Why Cage? From the very beginning of the conversation Barnard let his dialogue partner know that the conversation should be taken as a kind of return to the origin. For it was Cage who, in the foreword to his collection of writings titled A Year from Monday, expressed a call for a certain way of getting musical things done:

The reason I am less and less interested in music is not only that I find environmental sounds and noises more useful aesthetically than the sounds produced by the world’s musical cultures, but that, when you get right down to it, a composer is simply someone who tells other people what to do. I find this an unattractive way of getting things done. I’d like our activities to be more social and anarchically so.5

Among the responses to Cage’s proposal to make musical activities more social and anarchically so was also AZ Music. Turned “against the tyranny of the self-contained music-object, not only that which had emerged out of the tradition of tonal functional harmony, but also that which embodied the authoritarianism of serialism and subse- quent developments in European contemporary composition,”6 the group primarily used verbal instructions, graphic scores or catalogues of sound situations as a starting point for improvisation. The performances demanded of the members of the group that they listen to the other members while making music, instead of being dominated by the prefabricated structures and fixed relations, thus “affirming a stance that is essentially anarchistic.”7

2 On the genesis of these works cf. Joan Retallack, ed., Musicage: Cage Muses on Words / Art / Music (Hanover & London: Wes- leyan University Press, 1996), 95 et seqq. 3 James Pritchett, The Music of John Cage (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 140. 4 Cf. Geoffrey Barnard, “AZ it was,” New Music Articles 8, no. 7 (1989); accessed 10 February, 2015, http://www.rainerlinz.net/ NMA/repr/Barnard.html. 5 John Cage, A Year from Monday: New Lectures and Writings (Middletown: Wesleyan University Press, 1967), ix et seq. 6 Barnard, “AZ it was.” 7 Barnard, “AZ it was.”

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 10 13.5.2015 12:44:22 D. DAVIDOVIĆ • BRANCHES Not just the other individual, but also Cage himself responded with his activities to his own call to arms cited above. Although already in Silence, his first collection of writings, he had characterized his own “views” as “consistently antischolastic and anarchic,”8 his references to anarchy would not take the decided tone until the late sixties. Such references occurred frequently in his Diary, including not just quotations from other texts related to anarchy – almost always of those by Thoreau – but also the very definition of anarchy:

Society, not being a / process a king sets in motion, becomes an / impersonal place understood and made / useful so that no matter what each / individual does his actions enliven the / total picture. Anarchy (no laws or / conventions) in a place that works. / Society’s individualized.9

Taking such references as markers for their own research, some Cage scholars found in his music certain traits of anarchy. Thus James Pritchett, the author of the standard monograph on Cage as a composer, spoke of anarchy while referring to the group of his works from the sixties, which could be named “circuses.”10 The performances of the respective pieces, like Musicircus or HPSCHD, included not just a simultaneous playing of many different ensembles (orchestras, groups specialized in contemporary music, jazz and brass bands, etc.) in the same concert hall, but also visual attractions like slide projections and even balloons:

In sum, a musical anarchy was produced, wherein the performers and listeners were no longer told what to do, and Cage retreated to such a distance that his role as organizer and designer, while crucial, was practically invisible. The circus events represented yet another variation on the music-as-process idea, this time turning music into an activity for society at large.11

Rob Haskins undertook comprehensive research of the anarchist “principles” or “ideas,”12 finding them subsequently realized in Cage’s works, even in those ones composed during the last years of the composer’s life. Known as Number Pieces, these works seem to be so far from the extravagant circuses mentioned above:

[T]he transparency of the Number Pieces echoes the important anarchistic idea advocating no ownership of property and a modest lifestyle for humanity. [...] The relationship of players in the ensemble pieces suggests that most of these works also exemplify anarchistic practice in that they put no one player or group of players in a hierarchical relationship over another. [...] In this sense, Cage’s music is didactic; it allows performers to be shaped by the network of ideas underlying his aesthetics, including those of classic anarchism.13

8 John Cage, Silence: Lectures and Writings (Middletown: Wesleyan University Press, 1961), xi. 9 Cage, A Year from Monday …, 161. 10 Pritchett, The Music of John Cage, 156. 11 Ibid., 158 et seq. 12 Rob Haskins, Anarchic Societies of Sounds: The Number Pieces of John Cage (Saarbrücken: VDM Verlag Dr. Müller, 2009), 198. 13 Haskins, Anarchic Societies of Sounds …, 212 et seq.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 11 13.5.2015 12:44:22 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 In the conversation between Cage and Barnard some other Cage pieces were mentioned as examples of music intended to be more social and anarchically so.14 Both of his then recent pieces, Branches and Inlets (together with the earlier piece with the title Child of Tree), are indeed exceptional cases in his oeuvre, not so much because of the rather extensive part of indeterminate details, but because of the outstanding role given to improvisation, a procedure which for Cage was always under suspicion for bringing the performer’s arbitrariness into composition, making it thus a potential source of musical clichés. All of these pieces consist just of verbal instructions for the performance. While the composition Child of Tree is actually for solo percussion, the piece Branches can be performed, optionally, by just one or by many players. At the same time both pieces are connected in a certain way, since every performance of Branches includes a preparation of the material of the earlier piece. Only the dimension of duration (8 minutes) and, partially, the dimension of sound sources of the piece Child of Tree are determined, because for its performance a pod of a poinciana tree and a cactus, live or dry, should be used – namely, a cactus “of a genus having a solid body and spines which are relatively free of other spines, so that when one spine is plucked (by means of a needle or toothpicks etc.), a single pitched sound issues.”15 The performer can choose from another eight “‘instruments’”16 freely, but should avoid those made of animal or metal materials as well as the “conventionally pitched instruments”17 – conventionally pitched in the sense of producing sounds with fixed pitch. Other dimensions of the piece – the number of sections within the total duration of the piece, the number of instruments within every section and their actual arrangement – should be determined by I Ching using the tables for the distribution of numbers given in the instructions for the performance. After determination of these dimensions, the solo- ist “improvises, clarifying the time structure by means of the instruments,” and “this improvisation” is actually “the performance.”18 Branches are not just the development of the Child of Tree, but this piece includes the whole earlier piece in a certain way. In contrast to the fixed duration of the Child of Tree, the duration of Branches can vary from performance to performance according to the number of “variations”19 – that is realizations of the Child of Tree, each of them lasting eight minutes. These variations, separated through silences whose duration should be determined using I Ching, actually constitute the performance of the later piece. The variations can follow successively, but can also be played simultaneously, if many players perform the piece, in which every one can begin optionally with silence. Neither in Inlets did the composer fix the duration of the performance, though this is not the case with the sound sources of this piece: twelve water-filled conch shells of different sizes should be “tipped this way or that” by three players, thus producing

14 Cf. John Cage and Geoffrey Barnard, Conversation without Feldman (Darlinghurst: Black Ram Books, 1980), 14. 15 John Cage, Child of Tree: Percussion Solo (New York: Henmar Press & Edition Peters, 1975), 2. 16 Cage, Child of Tree …, 1 (quotation marks in the original). 17 Cage, Child of Tree …, 3. 18 Cage, Child of Tree …, 7. 19 John Cage, Branches: Percussion Solo, Duet, Trio or Orchestra (of any Number of Players) (New York: Henmar Press & Edition Peters, 1976), 1.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 12 13.5.2015 12:44:22 D. DAVIDOVIĆ • BRANCHES “gurgles.”20 Every one of the players is free to choose the order of the use of his four conch shells, dedicating more time to the next one. Halfway through the agreed time of the performance three players should reduce their activities in order to let the tape recording of the sound of pine cones burning fade in. In the second half of the performance, after the comeback of the gurgles, the fourth player should use a conch shell “as trumpet”21 for as long as he can hold a single tone. Encouraged by Cage’s development toward music in which the improvisation equals the performance, Barnard recognized in the pieces mentioned above a “situation where people are free to do what they do without interfering with the others or telling the others what to do,”22 a situation which resembled the practice of younger groups for improvised music – among them the group of which he was a member. Cage met him halfway, claiming that the intention of his pieces is “to try to persuade people.”23 Are Cage’s pieces therefore a kind of appeal to our mind? Connecting them with the “nature imagery”24 in Cage’s musical poetics, Pritchett discusses them under the notion of “program music.”25 But what do they narrate, communicate, evoke? How do they do this? The narrative line is perhaps easiest to recognize in Inlets, since its sound materials seem to have almost the function of different themes, all the more so as their order of appearance was determined by the composer. The first half of the piece is dominated by gurgles, in the middle of the piece there appears the sound of pine cones burning, and after this the gurgles return. Finally the long sustained sound of the conch shell as trumpet rises, being recognizable as a rudimentary melodic line in the foreground. What does this sequence of sound materials mean? Is it a wakeup call in order to save the initial idyllic scene from catastrophe, represented by the sound of fire? Does the long sustained sound of conch shell used as a trumpet cue some apoca lyptic events? On the other hand, do the plant materials used as instruments make these pieces ecological, in contrast to music written for conventional instruments, with those instruments that can produce tones with fixed pitch being at the same time violent toward nature? Does Child of Tree, a piece whose duration is determined by the composer, refer to something compact like a tree, in contrast to Branches, a piece that resembles a cycle of variations being bifurcated like the branches of the tree? Do the sounds of plant materials – including the living cactus – evoke a natural soundscape? And the sound of a pod of the poinciana tree, reserved for the final section of the piece,26 does it not resemble the rustle of the treetops? Should the piece remind us that we are actually children of a tree? Finally, Cage remained committed to anarchy also in his later works, perhaps most explicitly in his cycle of twelve poems titled simply Anarchy. The poems have different lengths, according to the different lengths of their vertical “strings”: some of them are

20 John Cage, Inlets: For three Players, with Conch Player (using Circular Breathing) and the Sound of a Fire (New York: Henmar Press & Edition Peters, 1977), 1. 21 Cage, Inlets …, 1. 22 Cage and Barnard, Conversation without Feldman, 14. 23 Ibid., 14. 24 Pritchett, The Music of John Cage, 194 et seq. 25 Ibid., 189 et seq. 26 Cf. Cage, Child of Tree …, 3 (“Arrange the instruments so that it is easily (known) which is number 1, which is number 2 etc. Pod rattles is number 10.”) and 4 (“Reserving the 10th instr. for the last part...”).

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 13 13.5.2015 12:44:22 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 thus composed of just a dozen lines, in contrast to the hundreds of lines in the case of the longer ones. The textual sources of the whole cycle are thirty quotations of different lengths taken from 19th and 20th-century texts (essays, poems, pamphlets, diaries, memoirs, biographies, graffiti, and Cage’s previous writings) that deal in one way or another with the subject of anarchy.27 The quotations were used both as vertical strings of the poems and as the material for the horizontal lines. In some poems just the name of the quotation’s author was taken as a string,28 while in other ones the whole quotation was used.29 The I Ching determined which quotation was used as the string of the respective poem and it also made the decision on the actual number of quotations used as the sources of its horizontal lines.30 Cage was concerned with quotations not just as the sources of the textual material, but also as statements on the subject of anarchy, as their occurrence in the foreword to the cycle testifies. And the quotations themselves leave not much space for doubt as to what they stand for:

Periods of very slow changes are succeeded by periods of violent changes. Revolu- tions are as necessary for evolution as the slow changes which prepare them and succeed them.31

I heartily accept the motto, “That government is best which governs least”; and I should like to see it acted up to more rapidly and systematically. Carried out, it finally amounts to this, which also I believe – “That government is best which governs not at all”; and when men are prepared for it, that will be the kind of government which they will have.32

Anarchism, then, really stands for the liberation of the human mind from the domination of religion; the liberation of the human body from the domination of property;

27 All the quotations are taken from Cage’s previous collections of writings A Year from Monday (quotations no. 2, 4, 6, 8, 10, 12, 14 and 16) and M (no. 18, 21 and 25). Represented with more than one quotation are also Emma Goldman (no. 17, 20, 22 and 30), Henry David Thoreau (no. 13 and 29), Mikhail Bakunin (no. 5 and 28) and Buckminster Fuller (no. 24 and 26). Represented with just one quotation are Peter Kropotkin (no. 1), Errico Malatesta (no. 2), Albert Einstein (no. 7), Leo Tolstoy (no. 11), Walt Whitman (no. 15), Hippolyte Havel (no. 19), Paul Goodman (no. 23) and Norman O. Brown (no. 27). No. 9 is a quotation of the graffiti which Andrew Culver, the assistant of Cage, noticed in 1987 in the New York City Subway. Cf. John Cage, “Anarchy,” in John Cage at Seventy-Five, ed. Richard Fleming and William Duckworth (Lewisburg & London & Toronto: Bucknell University Press & Associated University Presses, 1989), 123 et seqq. 28 Such are poems no. 1 (where the name “peter kropotkin” appears as a string), no. 8 (“hippolyte havel”), no. 9 (“leo tolstoy”), no. 17 (“henry david thoreau”), no. 18 (“michael bakunin”) and no. 20 (“buckminster fuller”). Poem no. 12 doesn’t have Cage’s name as a string, but the title of his collection of writings (“a year from monday”), where the quotation is taken from. 29 This is the case in poems no. 2 (where quotation no. 25 appears as a string), no. 3 (quotation no. 10), no. 4 (quotation no. 9), no. 5 (quotation no. 11), no. 6 (quotation no. 16), no. 7 (quotation no. 14), no. 10 (quotation no. 24), no. 11 (quotation no. 2), no. 13 (quotation no. 21), no. 14 (quotation no. 15, shorten for a line), no. 15 (quotation no. 7), no. 16 (quotation no. 8) and no. 19 (quotation no. 23). 30 It is difficult to reconstruct solely according to the text of the cycle which quotations were used as sources of the horizontal lines in every poem, but in some of them this is possible. For example, when some letters of the source are absent in the string, the horizontal lines must have been derived from the limited number of quotations or from those quotations which don’t contain the respective letters. Such are poems no. 3 (where the lines are derived just from quotation no. 18) and no. 6 (where the lines are derived just from quotation no. 16, which appears at the same time as the string of the poem). 31 Quotation no. 1, taken from Peter Kropotkin’s Revolutionary Studies; cf. Cage, “Anarchy,” 123. 32 Quotation no. 13, taken from Henry David Thoreau’s Essay on the Duty of Civil Disobedience; cf. Cage, “Anarchy,” 124 et seq.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 14 13.5.2015 12:44:22 D. DAVIDOVIĆ • BRANCHES liberation from the shackles and restraint of government. Anarchism stands for a social order based on the free grouping of individuals for the purpose of producing real social wealth; an order that will guarantee to every human being free access to the earth and full enjoyment of the necessities of life, according to individual desires, tastes, and inclinations.33

Returning to Cage, Barnard returned to the origin. He came to Cage as if he wanted to have it confirmed that he was on the right path. Cage seemed to meet him halfway, to agree with his opinions. Cage thus announced that Empty Words, his new collection of writings, would take an explicit political stance in the face of current events. He seemed to be interested in new anarchist ways of life and asked Barnard whether these ways included changes in nutrition. Music was just one of the subjects of their conversation. They acclaimed its recent changes. Moreover, music should be changed in order to be able to change the society in the right way. And yet, though agreeing with Barnard on many subjects, including the subject of music changes, Cage seemed to be distant at the same time. Barnard thus mentioned some of the newest examples of the political direction that certain composers were taking in their music. He was “encouraged”34 by some of them, but was not sure whether they should be followed. In contrast to that, he found the direction that Cornelius Cardew took in his later pieces to be a wrong one. Cardew’s later pieces, mostly variations on revolutionary songs or on the songs of the labour movement, were discussed on two occasions during the conversation. It was as if Barnard’s remarkable devotion to this subject and the intensity of his discussion were symptoms of a certain wound that just wouldn’t heal. Cardew’s new direction was, namely, one of the most decisive steps toward the break-up of the Scratch Orchestra,35 and this sequence of events perhaps reminded Barnard of his own experiences as a former member of a similar ensemble. Cage listened to him carefully, asking some questions now and then. He was not impressed by the sectarian differences, and the whole discussion of these issues seemed to bore him: “I think that these little squabbles in the field of music are foolish...”36 What about Cage’s own compositions mentioned by Barnard? In what way could they be seen as being similar to the practice of the groups for improvised music, including his former ensemble? Did Cage take a distance from this because of Barnard’s opinion that the performance of his pieces represented a “good model”37 of the anarchist practice, that the performance required from the players that they listen to each other instead of being dominated by the fixed score, that the pieces were indeed didactic? Did Barnard really listen to these pieces carefully? Or did he just take for granted the words their performance instructions were made of? But these words are actually written down in a particular way. The printed scores of Child of Tree, Branches and Inlets, namely, reproduce

33 Quotation no. 22, taken from Emma Goldman’s Anarchism; cf. Cage, “Anarchy,” 125 et seq. 34 Cage and Barnard, Conversation without Feldman, 5. 35 According to another protagonist, who recently returned to this wound, the break-up of the ensemble was accelerated through the staging of the new piece, a certain kind of opera, which was intended to present the members’ views on the recent events. Cf. John Tilbury, Cornelius Cardew (1936-1981): A Life Unfinished (Matching Tye, Essex: Copula, 2008), 528 et seq. 36 Cage and Barnard, Conversation without Feldman, 10. 37 Ibid., 14.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 15 13.5.2015 12:44:22 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 Cage’s respective manuscripts, which are indeed difficult to read not just because of their particular syntax – unusual in relation to the rules of English grammar – but also because of the way they are written down: the text includes numerous words and phrases which are struck through as well as insertions on both sides of the respective line. Sometimes not just the line, but also the insertion is corrected through another insertion, keeping the traces of all the stages of the working process and forking the line into something like branches. The final version of the instructions is therefore not evident at all, but should be searched for in this verbal forest, between widely branched lines, which make it difficult, if not impossible, for everyone who wants just to pass rapidly through the text. Instead, the verbal instructions require a dedicated reader who will find his own way through the enchanted forest. It is not difficult to find just the start of this way, but even the instructions themselves; when they are finally transcribed from Cage’s manuscript, they seem to be rather puzzling, like ambiguous oracles. According to their verbal instructions, both Branches and Inlets (as well as Child of Tree) indeed presume that the improvisation equals their performance. But this improvisation seems to be rather peculiar, primarily because during the preparation of the pieces for the performance almost all of the significant decisions should be left to I Ching. Thus in Child of Tree chance operations should decide the number of sections within the prescribed total duration of the piece. Also the number of instruments and their setting in each section were left to chance operations. In Branches chance decides even the silences between the single variations, whether they should occur at all and how long they should be. More decisions are left to players in Inlets, where they can choose the total duration of the performance as well as the duration of the improvisation on the single conch shell. But when the player of these pieces begins to improvise, after all the decisions formerly made by chance operations, the instruments will make it difficult for him to take the beaten path. This is because a pod of the poinciana tree, a cactus or conch shells (to say nothing of dry leaves, pine cones, dry grass or similar instruments) do not imply any difference between usual and unusual ways of playing. On the one hand, a player simply cannot know what is actually the right way to play such an instrument, and on the other, such an instrument doesn’t offer a large number of possibilities as to how it could be played. Thus, an instrument itself restricts the player’s arbitrariness. For the players it is not even necessary to listen to each other, because each of them is always already attentive to the results of the chance operations, on one side, and to the limited possibilities of the instruments, on the other. It is as if the performers are nothing but simple listeners dissolving into the matter being performed. Not just their verbal instructions, but also the pieces themselves thus resemble the structure of the forest. But what kind of forest? A small grove of seedlings? A regularly structured dark pinewood? A pathless rainforest? But what about the branches of the river? Do the pieces resemble some bifurcated paths? Or do they, rather, resemble the branching of genera and species – at the Porphyrian tree? What about Inlets, a piece in which Pritchett found something “elemental”38? What about Anarchy? Besides the

38 “The three sounds of the piece are related thematically, in their ‘elemental’ nature – water, fire, air. The piece thus presents a very simple tableau: first the sound of water, then the sound of fire, then the two together with the blown conch shell tone, the sound of air” (Pritchett, The Music of John Cage, 195).

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 16 13.5.2015 12:44:22 D. DAVIDOVIĆ • BRANCHES different lengths of single poems, chance determined also the lengths of their lines. In the cases where the small number of quotations was used as a textual source, the lines of the poem are shorter, with the frequent repetitions of the same words or short phrases. The repeated word thus always appears in the new constellation, as in the case of poem no. 6, which begins with the repeating word “allishness” and the phrase “therefore is simple,” each time giving another letter to the vertical string of the poem.39 The longer lines of other poems consist of the longer parts of the quotations, and so the temporary sense of the phrases lasts longer, appearing and disappearing like a poorly marked path in a bushy rainforest. At the end of poem no. 13 the unexpected relations between phrases occur, while the borders of the phrases become vague.40 This is not the case just in the poems consisting of longer lines: the unexpected relations emerge each time anew, each time differently. The sense appears spontaneously, lasts for a moment, and disappears. In the poems time to time the word “music” occurs, referring to the auditory sphere (other such words are “musicians” and “silence”).41 At the end of poem no. 14 music appears unexpectedly in the phrase “To change the nature of music”42 detaching it from the previous pulverised verbal material, in order to immerse the very “music” in silence. Since the quotations are completely reproduced before the cycle, it is possible to discern what they are about, but they gave birth to something quite different. “Anarchy was written to be read out loud,”43 says Cage in the foreword. What happens then? In the conversation with Barnard, Cage gave an indirect answer to this question, speaking on the basis of own experiences as a performer of his own textual pieces. Keeping a distance toward his dialogue partner’s tirade against “popular cultural imperialism,”44 perhaps because Barnard was so self-confident, Cage mentioned some record companies which combine in their catalogues “popular” music on the one hand and “avant- garde” music on the other – that is, in order to bring both kinds of music to the same audience. Among them was a record company which organized a live performance of the third part of Cage’s extensive text piece Empty Words in 1977 in Teatro lirico in Milan. Cage spoke of his unusual experience, but in his story a certain distance toward Barnard’s views could be felt again. Although the audience was turbulent from the start, and in time an uproar began that transformed the quiet reading with a slide-projection into something like a happening, Cage insisted that the audience in the end was not homogenous, that it didn’t act like a single unit. Was this performance successful, despite the fact that the audience interrupted the projection of the slides and the fact that Cage’s voice was almost completely covered by the noise the audience made? Cage was not sure whether it was. Was it a success because it provoked the audience into becoming active, as indeed the performance was viewed by the owner of the record company and by Barnard? Or did the activity of the audience just show its inability to

39 Cage, “Anarchy,” 158. 40 Ibid., 186. 41 The words “music” and “silence” come from quotation no. 25 (taken from Cage’s M), and the word “musicians” from quotation no. 17 (taken from Emma Goldman’s book). 42 Cage, “Anarchy,” 190. 43 Ibid., 122. 44 Cage and Barnard, Conversation without Feldman, 18.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 17 13.5.2015 12:44:22 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 listen to what they’d come to hear? In other cases, however, Cage preferred to keep quiet, both as a listener and as a performer, if there was a distinction between the two. Thus in the verbal instructions for the performance of Child of Tree, when it came to improvisation, Cage added the following sentence: “There is no need for a great deal of activity.”45 Although this sentence was struck through, it was maintained in the published manuscript, as one of the branches. Noticeable in Cage’s answer to Barnard’s first question was not just his distance to his own former proposal to make musical activities more social and anarchically so, but also that of treating musical questions as something of secondary importance. “My ideas,” wrote Cage at that time, “certainly started in the field of music. And that field, so to speak, is child’s play. [...] Our proper work now if we love mankind and the world we live in is revolution.”46 But Cage himself, as his dialogue partner noticed, didn’t follow his own former call, didn’t leave this field – whose importance equaled child’s play – in order to dedicate himself to more important tasks. Moreover, it seemed that he dedicated himself thereafter even more to composing music, referring in the conversation to the promise he once gave to Schoenberg, one of his music teachers. Was this dedication to music, after its denigration to the field of secondary importance, just a result of the change in atmosphere, of the “dumbfounding”47 events in the years since then, as Cage indicated? Pritchett as well noticed a certain change in Cage’s work since that time. Speaking of the “return to composition”48 in Cage’s work since the end of the sixties, he defined it as a move away from the anarchy of the previous works back to the compositional structure, to the way of composition that implied a certain hierarchy, that is, to music notated in the traditional way presuming the division between composer (as someone who tells other people what to do), performer and listener. On another occasion Pritchett spoke of the diversity of Cage’s pieces in the same period, finding their inner unity in the “rejection of the idea of stylistic progression.”49 The tone of Cage’s discourse on music changed indeed. If we compare two of his lectures with the same title, The Future of Music, the tone of the lecture from 1937 dif- fers from the tone of the lecture from 1974. The first of them, with the subtitle Credo, is not just a statement of belief, which proposes even the substitution of the word “music”50 for another one, but is also carefully formulated and appears at the begin of the first collection of Cage’s writings, as a manifesto, a grounding gesture of the actions to come. In contrast to that, the second lecture, appearing at the end of Cage’s collection that consists mostly of poetry, seems to be almost nonchalant, listing all sorts of contemporary compositions, as if the future had already arrived and we had nothing to do but to float in a stream. “The fences have come down and the labels are being removed. An up-to-date aquarium has all the fish swimming together in one huge tank.”51

45 Cage, Child of Tree …, 7 46 Cage, A Year from Monday …, ix. 47 Cage and Barnard, Conversation without Feldman, 7. 48 Pritchett, The Music of John Cage, 162. 49 Ibid., 173. 50 “If this word ‘music’ is sacred and reserved for eighteenth- and nineteenth-century instruments, we can substitute a more meaningful term: organization of sound.” (Cage, Silence, 3) 51 John Cage, Empty Words: Writings ’73–’78 (Middletown: Wesleyan University Press, 1979), 179. The metaphor of aquarium appeared in the foreword to one of Cage’s previous books; cf. John Cage, Notations (New York: Something Else Press, 1969), unpaginated.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 18 13.5.2015 12:44:22 D. DAVIDOVIĆ • BRANCHES Was Cage’s return to composition, after his denigration of music and the proposal to leave it for a more important task, a sign of liberation that came about in the mean- time? Was the contrast between two gestures noticeable in Cage’s conversation with Barnard – that is, his effort to meet his dialogue partner halfway, to agree with Bar- nard’s opinion that music should be changed in order to be able to change the society in the right way, on the one hand, and the distance toward Bernard’s views, on the other – reconciled through the advent of the new times, where it was possible for the composer to dedicate himself to music, because the principles of anarchy had finally became a reality? The Cage scholars mentioned above seem to interpret the change of Cage’s work in this way. Pritchett thus spoke of the diversity of Cage’s pieces in the period after the sixties – of diversity that included pieces with “political themes”52 as well as the “extravagant spectacles,”53 such as Europeras – as being successors of Cage’s former anarchic circuses. On the other side, Haskins found Cage’s music to be didactic until his very last works; the Number Pieces were just less loud and more similar to traditional music than Cage’s former works. But this interpretation of the simultaneity of Cage’s two gestures seems to be just an echo of Cage’s own interpretation, of a certain eschatology of music. After all, in the second of his lectures on the future of music, mentioned above, Cage distinguished some periods in the history of music, with the most important changes occurring with the “Renaissance-honored distinctions between composers, performers, and listeners.”54 From that point on music was constituted not just through the separation of musical sounds from non-musical ones, but also as an “activity separated from the rest of life,”55 being thus dominated by “schools, conservatories, and music critics.”56 In contrast to that, the “music’s ancient purpose – to sober and quiet the mind,”57 is again contemporary, because “music has already taken steps in this direction,”58 saving itself from academic isolation, from the sterility of music experts and their knowledge. Since the change was already there, Cage’s description of the future of music was actually the description of eternity, of the end of history after “the battles won.”59 In contrast to the former condition, when the single tree of music was controlled by the academy, the change made possible the forking of music into different branches, so that the “prac- ticality of anarchy”60 in some pieces could exist side by side with pieces like Cage’s cycles of études, which are “extremely difficult to play,”61 requiring thus not just the separation of composer, performer and listener, but the very virtuoso player. Cage’s eschatology of music postulated an existence of two crucial events: music changed essentially for the first time when it was separated from life and thus fell into the sphere of death, and for the second time, when it returned to life and thus expanded

52 Pritchett, The Music of John Cage, 192. 53 Ibid., 197. 54 Cage, Empty Words, 181. 55 Ibid., 177. 56 Ibid., 180. 57 Ibid., 181. 58 Ibid., 181. 59 Ibid., 180. 60 Ibid., 183. 61 Ibid., 184.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 19 13.5.2015 12:44:22 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 in all directions. But Cage’s description of this expanding, his discussion of the numerous branches of music having developed after the battles won, was rather peculiar. His description of the contemporary situation of music was, namely, limited to recent compositions, as if the anarchic freedom which occurred at the end of music history was embodied in something objectified, in some musical works – and only there. But by claiming anarchy to be something objectified, didn’t Cage at the same time presuppose that the composer of the respective works should necessarily be someone who told other people what to do – even if the decisions should be made by I Ching? Didn’t Cage presuppose at the same time that the performer of the respective works should necessarily be obedient to their structure – even if this structure should be determined by the chance operations? Finally, didn’t Cage presuppose at the same time that the listener of the respective works should necessarily realise just a certain sense of these works, in order to sober and quiet his own mind? Returning once again to the conversation between Cage and Barnard, wasn’t this presupposition just another side of Barnard’s permanent demand for a certain music that should “affect”62 the greatest possible number of listeners? If Cage just repeated Barnard’s argument in the opposite direction, was there actually any essential change in the period after the battles won? When Daniel Charles, trying to determine the relation between music and anarchy, recognised in Cage’s compositional gesture the “return to origin” (retour a` l’origine),63 adding that this return could be related to the “classical” aesthetic positions “just indirectly,”64 he revealed the limits of his own research at the same time. This is because he merely repeated Cage’s argument mentioned above, implying that musical anarchy should take the form of certain musical objects, namely, of Cage’s own works. Charles took into consideration the structural changes of three instances, of the instances whose emergence, according to Cage’s eschatology of music, marked the fall of music into the sphere of death. In Cage’s musical anarchy, “the composer is nothing but the simple listener,” “the listener himself becomes the performer” and the “performer has a tendency to dissolve into the matter performed.”65 Although Charles mentioned that Cage’s ambition was to “examine the most general condition of all music” (la condition la plus générale de toute musique),66 he separated Cage’s works from those of all others, as if some essence of music was embodied there, related just indirectly to all other musical works. But what would happen if we were to take Charles at his word, when he claimed the examination of the most general condition of all music to be Cage’s concern? What would happen if we were to take his argument literally? In this case the return to origin would not put into parenthesis just classical aesthetic positions, as Charles did, but every compositional practice, including Cage’s own and thus would make perceivable another tone of Charles’ argument on musical anarchy. Having this change of tones in mind, musical anarchy would not appear just embodied in some musical works, just

62 Cf. Cage and Barnard, Conversation without Feldman, 8 et seq. 63 Daniel Charles, “Musique et an-archie,” in Gloses sur John Cage, by Daniel Charles (Paris: U.G.E., 1978), 106. 64 Ibid., 106. 65 Ibid., 100. 66 Ibid., 93.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 20 13.5.2015 12:44:22 D. DAVIDOVIĆ • BRANCHES in the most recent ones, just in the works of Cage, in contrast to other ones, but could also be constitutive for all music, for that which is musical as such. Is not the composer as such anything but a simple listener? Has not the performer as such a tendency to dissolve into the matter performed? Does the listener as such just catch the previously determined sense of the piece? Charles seemed to indicate the change of tones using the hyphen, which separated occasionally – from the title of his essay on – the first syllable of the word anarchy from the stem (an-archie), suggesting that every origin, every ἀρχή, should be put into parenthesis, although Charles found at the same time the music of Cage to be privileged through its return to origin. But if the an-archy was marked by the “impartible passivity of the com-passion” (passivité – impartageable – de la com-passion),67 by passivity more passive than any inaction, it didn’t relate to any music in advance (not even to music that presupposed a certain inactivity, for example, the inactivity of the composer who left the determination of certain dimensions of the composition to other instances, such as chance operations), being compassionate to every event as music. The an-archy, as groundlessness itself, could be compassionate to Cage’s music as well to Schubert’s. Because of it the composer as such was nothing but the simple listener of the musical material, every time anew, every time individually, assisting in its forming into the piece. Because of it the performer as such had a tendency to dissolve into the matter performed, whether playing Cage’s music or playing Schubert’s. Because of it the listener as such let the music reveal itself in this or that way, each time differently, precisely because it revealed itself individually. Was Cage himself attentive to this branching of anarchy, marked even by the branching hyphenation, of the word itself? In the conversation with Barnard the double gesture of his responses seemed to give the answer: when he agreed with Barnard’s opinions suggesting that music should be changed in order to be able to change the society in the right way, to persuade people, his discussion presupposed anarchy to be a condition grounded on a certain origin, on the “ideology implicit in the pieces.”68 On the other side, when he kept a distance to Barnard’s opinions, he seemed to prefer to listen to the appearance of something as music, its coming and going. Moreover, both of Cage’s gestures were noticeable even in the foreword to his collection A Year from Monday, which Barnard cited in the foreword to the printed edition of Conversa- tion without Feldman as an origin that should be returned to. Because the foreword to Cage’s collection of writings included not just the call for a certain way of getting musical things done, but also the description of the recent changes. Expressing his proposal to make musical activities more social and anarchically so, Cage added immediately: “As a matter of fact, even in the field of music, this is what is happening.”69 A catalogue of respective names followed, testifying to the fact that the changes were already underway. Should one therefore insist on something that is already there? However, the first of Cage’s gestures, his acceptance of Barnard’s opinions, perhaps simultaneously implied the branching of anarchy. Maybe Cage could move toward music grounded on a certain program – or ideology – because he presupposed that the

67 Ibid., 108. 68 Cage and Barnard, Conversation without Feldman, 11. 69 Cage, A Year from Monday …, x.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 21 13.5.2015 12:44:22 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 composer as such was not the one who knew what was going on, that the composer as such couldn’t control the piece, even in a case when he didn’t explicitly leave the decisions to another, for example, to I Ching. Did Schubert know what was going on when he composed his music? Did he know what emerged through the act of composing? Did the greatest music experts actually know that? After all, did not Cage, in the foreword to Anarchy, say that his task was “to find a way of writing which though coming from ideas is not about them”?70 And yet, didn’t his distance imply also something else, namely, the presupposition that explicit intervention was not necessary because the changes in the right direction were already underway? But Cage was perhaps more attentive to the branching of anarchy than it seemed. In Conversation without Feldman both of the dialogue partners spoke of different kinds of music, among them of the music committed to the classical aesthetics, as Charles would say. Thus Barnard, speaking of the recent music of Cornelius Cardew, related this music repeatedly to a “19th century pastiche,” 71 always in the derogative sense. Cardew, namely, criticises the “modern music ... because it’s bourgeois. Then he turns around and holds up people like Schumann and says that their results are much better.”72 Barnard found the recent music of Cardew to be contradictory: turning back to the formulas which resembled the music of the 19th century and at the same time declaring these formulas to be something elapsed, something bourgeois. But Barnard himself, by mentioning the examples of recent political music not con- taminated by this contemptible music of the past, which was of course left behind by every progressive musician like him, presupposed this contemptible music to be something bourgeois. In contrast, Cage in his responses during the conversation never used this identification. When he mentioned some composers from the 19th century – once he spoke of “Chopin and Schubert,” on another occasion of “Schubert or Chopin”73 – he seemed to be more benevolent toward them than contemptuous of them. As well, his attitude toward popular music and jazz seemed to be more compassionate than Barnard’s, although Barnard repeatedly expressed the opinion that music should affect the greatest possible number of listeners. Didn’t Cage’s benevo- lence toward these kinds of music testify that he conjectured some anarchy beyond all music, regardless of its actual kind? And yet the conversation between Cage and Barnard proceeded without the third one: Morton Feldman. Feldman didn’t participate, but he was present nevertheless, being the subject of two of Barnard’s questions. In both cases Feldman served as a particular reference point. Barnard thus contrasted his music with the explicitly political pieces by Cardew and Christian Wolff, claiming that their music was “more ‘acces- sible’” than Feldman’s “to a general sort of audience.” 74 In contrast, the popular music audience “can’t relate to it at all,” finding his music to be “very alienating.” 75 Cage just omitted these remarks on Feldman, turning the conversation instead to Cardew, the

70 Cage, “Anarchy,” 122. 71 Cage and Barnard, Conversation without Feldman, 8. 72 Ibid., 9. 73 Ibid., 12 and 20. 74 Ibid., 9. 75 Ibid., 9.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 22 13.5.2015 12:44:22 D. DAVIDOVIĆ • BRANCHES former role model for his dialogue partner, who must have disappointed Barnard so much that he was compelled to return to Cardew so obsessively, commenting on his pieces individually, in contrast to Feldman’s music, which was accorded just a few general remarks. But ten years before Feldman himself had been a dialogue partner in a conversation which likewise proceeded without the third one. Coming back from England, Feldman spoke about his impressions of the English contemporary musical scene. In the efforts of Cornelius Cardew’s circle he found “the same talk, the same climate” 76 he remembered from his own experience during the fifties, having been a member of the New York circle. Cardew seemed to be a successor, someone who repeated the gesture of his American colleagues acting according to the motto “Down with the masterpiece; up with art.”77 Feldman’s opinion served once as a reference point for Barnard78 and his music served as a paradigm for the ensemble Barnard participated in. In the conversation mentioned above Feldman pointed out the fact that his music had a tendency to leave the conventional concert setting. “I am looking for something else now,” replied Feld- man, “something that will no longer fit into the concert hall,”79 into the sanctuary of bourgeois music, as Barnard would say. In the conversation Feldman faced even the question of musical anarchy. When his unnamed dialogue partner (“a friend”) mentioned the influential opinion that anarchy in art was unforgiveable, claiming that “one must learn the rules ... if it’s only to break them,”80 it seemed that Feldman was on another side. Down with the masterpiece! But Feldman could also call into question what he called a “total consolidation,”81 a presupposition that the composer (performer or listener, respectively) really knew what he was doing. Did the composer really know what he was doing when he composed? Did he know what actually emerges through the act of composing? Wouldn’t anarchy taken as a principle indicate exactly a tendency to such consolidation? But art seemed to include something more, something that exceeded the composer’s knowledge:

There’s a parable of Kafka about a man living in a country where he doesn’t know the rules. Nobody will tell him what they are. He knows neither right nor wrong, but he observes that the rulers do not share his anxiety. From this he deduces that rules are for those who rule. What they do is the rule. That’s why all my knowledge doesn’t make me understand what Mozart did that I should also do in order to reach a state of artistic grace.82

76 Morton Feldman, “Conversations without Stravinsky,” in Give My Regards to Eighth Street: Collected Writings of Morton Feld- man, ed. B. H. Friedman (Cambridge: Exact Change, 2000), 50. 77 Feldman, “Conversations without Stravinsky,” 50. 78 “Looking back, however, the significance of Ahern during these years (1970-75) should not be underestimated. In fact, what Feldman said of Cardew in 1967 could justifiably have been claimed in relation to Ahern several years later: ‘If the new ideas in music are felt today as a movement in [Australia], it’s because he acts as a moral force, a moral centre.’” (Barnard, “AZ it was”) Cf. Feldman, “Conversations without Stravinsky,” 52. 79 Ibid., 57. 80 Ibid., 60. 81 Ibid., 56. 82 Ibid., 61.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 23 13.5.2015 12:44:22 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 During the late seventies, at the moment when the conversation with him took place, Feldman found a way to write music that didn’t fit into the conventional concert hall: he started simply to expand the pieces up to extreme lengths, repeating some basic patterns.83 The repetitions proceeded irregularly, with this or that minimal variation of the basic pattern, making the course of the piece unpredictable, because the minimal variation of the basic pattern could at every point of the piece be its bifurcation point, as if the piece were a promenade through the forest of forking paths. But Feldman’s music faded at the same time as a role model for the musical scene Barnard participated in – not just because of its traditional notation, but also because of its sound, which resembled the sound of chamber music with a piano typical for the music of the 19th century. Incapa- ble of persuading the audience, Feldman’s music thus came, in Barnard’s opinion, too close to academism, as if it had left anarchy behind, becoming just art, according to the second part (Up with art!) of the motto mentioned above. Becoming bourgeois art, as Barnard would say, falling into the sphere of death. Moreover, Feldman could give him the reason for such an opinion, when he added: “I never fully understood the need for a ‘live’ audience. My music, because of its extreme quietude, would be happiest with a dead one.”84 But didn’t this distance toward music as a means imply at the same time an attempt to put into parentheses every origin, in order to keep the notion of the musical as such open for every event which could appear as music? Finally, wasn’t Feldman, being seemingly backward, as someone whom Barnard and the like-minded progressive musicians left behind, less radical and at the same time more radical than they were? In the lecture on the future of music Cage honoured Feldman, mentioning him among the individuals thanks to whom the battles had been won.85 But also on other occasions Cage pointed out how much the pieces of his old friend, especially the early ones that were marked by the tendency to leave some dimensions of music undeter- mined, meant to him. But sometimes they were at odds, sometimes they were taking forked paths like those implied in their pieces, even there, where the branching of paths has not been arranged explicitly – in an-archy thanks to which every music leaves us “with an unfathomable mystery.”86 Sometimes their promenades took mysterious ways, finally giving birth to the very mystery of Number Pieces. It was as if Feldman were post- humously speaking through Cage’s last pieces, sending last regards to his friend.

Bibliography

Barnard, Geoffrey. “AZ it was.” New Music Articles 8, no. 7 (1989): 17–20. Accessed 10 February, 2015. http://www.rainerlinz.net/NMA/repr/Barnard.html. Cage, John. “Anarchy.” In John Cage at Seventy-Five, ed. Richard Fleming and William Duckworth, 119–208. Lewisburg & London & Toronto: Bucknell University Press & Associated University Presses, 1989.

83 On this development cf. Sebastian Claren, Neither: Die Musik Morton Feldmans (Hofheim: Wolke, 2000), 157. 84 Feldman, “Conversations without Stravinsky,” 57. 85 Cf. Cage, Empty Words, 181. 86 Feldman, “Conversations without Stravinsky,” 61.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 24 13.5.2015 12:44:23 D. DAVIDOVIĆ • BRANCHES Cage, John. A Year from Monday: New Lectures and Writings. Middletown: Wesleyan University Press, 1967. Cage, John. Branches: Percussion Solo, Duet, Trio or Orchestra (of any Number of Play- ers). New York: Henmar Press & Edition Peters, 1976. Cage, John. Child of Tree: Percussion Solo. New York: Henmar Press & Edition Peters, 1975. Cage, John. Empty Words: Writings ’73–’78. Middletown: Wesleyan University Press, 1979. Cage, John. Inlets: For three Players, with Conch Player (using Circular Breathing) and the Sound of a Fire. New York: Henmar Press & Edition Peters, 1977. Cage, John. Notations. New York: Something Else Press, 1969. Cage, John. Silence: Lectures and Writings. Middletown: Wesleyan University Press, 1961. Cage, John, and Geoffrey Barnard. Conversation without Feldman. Darlinghurst: Black Ram Books, 1980. Charles, Daniel. “Musique et an-archie.” In Gloses sur John Cage, by Daniel Charles, 91–109. Paris: U.G.E., 1978. Claren, Sebastian. Neither: Die Musik Morton Feldmans. Hofheim: Wolke, 2000. Feldman, Morton. “Conversations without Stravinsky.” In Give My Regards to Eighth Street: Collected Writings of Morton Feldman, ed. B. H. Friedman, 50–62. Cam- bridge: Exact Change, 2000. Haskins, Rob. Anarchic Societies of Sounds: The Number Pieces of John Cage. Saar- brücken: VDM Verlag Dr. Müller, 2009. Heidegger, Martin. Der Satz vom Grund. Pfullingen: Neske, 1978. Pritchett, James. The Music of John Cage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993. Retallack, Joan, ed. Musicage: Cage Muses on Words / Art / Music. Hanover & London: Wesleyan University Press, 1996. Tilbury, John. Cornelius Cardew (1936–1981): A Life Unfinished. Matching Tye, Essex: Copula, 2008.

POVZETEK Cageev poziv po bolj socialnem in anarhističnem glasbenem delovanju, ki ga je izrazil v predgovoru Pogovor brez Feldmana je transkripcija pogovora k svojim zbranim spisom z naslovom A Year from med Johnom Cageom in Geoffreyjem Barnar- Monday, izvor anarhističnega glasbenega ustvarja- dom iz leta 1978. Ker je bil razočaran nad svojimi nja. Toda Cageeva gesta med pogovorom se izkaže preteklimi izkušnjami – ko je bil član glasbene nekoliko dvoumna v pojmovanju njegove ideje zasedbe, katere drža je bila »v bistvu anarhistična« same anarhije. –, se je Barnard vrnil h Cageu, saj sem mu je zdel

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 25 13.5.2015 12:44:23 MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 26 13.5.2015 12:44:23 M. MOTNIK • EXCUDEBAT LEONHARDUS FORMICA ... UDK 78.07Mravlja DOI: 10.4312/mz.51.1.27-40

Marko Motnik Inštitut za teorijo, analizo in zgodovino glasbe, Univerza za glasbo in upodobljajočo umetnost Dunaj Institut für Analyse, Theorie und Geschichte der Musik, Universität für Musik und darstellende Kunst Wien

Excudebat Leonhardus Formica: Leonhard Formica (Lenart Mravlja) und seine Musikdrucke Excudebat Leonhardus Formica: Leonhard Formica (Lenart Mravlja) in njegovi glasbeni tiski

Prejeto: 12. januar 2015 Received: 12th January 2015 Sprejeto: 31. marec 2015 Accepted: 31st March 2015

Ključne besede: Lenart Mravlja, Leonhardus For- Keywords: Lenart Mravlja, Leonhardus Formica, mica, Wiener Musikdruck, Aegidius Bassengius, Viennese music print, Aegidius Bassengius, Blasius Blasius Amon, Paul Homberger, Narcissus Zängel, Amon, Paul Homberger, Narcissus Zängel, Lambert Lambert de Sayve de Sayve

IZVLEČEK ABSTRACT

Lenart Mravlja alias Leonhard Formica sodi med Lenart Mravlja, also named Leonhard Formica, is številne osebnosti s Kranjske, ki so v 16. stoletju za- one of the numerous personalities from Carniola pustili domovino in delovali na tujem. Po izobrazbi who worked abroad in the sixteenth century. After v Ljubljani in v protestantskih nemških mestih se je being educated in Ljubljana and in several protes- v poznih 1580ih letih preselil na Dunaj, kjer je odprl tant German towns, Formica moved to Vienna at samostojno tiskarsko delavnico in do leta 1605 na- the end of the 1580s where he founded a printing tisnil okoli 70 knjig. Med temi je tudi pet glasbenih office. Before his death in 1605, he produced ap- tiskov, ki pričajo o visoki kvaliteti del tega tiskarja. proximately 70 books, among which are five high quality music prints.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 27 13.5.2015 12:44:23 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 Die Stadt Wien konnte sich trotz ihrer herausragenden politischen und kulturellen Bedeutung im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert merkwürdigerweise nicht als Zentrum des Mu- sikdrucks etablieren, obgleich hier an künstlerischer Produktion kein Mangel herrschte. Die im Laufe des 16. Jahrhunderts in Wien tätigen Komponisten publizierten ihre Werke in der Regel in den international angesehenen Druckhäusern Venedigs, Süd- deutschlands und in den Niederlanden. Der Wiener Notendruck hatte nach einem vielversprechenden Beginn durch Johannes Winterburger (zw. 1460/65–1519), Hiero- nymus Vietor (um 1480–1546) und Johannes Singriener d. Ä. (um 1480–1545)1 in der zweiten Jahrhunderthälfte mit dem allgemeinen Aufschwung des Musikdruckwesens in Europa nicht mehr Schritt gehalten – es scheint ihm an Vernetzung, einer zielführen- den Distribution und wohl auch an Ansehen gefehlt zu haben. Unter den Wiener Druckhäusern, die um 1600 bisweilen Musikpublikationen herausbrachten, ist die Offizin des aus dem Herzogtum Krain nach Wien zugewanderten Druckers Lenart Mravlja (Mraula) – besser bekannt unter seinem latinisierten Namen Leonhardus Formica – sowohl in qualitativer als in quantitativer Sicht hervorzuheben.2 Die vorliegende Abhandlung fasst die Informationen zu Formicas Werdegang zusammen und widmet sich seinem Beitrag zum Wiener Musikdruck. Durch die Untersu- chung der Druckerzeugnisse von Formica soll gezeigt werden, dass in Wien zumindest einige Drucker durchaus über die technischen Möglichkeiten verfügten, qualitativ hochwertige Drucke polyphoner Musik herzustellen.

Biographisches

Die Datenlage ist spärlich, doch lässt sich Formicas Lebensgang immerhin punktu- ell nachvollziehen. Er stammt aus Reiffenberg (auch Rihenberg, heute Branik), einer Stadt etwa zwanzig Kilometer südöstlich von Görz (Gorica).3 Entgegen der Annahme

1 Mit dem frühen Notendruck in deutschsprachigen Ländern beschäftigt sich seit 2012 ein Forschungsprojekt an der Universität Salzburg unter der Leitung von Andrea Lindmayr-Brandl. Siehe http://www.vdm16.sbg.ac.at/ Mit der Thematik setzt sich auch die Studie von Birgit Lodes, Hg., NiveauNischeNimbus. Die Anfänge des Musikdrucks nördlich der Alpen, Wiener Forum für ältere Musikgeschichte, 3 (Tutzing: Hans Schneider, 2010) auseinander. Mit dem deutschen Musikdruck im 17. Jahrhundert beschäftigt sich Dagmar Schnell, In lucem edidit. Der deutsche Notendruck der ersten Hälfte des 17. Jahrhunderts als Kom- munikationsmedium. Dargestellt an den Vorreden (Osnabrück: Der Andere Verlag, 2003). 2 Dass es sich bei Lenart Mravlja und Leonhard Formica um ein und dieselbe Person handelt, erkannte wohl als erster Primož Simoniti, „Lenart Mravlja = Leonhardus Formica“, Kronika. Časopis za slovensko krajevno zgodovino 23 (1975): 45–46. Die Schilderung der Biographie im Slowenischen biographischen Lexikon endet noch vor Formicas Umzug nach Wien. Siehe Art. „Mravlja (Mraula, Maraula), Lenart“, in Franc Kidrič und Franc Ksaver Lukman, Hg., Slovenski biografski leksikon, Bd. 2/5 (Ljubljana: Zadruzna gospodarska banka, 1933–1952), 159. Dagegen verzeichnen die deutschen Bibliographien lediglich seine Wiener Periode: Anton Mayer, Wiens Buchdrucker-Geschichte 1482–1882, Erster Band. 1482–1682 (Wien: W. Frick, 1883), 176–85; Helmut W. Lang, Die Buchdrucker des 15. bis 17. Jahrhunderts in Österreich. Mit einer Bibliographie zur Geschichte des österreichischen Buchdrucks bis 1700, Bibliotheca Bibliographica Aureliana, 42 (Baden-Baden: Valentin Koerner, 1972), 55–56; Herbert Zeman, Hg., Die Österreichische Literatur. Ihr Profil von den Anfängen im Mittelalter bis ins 18. Jahrhundert (1050–1750), Teil 2 (Graz: ADEVA, 1986), 651–52; Christoph Reske, Die Buchdrucker des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts im deutschen Sprachgebiet. Auf der Grundlage des gleichnamigen Werkes von Josef Benzing, Beiträge zum Buch- und Bibliothekswesen, 51 (Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz, 2007), 973. 3 Die Herkunft ist im Trauungsbuch der Wiener Kirche zu St. Stephan anlässlich seiner Hochzeit im Jahr 1590 vermerkt: Tra- uungsbuch 1586–1596, Pfarrarchiv St. Stephan, Signatur 02-007, fol. 113r. Das Sterberegister aus dem Jahr 1605 ist dort nicht mehr erhalten.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 28 13.5.2015 12:44:23 M. MOTNIK • EXCUDEBAT LEONHARDUS FORMICA ... Anton Mayers, er sei bereits in jungen Jahren nach Wien gekommen,4 verbrachte For- mica seine Jugend in Ljubljana und in verschiedenen deutschen Städten. Die frühes- te aktenkundige Erwähnung seines Namens findet sich in einem Brief vom 28. Juli 1563; hier empfiehlt Matthias Klombner, Notar der Krainer Stände und Mitbegründer der protestantischen Kirche in Ljubljana, den jungen Mann an den Freiherrn Hans Un- gnad, den Inhaber der slawisch- protestantischen Druckerei zu Urach:

„Erstlich schikh Ich e[uer] g[naden] diesen Jüngling. Verhoff wird vleissig vnnd zum drukh wol dienen. Hab e g der zeit kain knabn zue derselbn Lieb der etwas abgeri- cht wie dieser Leonhart mündlih perichtn wird. Ich hab wol einen gehabt das mich gedeucht für e g. Aber herr Landß Verueser hat in zue sich genumen. Aber hie für will ich gedaht sein. derselben so gern nahzu khumen. E. g. pegert ain gowaijsnen püebn der Copiern khunt. Auch zu Raitung zue geprauchn kan ich e g der zeit nit versechn. Er steet vmb Richtig guet gesunt da schitter kommp mir was für will e g nit vergessn vnobgericht wie diser Leonhart macht ich e g wol schikhn. er hat ain zimblihe hant e g secretarij wird in pald abrichtn. Gefelt er e g [nicht] so schikh ich e g andern, er is frumb vnd güeten leit ain gueter Crisst. Wofer er peim drükn sein wird er noch priesster in vnsee Land art gebn [nachträglich hinzugefügt:] er wird dienstlih sein zue den liedern. er khan sy¨ all singen.“5

Der Nachname wird in diesem Schreiben zwar nicht genannt, doch ist aus weiteren, aus der Uracher Bibelanstalt herrührenden Dokumenten zu schließen, dass es sich hier tatsächlich um Formica handelt.6 Am 18. August 1563 begann er dort mit seiner Arbeit und erhielt in Urach wohl auch seine Ausbildung.7 Es wird angenommen, dass Formica anschließend in der Offizin von Johann Bur- ger in Regensburg arbeitete, wo in den Jahren 1566–1568 mehrere slawische Buch- drucke von Sebastian Krell und Stephan Consul erschienen sind.8 Dass für Burger die Hilfe eines Sprachkundigen unerlässlich gewesen ist, liegt nahe, doch konnte eine Mit- arbeit Formicas in Regensburg bisher nicht belegt werden. Auf seinen Aufenthalt in Regensburg deutet aber ein Brief von Klombner an den dortigen Superintendenten Nicolaus Gallus vom 5. Juni 1568, in dem der Verfasser vorschlug, Formica solle für Cas- par Melissander die slowenische Vorrede Trubars zum Neuen Testament übersetzen.9

4 Mayer, Wiens Buchdrucker-Geschichte, 176. 5 Universitätsarchiv Tübingen, Signatur 8/4, Nr. 110; vgl. auch Theodor Elze, Primus Trubers Briefe mit den dazu gehörigen Schriftstücken gesammelt und erläutert (Tübingen: H. Laupp Jr., 1897), 399. 6 Im Universitätsarchiv Tübingen, UAT 8/6a,1 [Nr. 115–121], sind Quittungen für den Erhalt von Schuhen und Kleidungsstücken erhalten. 7 Theodor Elze, Die Universität Tübingen und die Studenten aus Krain. Festschrift zur vierten Säcularfeier der Eberhard- Kraus-Universität (Tübingen: Franz Fues, 1877), 67–68. Zu dieser Zeit brachte Ungnad in Urach unter anderem das Ge- sangbuch ENE DVHOVNE PEISNI (1563) (VD16 ZV 26348) sowie CERKOVNA ORDNINGA (1564) (VD16 ZV 29698) von Primož Trubar heraus. 8 Vgl. Branko Berčič, Tiskarstvo na Slovenskem. Zgodovinski oris (Ljubljana: Odbor za proslavo 100-letnice grafične orga- nizacije na Slovenskem, 1968), 42–43. 9 „Daß Melesander jme, dem Mraullo, lesn laß die windisch vorred vber das neu testa[ment], von werkhn, justification, freien willn vnd des mer, so mues er widerruefn oder ain khezer, maiorist vnd anders mer werden.“ Klombner an Nicolaus Gallus, 5. Juni 1568, Stadtarchiv Regensburg, Eccles. I, fasc. 25. Zit. nach: Mirko Rupel, „Povabilo in odpoved Gašperju Melissandru“, Slavistična revija. Časopis za literatno zgodovino in jezik 8 (1955): 220.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 29 13.5.2015 12:44:23 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 Das Schreiben lässt vermuten, dass Formica Gallus persönlich bekannt gewesen ist, da ihn Klombner lediglich beiläufig erwähnt und dieser die Bekanntschaft somit voraus- gesetzt hat. Gegen Formicas Aufenthalt in Regensburg um diese Zeit spricht aber die Tatsache, dass er mit dem 8. Juni 1566 in die Matrikel der Universität Tübingen eingetragen ist.10 Möglicherweise arbeitete er in der Tübinger Druckerei von Ulrich Morhart. Nach 1575 bis etwa 1580 soll Formica Gehilfe des ersten Druckers in Ljubljana, Jo- hannes Manlius (Mannel), gewesen sein.11 Anschließend wirkte er 1583 und 1584 als Gehilfe bei der Fertigstellung der durch Jurij Dalmatin ins Slowenische übersetzten Bibel mit, die in der Offizin von Hans Kraffts Erben in Wittenberg gedruckt wurde.12 Nach Fertigstellung dieser Ausgabe taucht er noch einmal in Ljubljana auf,13 danach verliert sich aber kurzfristig seine Spur. Der genaue Zeitpunkt und die Beweggründe des Umzugs nach Wien sind nicht bekannt. In der Literatur wird öfters vermerkt, dass er zunächst als Geselle des im Jahr 1588 verstorbenen Wiener Druckers Michael Apffl tätig gewesen sei, dessen Offizin im Haus zum Grünen Rößle in der Schuelstrassen er im Jahr 1590 von dessen Witwe kaufte.14 Die öfters zitierte Angabe, die Missae von Blasius Amon aus dem Jahr 1588 seien seine erste Publikation, ist unrichtig,15 obwohl nicht auszuschließen ist, dass er an diesem Druck mitgearbeitet hat. Im Jahr 1590 heiratete Formica Margaretha Wiesensteiger (Wiesensteyger), eine Tochter des Wiener Formschneiders Georg Wiesensteiger, mit der er zwei Kinder hatte: einen Sohn, Matthäus (geb. 1591), und eine drei Jahre jüngere Tochter Anna.16 Mit dem 3. April 1599 ist Formica mit der Angabe typographus in das Matrikelbuch der Wiener Universität eingetragen. Er durfte sich fortan zu ihren akademischen Bürgern zählen und unterstand somit der Gerichtsbarkeit der Universität.17 Seine Werkstatt lag in der sogenannten Lammburse (auch Lampelburse oder Bursa Agni), die sich an der

10 „Leonhardus Maraula Labacensis typographus“. Heinrich Hermelink, Hg., Die Matrikeln der Universität Tübingen. Erster Band: Die Matrikeln von 1477–1600 (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1906), 465. 11 Branko Reisp, „Tiskarna Janeza Mandelca in leta 1578 tiskana pesem o zmagi Ivana Ferenbergerja nad Turki“, Kronika. Časopis za slovensko krajevno zgodovino 23 (1975): 82 sowie Branko Reisp, „Prvi (protestantski) tiskar na Slovenskem Janez Mandelc“, Zgodovinski časopis / Historical Review 47 (1993): 511. 12 BIBLIA, TV IE, VSE SVETV PISMV, STARIGA inu Noviga Testamenta, Slovenski, tolmazhena, skusi IVRIA DALMATINA. Bibel/ das ist/ die gantze heilige Schrifft/ Windisch. (VD16 B 2867). Vgl. August Dimitz, „Beiträge zur Reformationsgeschichte in Krain“, Jahrbuch der Gesellschaft für die Geschichte des Protestantismus in Österreich 4 (1883): 49–66; August Dimitz, Geschichte Krains von der ältesten Zeit bis aus das Jahr 1813. Mit besonderer Rücksicht auf Kulturentwicklung, Dritter Teil. Vom Regiersungsan- tritte Erzherzog Karl in Innerösterreich bis Leopold I. (1564–1657) (Laibach: Ig. v. Kleinmayr & Fed. Bamberg, 1875), 198 und 201 sowie P. Walter Šmid O. S. B., „Über Entstehung und Herausgabe der Bibel Dalmatins“, Mitteilungen des Musealvereines für Krain 17 (1904): 71–146. 13 Jože Rajhman, Pisma slovenskih protestantov / Briefe der slowenischen Protestanten, Korespondence pomembnih Slovencev, 11 (Ljubljana: ZRC SAZU, 1997), 119–130. 14 Archiv der Universität Wien, CA VA Fasz. 52, Nr. 41. 15 RISM A/I: A 941. Vgl. Anton Schmid, Ottaviano dei Petrucci da Fossombrone, der erste Erfinder des Musiknotendruckes mit be- weglichen Metalltypen und seine Nachfolger im sechzehnten Jahrhundert mit steter Rücksicht auf die vorzüglichsten Leistungen derselben und auf die Erstlinge des Musiknotendruckes (Wien: P. Rohrmann, 1845), 216; Mayer, Wiens Buchdrucker-Geschichte, 177; Simoniti, „Lenart Mravlja = Leonhardus Formica“, 46. 16 Zu Margaretha Formica vgl. Linda Maria Koldau, Frauen – Musik – Kultur. Ein Handbuch zum deutschen Sprachgebiet der Frühen Neuzeit (Köln, Weimar, Wien: Böhlau, 2005), 546–47. 17 Franz Gall, Hg., Die Matrikel der Universität Wien, Bd. 4/1, 1579/II – 1658/59, 1. Lieferung, Publikationen des Instituts für öster- reichische Geschichtsforschung, 6. Reihe, Quellen zur Geschichte der Universität Wien, 1. Abt., (Graz, Köln: Hermann Böhlaus Nachf., 1961), 54. Der Sohn Matthias inskribierte an der Universität Wien im Wintersemester des Jahres 1602 (14. Oktober) und ist im Matrikelbuch mit der Angabe „Matthaeus Formica Vienn. Austr.“ angeführt. Ebd., 62.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 30 13.5.2015 12:44:23 M. MOTNIK • EXCUDEBAT LEONHARDUS FORMICA ... Stelle der heutigen Jesuitenkirche befand.18 Er war laut seinen gedruckten Werken Hof-, Landschafts- und wohl auch Universitätsbuchdrucker. Nachdem Formica etwa zwei Jahrzehnte lang enge Kontakte mit Protestanten ge- pflegt hatte und an der Veröffentlichung mehrerer protestantischer Bücher beteiligt gewesen war, gingen aus seiner Wiener Werkstatt nun mehrere gegenreformatorische Schriften, wie beispielsweise Werke des jesuitischen Hofpredigers Georg Scherer oder des Wiener Bischofs Johann Caspar Neubeck, hervor. Formica verstarb zu Beginn des Jahres 1605. Er verfasste kein Testament, doch ging die Offizin an seine Witwe Margaretha, welche sie bis 1617 weiterführte. Danach befand sich die Werkstatt bis 1639 in Händen seines Sohnes Matthäus.19 Dieser brachte an die hundert Werke heraus, darunter auch mindestens drei Musikdrucke: eine Samm- lung von Messen von Johann Stadlmayr (1616, RISM A/I: S 4287), ein Sammelwerk des kaiserlichen Kapellmeisters Giovanni Valentini (1621, RISM A/I: V 92) sowie Messen von Christoph Strauß (1631, RISM A/I: S 6936). Die Druckerei ging nach seinem Tod an Maria Formica, Gattin von Matthäus, die 1640 in zweiter Ehe Matthäus Cosmerovius – den wohl bedeutendsten Wiener Drucker des 17. Jahrhunderts – heiratete.20

Die Musikdrucke von Leonhard Formica

Als Formica im Jahr 1590 mit seiner selbständigen Drucktätigkeit begann, war er bereits um die vierzig Jahre alt. Er gehört allerdings zu den leistungsfähigsten Wiener Typo- graphen um 1600 und konnte sich trotz Konkurrenz erstaunlich schnell etablieren. Rund siebzig Drucke aus seiner Wiener Werkstatt sind bisher nachgewiesen, wobei es sich um ein für die Zeit typisches Angebot handelt. Unter den Drucken finden sich sowohl Pre- digten, Disputationen, Verordnungen, Universitätsschriften, Zeitungen als auch Neujahrs- verehrungen, Kalender und Almanache in lateinischer, deutscher und sogar ungarischer Sprache. Es ist dagegen interessanterweise kein slawischer Buchdruck von ihm verzeichnet. Eine alleinige Spezialisierung auf Musikdruck war zu dieser Zeit nicht üblich und ist daher auch von ihm nicht zu erwarten. So sind heute lediglich fünf Drucke polyphoner Musik aus seiner Werkstatt bekannt. Das ist allerdings mehr als bei anderen Wiener Dru- ckern dieser Zeit, die bloß einzelne oder gar keine Musikdrucke herausbrachten.21 Der Typendruck für Noten im Einfachdruckverfahren – die Typen haben neben einem Notenkopf und -hals auch bereits die Notenlinien – gilt als eine Erfindung des Pariser Typographen Pierre Attaingnant und fand ab den 1530er Jahren weite Verbrei- tung.22 Die Methode scheint in Wien erst später, und zwar von Raphael Hofhalter im

18 Zur Lammburse siehe Joseph Aschbach, Wiener Universität und ihre Gelehrten. Die ersten Jahrhunderte ihres Bestehens. Festschrift zu ihrer fünfhundertjährigen Gründungsfeier (Wien: Verlag der k. k. Universität, 1865), 199–200. 19 Matthäus Formica ist am 21. September 1591 in Wien geboren worden. Vgl. Castle, Geschichte einer Wiener Buchdruckerei, 12 und 56. 20 Über das weitere Schicksal der Offizin berichtet Castle, Geschichte einer Wiener Buchdruckerei. 21 Ein Verzeichnis der Wiener Musikdrucke ist vorhanden in Peter Riethus, „Der Wiener Musikdruck im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert“, Der Bibliophile. Internationale Zeitschrift für Bücherfreunde. Regelmäßige Beilage zur Fachzeitschrift Das Antiquariat 14 (1958): 6 und 9. 22 Zu Attaingnant siehe Daniel Heartz, Pierre Attaingnant, Royal Printer of Music. A Historical Study and Bibliographical Cata- logue (Berkeley, Los Angeles: Univ. of California Press, 1969).

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 31 13.5.2015 12:44:23 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 Jahre 1560 angewendet worden zu sein, welcher einen repräsentativen, großformati- gen Pergament-Einblattdruck mit dem sechsstimmigen Kanon Qui operatur est Petro des Hofkapellmeisters Jacob Vaet wohl nur in einem einzigen Exemplar veröffentlich- te.23 Die Typen bestehen hier aus den entsprechenden Notenzeichen und jeweils fünf Notenlinien. Jakob Mair, der im Jahr 1574 Il primo libro delle canzone italiane a cinque voci von Jacob Regnart – die erste Publikation dieses Komponisten – in fünf Stimm- heften druckte,24 verwendete dagegen erstmals in Wien Typen mit Notenzeichen und zwei bis vier Notenlinien. Die fehlenden Linienstückchen werden mit gesonderten Ty- pen ergänzt. Dasselbe Prinzip ist auch im Liber sacratissimarum von Blasius Amon und in Il primo libro delle canzoni a la napolitana von Lambert de Sayve,25 beide 1582 gedruckt von Stephan Creuzer, zu finden und war zu Formicas Zeiten als ein Standard- verfahren bereits etabliert.26 Der erste Musikdruck aus Formicas Offizin, die Motetten von Aegidius Bassengius (Égide oder auch Gilles Bassenge), steht zeitlich einigermaßen isoliert da. Er erschien in sechs Stimmbüchern im Jahr 1591, während die anderen vier Musikdrucke erst zehn beziehungsweise elf Jahre später erschienen sind. Bassengius (um 1550–1595), aus Lüt- tich stammend, wirkte als Kapellmeister von Maximilian III., genannt Deutschmeister, Erzherzog von Vorderösterreich und König von Polen (1558–1618), ansässig in Wiener Neustadt, welchem der Druck mit fünfzehn enthaltenen Motetten auch gewidmet ist.27 Die Widmungsvorrede, abgedruckt in allen Stimmbüchern, ist mit zeitüblichen Devo- tionsfloskeln versehen und verrät wenig Relevantes über den Komponisten und sein Werk. Der Titel des Werkes lautet:

Die Seiten enthalten jeweils fünf Notensysteme. Diese Anordnung ist bereits im Druck von Michael Apffl von 1588 (Missae quatuor, vocibus quaterni von Blasius Amon)29 vorhanden und findet sich als Standard auch in späteren Musikdrucken von

23 RISM A/I: V 25. Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Wien, Musiksammlung, MS 47.354-GF liegend. Siehe Faksimile in: Robert Haas, Aufführungspraxis der Musik (Wildpark-Potsdam: Akad. Verlagsgesellschaft Athenaion, 1931), 129. 24 RISM A/I: R 738. Das Werk gilt als der erste Individualdruck des Komponisten. Untersucht wurde das Exemplar der Polska Akademia Nauk Biblioteka Gdańska, Signatur Ee 21732 8* adl. 3, das mit mehreren zeitgenössischen Madrigaldrucken zusammengebunden ist. Zum Druck siehe auch Gedeon Borsa, „Jakob Mair. Ein nahezu unbekannter Wiener Drucker des XVI. Jahrhunderts“, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (1963): 128–32. Der Autor bezeichnet die typographische Ausführung des Regnart-Druckes als durchschnittlich. 25 RISM A/I: S 1123. Die Altus-Stimme befindet sich in Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II (Polen), Signatur: N-3874. 26 RISM A/I: A 940. Ein unvollständiges Exemplar dieses Druckes befindet sich in Narodna in univerzitetna knjižnica Ljubljana, Glasbena zbirka, Inv. Nr. III. H. 23782 d/31. 27 Zum Komponisten siehe Rudolf Hopfner, Egide Bassenge. Eine stilkritische Analyse seiner Motettensammlung aus dem Jahre 1591 (Diss., Universität Wien, 1988). 28 RISM A/I: B 1236. Zur Untersuchung wurde das komplett erhaltene Exemplar der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek Wien, Musiksammlung, SA.76.E.4. 1–6 Mus 18, herangezogen. 29 RISM A/I: A 941. Untersucht wurde das Altus-Stimmbuch in der Wienbibliothek im Rathaus, Musiksammlung, M-5231. Die Stimmbücher Diskant, Altus und Tenor werden in der Universitetsbiblioteket Uppsala (Schweden) verwahrt (Vok.-mus.i.tr. 516–518).

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 32 13.5.2015 12:44:23 M. MOTNIK • EXCUDEBAT LEONHARDUS FORMICA ... Formica. Sämtliche Anfänge der Kompositionen sind mit verzierten Initialen versehen, während bei Apffl nur die Anfänge der Kyrie-Sätze auf diese Weise gestaltet sind. Es fällt aber auf, dass die Drucktypen von Apffl und Formica einander entspre- chen. Das ist insbesondere bei den identischen Stempeln für die Initialen auffallend (Abbildung 1).

Abbildung 1: Initiale K in Blasius Amon, Missae aliquot (1588), Altus, fol. 16v, Wienbi- bliothek im Rathaus, Musiksammlung, M 5231 und Narcissus Zängl, Cantiones sacræ (1602), Discantus, fol. 1r, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München, Musiksammlung, 4 Mus.pr. 154, Beib. 2 (mit Genehmigung).

Formica hatte laut Verlassenschaftsabhandlung vom 12. März 1605 im Jahr 1590 die Offizin Apffls um 700 Gulden gekauft, doch liest man in demselben Bericht ebenso, dass er das typographische Material wegen seines Alters und der Abnutzung weiter nach Wiener Neustadt verkauft hat.30 Möglicherweise behielt er die Notentypen bei oder aber er besorgte diese beim gleichen Schriftgießer wie Apffl.31 Vom Druck seines Vorgängers unterscheidet sich bei Formica auch die Gestaltung des Titelblattes: Der gesamte Text ist mit einem ornamentalen Rahmen umgeben, wäh- rend dieser bei Apffl lediglich bei der Bezeichnung der Stimmen vorhanden ist. Die Musikdrucke Formicas aus den Jahren 1600–1602 weisen bis auf den Druck von Paul Homberger identische Rahmen auf und unterscheiden sich so von der Einrahmung des Titelblattes bei Bassengius‘ Druck, bei dem auch die Bezeichnung der Stimmen mit gesonderten Rahmen versehen ist. Der zweite Druck aus Formicas Offizin enthält Kompositionen des Tiroler Kom- ponisten Blasius Amon (um 1560–1590), der ein beachtenswertes, europaweit ver- breitetes musikalisches Werk hinterlassen hat.32 Sein Erstlingswerk, Liber sacratissimarum mit fünfstimmigen Kompositionen, ist 1582 erschienen. Zu Lebzeiten des Komponisten folgte 1588 in der Wiener Offizin von Apffl noch die bereits erwähnte

30 Archiv der Universität Wien, CA VA Fasc. 52, Nr. 41. 31 Um die Frage, ob Formica seine Drucktypen von außen bezog oder sie selbst anfertigte, beantworten zu können, wären weitere vertiefende Vergleichsstudien notwendig. 32 Zu den Komponisten siehe Caecilianus Huigens O. F. M., Fr. Blasius Amon (ca. 1560–1590). Sein Leben und seine Werke. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Kirchenmusik in Oesterreich (Diss., Universität Wien, 1914).

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 33 13.5.2015 12:44:23 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 Sammlung von Messen (RISM A/I: A 941). Drei weitere Drucke sind bereits posthum in München von Adam Berg am Beginn der 1590er Jahren gedruckt worden, 33 wäh- rend seine vierstimmigen Introita – Amons letztes gedrucktes Werk – vom Bruder des Komponisten, Stephan Amon, besorgt wurden und in der Offizin von Formica erschienen sind.34 (Abbildung 2)

Abbildung 2: Blasius Amon, Introitus Dominicales von 1601/02, Tenor, Titelseite, Bay- erische Staatsbibliothek München, Musiksammlung, 4 Mus.pr. 151 (mit Genehmigung).

Das Werk mit 79 Gesängen und einer Missa pro defunctis ist Paul Schönebner, der in den Jahren 1601–1613 als Abt des Zisterzienserstiftes Heiligenkreuz in Niederöster- reich amtierte, gewidmet. Amon war hier selbst als Kantor Mitte der 1580er Jahre tätig und kannte diesen wohl bereits aus seiner Zeit in Zwettl, wo Schönebner geboren worden ist.35 Die Titelseite enthält keine Datierung, während der Holzschnitt auf der Ver- soseite rechts unten mit dem Vermerk „Anno 1601“ signiert ist. Die Kreuzigungsszene mit einer Darstellung des vor dem Kreuz knienden Abtes zeigt links unten nochmals die Jahreszahl 1601 und ein Monogramm AS (Abbildung 3).

33 RISM A/I: A 942, A 943 und A 944. 34 RISM A/I: A 945. Untersucht wurde das unvollständig erhaltene Exemplar der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München, Signatur: 4 Mus.pr. 151, Altus und Tenor. Ein weiteres Altus-Stimmheft befindet sich in der Wienbibliothek, Musiksammlung, Signatur: M-5230. Die Stimmhefte Cantus und Bassus sind verschollen. 35 Walter Senn, „Zur Lebensgeschichte des Tiroler Komponisten Blasius Amon (um 1560–1590)“, Veröffentlichungen des Tiroler Landesmuseum Ferdinandeum 56 (1976): 159.

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Abbildung 3: Blasius Amon, Introitus Dominicales von 1601/02, Tenor, fol. 1v, Baye- rische Staatsbibliothek München, Musiksammlung, 4 Mus.pr. 151 (mit Genehmigung).

Die Widmung erwähnt die siegreiche Schlacht des Erzherzog Matthias gegen die Türken bei Alba Regalis (Stuhlweißenburg, Székesfehérvár), die im September 1601 stattgefunden hat. Der Druck ist also entweder gegen Ende des Jahres 1601 oder An- fang 1602 fertig gestellt worden. Für das Jahr 1602 spricht auch die Angabe, Blasius Amon sei vor zwölf Jahren verstorben (gest. 1590). In der umfangreichen Dedikation liest man ferner von einer lebendigen Musikpflege der Vokal- und Instrumentalmu- sik im Stift Heiligenkreuz. Der Herausgeber erwähnt, die Werke seines Bruders seien ebenda häufig gebraucht worden und der Abt sei auf diese sehr bedacht gewesen. Stephan Amon führt ferner an, er selbst habe den Druck der ihm hinterlassenen Samm- lung veranlasst und korrigiert. Dennoch ist er recht fehlerhaft ausgefallen. Dem Druck ist noch ein umfangreiches Gedicht – ein Carmen elegiacum mit der Überschrift Ad lectorem – sowie zwei Verse In Zoilum vorangestellt. Der nächste Druck ist der im Jahr 1601 erschienene fünfstimmige 128. Psalm in deutscher Übersetzung von Paul Homberger (um 1560–1634). Es ist gleichzeitig auch der erste nachgewiesene Druck dieses Regensburger Komponisten. Er wirkte bewie- senermaßen in den Jahren 1597 und 1598 in Graz als Lehrer, danach in Spitz bei Krems an der Donau und in Weißenkirchen in der Wachau. Im Jahr des Erscheinens seines Psalms zog er nach Regensburg und wurde am dortigen Gymnasium Poeticum als

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 35 13.5.2015 12:44:24 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 Meister und Kantor tätig. Seine zahlreichen weiteren Musikpublikationen sind in Re- gensburg erschienen.36 Das umfangreiche Titelblatt dieses ansonsten eher kurzen und anspruchslosen Druckes hat den folgenden Text:

Der CXXVIII. Psalm | Deß Königlichen Propheten Dauidis/ | Zu Ehren dem Hei- ligen Ehestandt / vnnd dann auch | Auff Hochzeitliche Ehrenfrewd | Deß Edlen / Gestrengen Herrn / Herrn Hannsen Jacoben Kueff-|stainer / zum Greylnstain vnnd Feinfeldt/ auff Spitz vnnd Zaysing/ Fürstl: Durchl: | Herrn Matthiasen / Erzhertzogen zu Osterreich/ &c. Fürschneider. Gehalten auff dem Schloß | Greylnstain / dem 15. Ianuarij, Anno M. DC. I. | Mit | Deß Wolgebornen Herrn / Herrn Adamen / Herrn von Bucheim/ Freyherrn zu | Raabs vnd Krumpach / auff Carlstain vnnd Praun- storff/ ErbTruchfässen in Osterreich/ Röm: Kay: | Mtt: &c. Raths/ vnd einer Ersamen Landstschafft in Osterreich unter der Ennß/Verordneten/Ehleiblicher | vielgeliebter Tochter/Freyin Clara/ Freye von Buchaim. Zu Ehren vnd hailwünschung baider | geehrten löblichen Brautpersonen mit fünff Stimmen componiret | Durch | PAVLVM HOMBERGERVM RATISPONENSEM. | [Bezeichnung der Stimme] | Gedruckt zu Wienn in Osterreich / bey Leonhardt Formica/ in der löblichen | Artisten Facultet Hauß / auff der Hohen Schuel.37

Der am Titelblatt angeführte Bräutigam Hanns Jacob Kueffstainer (Kuefstein) stammte aus einer niederösterreichischen Adelsfamilie, mit denen Homberger wohl während seines Aufenthaltes bei Krems Bekanntschaft geschlossen hat. Die Hochzeit fand auf Schloss Greillenstein, zu dieser Zeit im Besitz der Familie, statt.38 Dem Tenor- heft ist ein Gedicht Votum nuptiale beigefügt. Die einzige von Formica veröffentlichte Sammlung von Ordinariumsgesängen stammt von Narcissus Zängl, auch Zanggel, Zenngel und Zänckl (um 1555–nach 1607). Er kam aus Augsburg und war in den frühen 1570er Jahren Chorist unter Orlando di Lasso am Münchener Hof. Danach hielt er sich in Frankreich auf, wirkte als Organist in Roggenburg in Oberschwaben und war in den 1580er Jahren bei Jakob Fugger in Augsburg tätig. Das letzte Jahrzehnt des 16. Jahrhunderts verbrachte er am Hof von Hohenzollern-Hechingen und war bis 1599 in Sigmaringen.39 Bis auf seinen mutmaßli- chen, wohl eher kurzen Aufenthalt in der Innsbrucker Hofkapelle in den 1580er Jahren ist nichts über seine Anwesenheit in österreichischen Ländern bekannt, doch deutet sein einziger nachgewiesener Musikdruck, der in der Offizin von Formica 1602 publiziert worden ist, dass er sich zumindest kurzzeitig hier aufhalten haben musste. Auch

36 Darunter zahlreiche Hochzeits- und einige Lob- und Sterbegesänge bei Bartholomäus Gräf bzw. dessen Erben und ab 1611 bei Matthias Müller. Letzter Druck erfolgte 1634 bei Christoph Fischer. Zur Biographie siehe Michael Zywietz, Art. „Homberger, Paul“, Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Allgemeine Enzyklopädie der Musik, Personenteil, Bd. 9, hg. Ludwig Finscher (Kassel u.a.: Bärenreiter, Stuttgart: Metzler, 22003), 282–83. 37 RISM A/I: H 6398. Das einzige erhaltene Exemplar wird in der Proske-Bibliothek Regensburg unter der Signatur A.R. 271–273 aufbewahrt und stammt aus der Sammlung des Gymnasium Poeticum. Dem Druck ist ein Autograph Hombergers, die Psalm- odiae Verspertinae, beigebunden. 38 Siehe Karl Graf Kuefstein, Studien zur Familiengeschichte, 2. Teil, 16. Jahrhundert (Wien und Leipzig: Wilhelm Braumüller, 1911), 320–21. 39 Vgl. Andreas Taub, Art. „Zängel, Zanngl, Zenngel, Zänckl u.a., Narcissus“, Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Allgemeine Enzyklopädie der Musik, Personenteil, Bd. 17, hg. Ludwig Finscher (Kassel u.a. Bärenreiter, Stuttgart: Metzler, 22007), 1329.

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Abbildung 4: Lambert de Sayve, Teutsche Liedlein von 1602, Bassus, Titelseite, Ös- terreichische Nationalbibliothek Wien, Musiksammlung, SA.79.C.30/4 20 Mus (mit Genehmigung).

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 37 13.5.2015 12:44:25 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 die Widmung an Paul Schönebner, den Abt des Stiftes Heiligenkreuz, spricht dafür. Der Titel der Sammlung lautet:

Die Titelseite enthält keine Datierung. Der Holzschnitt auf der Rückseite der Titel- seiten in allen Stimmbüchern – interessanterweise identisch mit dem im Druck von Amon – ist nun rechts unten mit der Jahreszahl 1602 signiert und die Widmung, die nur im Bassus abgedruckt ist, mit dem 28. März 1602 datiert. Die Sammlung enthält sechs Vertonungen des Messordinariums. Der zweite deutschsprachige Musikdruck nach dem 128. Psalm von Paul Hom- berger aus Formicas Offizin und wohl auch seine letzte Musikpublikation beinhaltet „Teutsche Liedlein“ von Lambert de Sayve (1549–1614), seit 1583 Kapellmeister von Erzherzog Matthias41 – wie er sich im Druck selbst bezeichnet – und ist im Jahr 1602 erschienen (Abbildung 4).42 Die Sammlung ist dem kaiserlichen Rat und Hofsekretär Georg Schrötl dem Jünge- ren gewidmet, dem de Sayve in der deutschen Widmungsvorrede für seine Zuneigung dankt. Das Schreiben ist mit dem 10. September 1602 datiert. Es handelt sich hier um den einzigen Musikdruck Formicas im Hochformat. Er enthält neunzehn deutsche Lie- der, deren Notentext auf den Verso- und die weiteren Strophen auf den gegenüberlie- genden Rectoseiten abgedruckt sind (Abbildung 5). Die Publikation schließt auch das fünfteilige Lied „Warumb wolst du nicht frölich seyn“ mit ein, dessen zweiter und vierter Teil von Jacob Regnart komponiert wurde. Eine Neuausgabe dieser Edition wurde durch Michael Praetorius „Autori zu Ehren“ besorgt und 1611 in Wolfenbüttel veröffentlicht.43 Daraus kann man schließen, dass die Publikation von Formica recht erfolgreich gewesen ist. Sie ist allerdings, wie Praetorius im Vorwort vermerkt, in nur wenigen Exemplaren gedruckt worden.44

40 RISM A/I: Z 30. Untersucht wurden die Exemplare des British Library London (A.574), der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München (4 Mus.pr. 154, Beib. 2) sowie das Exemplar in Moravské zemské muzeum, oddělení dějin hudby in Brno (A 20531a–e), das mit einigen zeitgenössischen Musikdrucken zusammengebunden ist. 41 Hellmut Federhofer, „Lambert de Sayve an der Grazer Hofkapelle“, Revue belge de Musicologie / Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Muziekwetenschap 3 (1949): 215. 42 RISM A/I: S 1124; RISM B/I: 160211. Untersucht wurden die Stimmhefte Altus und Bassus in der Österreichischen Nationalbi- bliothek Wien, Musiksammlung, SA.79.C.30/3.4 20 Mus. Der Druck ist nicht mehr vollständig erhalten. Der Tenor fehlt. Die Diskantstimme befindet sich in Arcibiskupský zamek, hudební archív in Kroměříž. Sayve ließ später seine Sacrae symphoniae (1612, RISM A/I: S 1126) in Klosterbruck (Kloster Louka in Znaim) bei Johannes Fiedler drucken. 43 RISM A/I: S 1125; RISM B/I: 161119. 44 Vgl. Lambert de Sayve und Michael Praetorius, Teutsche Liedlein zu 4 Stimmen, Das Chorwerk, 51, hg. Friedrich Blume (Wol- fenbüttel: Möseler, 1938), 2.

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Abbildung 5: Lambert de Sayve, Teutsche Liedlein von 1602, Bassus, fol. 2v–3r, Ös- terreichische Nationalbibliothek Wien, Musiksammlung, SA.79.C.30/4 20 Mus (mit Genehmigung).

Schlussbemerkung

Die in Wien realisierten Musikdrucke blieben Einzelerscheinungen, die eine kaum zu lösende Frage nach dem Sinn der kostenintensiven Investitionen zur Anschaffung des typographischen Materials für die Anfertigung von so wenigen Publikationen aufwerfen. Es steht fest, dass der Musikdruck in Wien lediglich ein Nischenprodukt gewesen ist. In der kurzen Reihe der Wiener Drucker des 16. und frühen 17. Jahrhun- derts, welche mitunter auch Musik verlegten, ist der Name Leonhard Formica sowohl aus quantitativen als auch qualitativen Gründen hervorzuheben. Er verfügte durchaus über das entsprechende technische Niveau hochwertige Musikdrucke zu produzieren, wobei er die herkömmlichen Verfahren der Zeit anwendete. Die Frage der Auflagenhöhe der Formica-Drucke ist heute nicht mehr zu beantworten, doch scheint sie angesichts der nur noch wenigen erhaltenen Exemplare sämtlicher fünf Drucke eher niedrig gewesen zu sein. Allerdings könnte diese je nach der zur Verfügung stehenden finanziellen Mittel von Druck zu Druck auch variiert haben. Auch über die Distribution, Vermarktung und kommerzielle Verbreitung der

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 39 13.5.2015 12:44:27 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 Publikationen lässt sich kaum etwas sagen.45 Bezüglich der Finanzierung der kostspie- ligen Veröffentlichungen kann aber immerhin angenommen werden, dass diese von den Komponisten selbst, beziehungsweise von ihren Mäzenen, sei es von weltlichen oder geistlichen Personen, geleistet worden ist. Die letzteren sind zumindest als Wid- mungsträger aller fünf Publikationen bekannt. Ob sich Formica selbst um den Verkauf seiner Drucke bemüht hat oder diesen völlig den Komponisten überlassen hat, bleibt vorerst im Dunkeln. Es fällt auf, dass er lediglich Werke lokaler Komponisten druckte, wobei manche davon einen internationalen Rang erlangt haben. Darin könnte man ein Indiz dafür sehen, dass er sich bloß als Auftragnehmer verstand, der die erforderli- che Leistung erbrachte. Seine Musikdrucke sind jedenfalls sauber ausgeführt und zeu- gen von der hohen Qualität dieses Typographen. Zuletzt sei noch vermerkt, dass kein Musikdruck Formicas durch ein Privilegium geschützt ist.

POVZETEK tiskarni Johannesa Manliusa (Mandelca) v Ljubljani, od 1583 do 1584 pa je bil zagotovo prisoten pri tisku Dunaj v 16. in zgodnjem 17. stoletju kljub svoji izjem- Dalmatinove Biblije v Wittenbergu. ni politični in kulturni vlogi ter obetavnih začetkih Nekje ob koncu 1580ih let se je Formica preselil knjigotržtva ni veljal za center glasbenega tiska. Zdi na Dunaj, kjer je bil sprva pomočnik v tiskarni se, da je mestu manjkala tako ustrezna povezanost Michaela Apffla. Leta 1590 je odkupil delavnico kot tudi distribucija in ugled. Med dunajskimi tiskar- le-tega in postal samostojni tiskar. Kljub številnim ji, ki so okoli leta 1600 občasno objavljali glasbene ti- tekmecem se je izjemno hitro uveljavil in velja s ske, velja posebej omeniti tiskarja slovenskega rodu, prebližno sedemdesetimi natisnjenimi knjigami Leonarda Mravljo, bolje poznanega pod latinskim za enega izmed najuspešnejših in najbolj produk- imenom Leonhardus Formica. Rojen v Rihenbergu tivnih dunajskih tiskarjev svojega časa. Kljub temu pri Gorici, se je Formica že v rani mladosti (1563) pa je med njegovimi izdelki znanih le pet tiskov preselil v nemški Urach in deloval v tamkajšnji polifone glasbe: moteti Aegidiusa Bassengiusa slovanski protestantski tiskarni. Ni dokazano, ali (1591), Introita Blasiusa Amona (1601 ali 1602), 128. se je za tem zadrževal v Regensburgu, zagotovo psalm Paula Hombergerja (1601), maše Narcissusa pa je živel v Tübingenu, kjer je bil leta 1566 vpisan Zängla (1602) in nazadnje nemške pesmi Lamberta na univerzo. Med leti 1575 in 1580 naj bi deloval v de Sayvea (1602).

45 In den Katalogen der Frankfurter und Leipziger Buchmessen tauchen Formicas Notendrucke nicht auf. Vgl. Alber Göhler, Verzeichnis der in den Frankfurter und Leipziger Messkatalogen der Jahre 1564 bis 1759 angezeigten Musikalien (Leipzig: C. F. Kahnt Nachf., 1902).

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 40 13.5.2015 12:44:27 T. HOCHRADNER • EINEM WUNDER AUF DER SPUR ... UDK 78.07Mozzart:78.07Allegri DOI: 10.4312/mz.51.1.41-55

Thomas Hochradner Univerza za glasbo in dramske umetnosti Mozarteum University of Music and Dramatic Arts Mozarteum

Einem Wunder auf der Spur: Die Mozarts und das Miserere von Gregorio Allegri Na sledi čudežu: Mozarta in Misesere Gregorija Allegrija

Prejeto: 10. februar 2015 Received: 10th February 2015 Sprejeto: 31. marec 2015 Accepted: 31st March 2015

Ključne besede: Wolfgang Amadé Mozart, Grego- Keywords: Wolfgang Amadé Mozart, Gregorio rio Allegri, Miserere, Sikstinska kapela Allegri, Miserere, Sistine Chapel

IZVLEČEK ABSTRACT

Wolfgang Amadé Mozart je Miserere Gregorija The notation from memory of Gregorio Allegri’s Allegrija zapisal po spominu, ko je bival v Rimu Miserere was made by Wolfgang Amadé Mozart dur- leta 1770; sodeč po družinski korespondenci je iz ing his stay in Rome in 1770. The notation – about tega pripetljaja nastala anekdota iz nje pa mit. Če si which the family correspondence reports – was pogledamo Mozartov dosežek podrobneje, vidimo, transformed from an occurrence to an anecdote da pravzaprav ni tako spektakularen. Razkrijejo pa in literature about Mozart, and from an anecdote se nove perspektive na izvajalsko prakso papeške it was built into a myth. Under scrutiny, Mozart’s kapele in na liturgični kontekst te skladbe v Sikstin- achievement is not so spectacular, however new ski kapeli, okvirni pogoji domnevnega »slušnega perspectives get articulated about the performance čudeža«. Ti osvetljujejo tisti vtis, ki je tedaj prevzel practice of the papal chapel and the liturgical con- štirinajstletnika. texts of the Miserere in the Sistine Chapel. These basic parameters shed a light on the impressions of the alleged “hearing miracle” that must have absorbed the 14 year old Mozart's attention.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 41 13.5.2015 12:44:27 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 1.

Am 27. Jänner 2006 ließ Chris Corrigan im Internet wissen:

„Here’s an mp3 post for a rainy Friday afternoon, another contemplative moment.

This is Allegri’s Miserere, a stunning piece of choral music composed in the 1630s. It is so sublime that for a long time it was only performed once a year and anyone who wrote it down would be excommunicated for doing so. The story goes that Mozart (whose 250th birthday is today) broke the ban by hearing the piece, transcribing it from memory and then giving it away. In this respect Wolfgang may have preceeded Napster by a couple of hundred years. Thanks to Wolfgang’s transgressions, this Miserere is now open source and able to be performed by any choir with a soprano that can hit that high C. For me, as one who is not a great fan of Mozart’s music in general, I consider this one act to be his greatest achievement.

The piece is ten minutes long, so sit back, close your eyes and enfold yourself in the textures of it as it moves between plainsong and polyphony and as that soprano descends from heaven with the most heartstopping phrase in choral music.”1

So oder ähnlich bekommt man es nicht selten erzählt. Doch manches an solcher Dar- stellung entspricht nicht den Tatsachen, was im Übrigen – so weit es die Musizierpraxis der päpstlichen Kapelle betrifft – von Seiten der Musikwissenschaft hervorragend auf- gearbeitet worden ist.2 Dem steht allerdings eine hartnäckige Kontinuität der Legende entgegen. Ihr Fortbestand, ihre Verankerung innerhalb eines vermeintlichen Bildungs- guts bringt nicht nur eine Verfälschung, sondern mit einher eine Vereinseitigung der Wirklichkeitsperspektive mit sich: Blickt man hinter die Kulissen, öffnet sich nämlich eine Vielfalt simultaner Wahrnehmungswelten, von denen im Weiteren zu lesen ist.

Das Hörwunder von Rom zählt zu den bekanntesten Anekdoten um Mozart und dient dazu, das Unfassbare seines Genius einerseits zu exemplifizieren, andererseits

1 http://chriscorrigan.com/parkinglot/?=p=861, aufgerufen am 10. Juni 2009; in den Materialien des Verfassers, inzwischen nicht mehr im Web verfügbar. 2 Vgl. dazu die frühe, sprachlich und methodisch veraltete, in ihren Grundaussagen aber nach wie vor zutreffende Schrift von Julius Amann, Allegris Miserere und die Aufführungspraxis in der Sixtina nach Reiseberichten und Musikhandschriften (Re- gensburg: Pustet, 1935; Freiburger Studien zur Musikwissenschaft [Fribourg, CH] 4), ferner insbesondere diverse Beiträge von Magda Marx-Weber: „Römische Vertonungen des Psalms Miserere im 18. und frühen 19. Jahrhundert“, Hamburger Jahrbuch für Musikwissenschaft 8 (1985): 7–43; „Die Tradition der “Miserere”-Vertonungen in der Cappella Pontificia”, in Collectanea. II: Studien zur Geschichte der päpstlichen Kapelle, hg. v. Bernhard Janz (Citta` del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1994; Capellae apostolicae sixtinaeque collectanea acta monumenta 4), 265–88; „Die Entwicklung des Karwochenrepertoires der päpstlichen Kapelle, insbesondere der Lamentationen“, in dies., Liturgie und Andacht. Studien zur geistlichen Musik (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh, 1999; Beiträge zur Geschichte der Kirchenmusik 7), 216–33, sowie Laurenz Lütteken, „Perpetuierung des Einzigartigen: Gregorio Allegris “Miserere” und das Ritual der päpstlichen Kapelle“, in Barocke Inszenierung, hg. v. Joseph Imorde, Fritz Neumeyer und Tristan Weddigen (Emsdetten und Zürich: Edition Imorde, 1999), 136–45.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 42 13.5.2015 12:44:27 T. HOCHRADNER • EINEM WUNDER AUF DER SPUR ... in der Umrahmung durch ein beschauliches Umfeld begreiflicher zu machen. Indes, so sehr die Maßen menschlicher Vorstellungskraft übersteigend war diese Demonstra tion von Mozarts musikalischem Gedächtnis nicht. Leopold Mozart berichtet darüber seiner Frau Anna Maria am 14. April 1770 aus Rom nach Salzburg folgendermaßen:

„Du wirst vielleicht oft von dem berühmten Miserere in Rom gehört haben, welches so hoch geachtet ist, daß den Musicis der Capellen unter der excommunication verbotten ist eine stimme davon. aus der Capelle weg zu tragen, zu Copieren, oder iemanden zu geben. Allein, wir haben es schon. der Wolfg: hat es schon aufgeschrie- ben, und wir würden es in diesen Briefe nach Salzb: geschickt haben, wenn unsere Gegenwarth, es zu machen, nicht nothwendig wäre; allein die Art der production muß mehr dabey thun, als die Composition selbst, folglich werden wir es mit uns nach hause bringen, und weil es eine der Geheimnisse von Rom ist, so wollen wir es nicht in andere Hände lassen, ut non incurremus mediate vel immediate in Censuram Ecclesiae.“3

Leopold dürfte multimedial kalkuliert haben, dass dieser Brief nicht nur an Frau und Tochter gelangen, sondern auch im Freundeskreis der Mozarts gelesen und sein Inhalt weiter kolportiert werden würde. Über das Medium Brief ließ sich also die loka- le Öffentlichkeit erreichen und staunen machen. Diesmal war das Aufsehen allerdings des Guten zu viel – ein Zeitungsartikel, der nicht erhalten ist, schilderte die Mozarts in Gefahr, die Ungnade des Papstes heraufzubeschwören. Nun beeilte sich Leopold, den ehrsamen Ruf der Reisenden in Salzburg zu behaupten:

„Da wir den Articul wegen dem Miserere gelesen, haben wir alle beyde hell lachen müssen. Es ist desswegen gar nicht die mündeste sorge. Man macht ander Orts mehr daraus. ganz Rom weis es; und selbst der Pabst [Clemens XIV., geb. 1705, Papst 1769–74] weis es, daß der Wolfg: das Miserere geschrieben. Es ist gar nichts zu be- förchten: es hat ihm vielmehr grosse Ehre gemacht, wie du in kurzem hören wirst.4 du sollst absolute den Brief aller ort lesen lassen, und solches Sr: Hf. Gden [Seiner Hochfürstlichen Gnaden, also Fürsterzbischof Siegmund Graf Schrattenbach] zu wissen machen.“5

Gut zwei Jahrzehnte danach erfuhr Friedrich von Schlichtegroll, als er sich für seinen Mozart-Nekrolog ausführlich bei dessen Schwester Maria Anna, dem einstigen “Nannerl” erkundigte, die spätere familiäre Lesart der Begebenheit:

„Mittwoch nachmittag verfiegten sie [Vater und Sohn Mozart] sich also gleich in die Capellam Sixtinam, um das so berufene Miserere zu hören. und da der

3 Mozart. Briefe und Aufzeichnungen, Gesamtausgabe in 7 Bänden, hg. von der Internationalen Stiftung Mozarteum Salzburg, gesammelt von Wilhelm Adolf Bauer und Otto Erich Deutsch, auf Grund deren Vorarbeiten erläutert von Joseph Heinz Eibl (Kassel u.a.: Bärenreiter, 1962–75) [im Folgenden Bauer–Deutsch], Bd. I, Nr. 176, Z. 46–55 (Hervorhebung im Original). 4 Leopold Mozart spielt hier auf die Verleihung des Ordens vom Goldenen Sporn durch den Papst an. 5 Brief vom 19. Mai 1770 aus Neapel nach Salzburg; Bauer–Deutsch (wie Anmerkung 4), Bd. I, Nr. 184, Z. 73–79 (Hervorhebung im Original); kommentiert in Bd. V, 256.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 43 13.5.2015 12:44:27 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 Sage nach, solches abcopieren zu lassen unter der excommunication der Päbst: Musick sollte verbotten seyn, so nahm sich der Sohn vor, solches wohl zu hören, und dann aufzuschreiben. daß geschahe auch, wie er nach Hause kam, schrieb er es auf, den folgenden tag gieng er wieder hin, hielt seinen aufsatz in hut, um zu bemerken, ob er es getrofen oder nicht. Allein es wurde ein anderes Miserere gesungen. [Im 18. Jahrhundert sang die päpstliche Kapelle zur ersten und dritten Tenebrae-Liturgie das Miserere von Gregorio Allegri, zur zweiten dagegen eine etwas jüngere, bald nach 1700 entstandene, in einer mit 1713 datierten Hand- schrift überlieferte Vertonung von Tommaso Baj. 6] Am Charfreytag wurde das nehmliche gemacht, nachdem er nach Hause kam, machte er da und dort eine Ausbesserung, dann war es fertig. Daß wurde nun bald in Rom bekannt, Er muste es in einer academie beym Clavier singen. der Castrat christofori, der es in der Capella sang war zugegen.“7

In der Folge war Schlichtegroll der Erste, der das Ereignis hoch spielte, indem er Nannerls Erinnerungen hinzu fügte, dass Christofori „durch sein Erstaunen Mozarts Triumph vollkommen machte“8:

„Mozart Vater und Sohn kamen in Rom in der Karwoche [1770] an. Mittwoch Nach- mittag gingen sie sogleich in die Sixtinische Kapelle, um das berühmte Miserere zu hören. Da es, der allgemeinen Sage nach, den päpstlichen Musikern unter Strafe der Exkommunikation verboten ist, diese Musik kopieren zu lassen, so nahm sich Wolf- gang Mozart vor, recht genau darauf zu hören und sie zu Hause auszuschreiben. Er tat es und hielt darauf hin sein Manuskript im Hut, als dieses Miserere am Karfreitag wieder gegeben wurde, wodurch er noch einige Verbesserungen in seinem Aufsatz machen konnte. Dies wurde bald in Rom bekannt und erregte allgemeines Aufsehen. Er mußte es in einer Akademie beim Klavier singen, wobei der Kastrat Christofori zugegen war, der es in der Kapelle gesungen hatte und durch sein Erstaunen Mozarts Triumph vollkommen machte.“9

Ausgehend von dieser Darstellung ist die Begebenheit nach und nach ausge- schmückt und dabei immer stärker in das Geniale gerückt worden. Mozarts Autograph des allegrischen Miserere ist verloren gegangen, was seine Hörleistung für die Nach- welt wohl noch aufwertete. Vielleicht verschwand das Blatt aber auch, weil die Aufzeich- nung doch nicht so gelungen war, oder irgendwann als unerheblich ausgeschieden

6 Marx-Weber, „Die Entwicklung des Karwochenrepertoires der päpstlichen Kapelle, insbesondere der Lamentationen“ (wie Anmerkung 2), 229. 7 Maria Anna Reichsfreiin von Berchtold zu Sonnenburg (geb. Mozart), „Aufzeichnungen für Friedrich Schlichtegroll.“ Bauer– Deutsch (wie Anmerkung 4), Bd. IV, Nr. 1212, Z. 260–71. 8 Vgl. Isolde Vetter, „Mozarts Nachschrift des Allegrischen “Miserere”: Ein Gedächtnis-”wunder”“, in Musik als Text. Bericht über den Internationalen Kongreß der Gesellschaft für Musikforschung Freiburg im Breisgau 1993, hg. v. Hermann Danuser und Tobias Plebuch, Bd. 2: Freie Referate (Kassel u.a.: Bärenreiter, 1998), 144–47: 147. 9 Friedrich von Schlichtegroll, „Joannes Chrysostomus Wolfgang Gottlieb Mozart“, in Nekrolog auf das Jahr 1791, Bd. 2, 82ff. und Supplement-Bd., 2. Abt., 159ff. (Gotha, 1792 bzw. 1798); neu hg. v. Richard Schaal in Musiker-Nekrologe (Kassel u.a.: Bärenreiter, 1954), 77–95: 89f.; zit. nach Wolfgang Plath, „Kleine Mozartiana“, in Festschrift Rudolf Elvers zum 60. Geburtstag, hg. v. Ernst Hert- trich und Hans Schneider (Tutzing: Schneider, 1985), 397–406: 402f.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 44 13.5.2015 12:44:27 T. HOCHRADNER • EINEM WUNDER AUF DER SPUR ...

Abbildung 1: „Aus dem Leben Mozarts. Mozart hört in Rom das berühmte Miserere von Allegri. 1771.“, Nr. 3 „der Mozart-Abbildungsserie auf Verpackungen zu Liebig’s Fleisch-Extract“, nach Brigitte Hamann, Mozart. Sein Leben und seine Zeit (Wien: Ue- berreuter, 2006), 76.

wurde. Denn näher besehen ist die Nachschrift so phänomenal nicht10, und so sah es auch Vater Leopold, der wie selbstverständlich notiert „der Wolfg: hat es schon aufge- schrieben“ und im Weiteren darauf verweist, dass weniger die Komposition selbst als ihre Aufführung durch die Cappella Sistina Beachtung verdiene.

Tatsächlich handelt es sich bei Gregorio Allegris (1582–1652) doppelchörigem Miserere aus dem 17. Jahrhundert11 – einer von vielen Vertonungen des 50. Psalms

10 Vgl. Vetter (wie Anmerkung 8), wo auch psychologische Erklärungsversuche des Nach-Notats diskutiert werden, die aber – wie aus dem Folgenden hervorgeht – auf falschen Ausgangskoordinaten fußen. Ungeachtet des vermeintlichen Hörwunders von Rom gilt es festzuhalten, dass Mozart tatsächlich ein phänomenales musikalisches Gedächtnis besessen hat, das ihm erlaubte, noch nach Jahrzehnten Melodien / Themen aufzugreifen und zu zitieren bzw. zu verarbeiten. Oft besaß dabei – wie beispielsweise beim Requiem KV 626 – der Kontext, in dem Mozart diverse Modelle kennen lernte, eine wesentliche Bedeutung für deren Aufgriff, eventuell auch für Mozarts Merkmechanismus. 11 Allegris Miserere muss zwischen 1630 und 1652 entstanden sein, als der Komponist als Sänger in der Cappella Sistina tätig war. Vermutet wird das Jahr 1638 – siehe Lütteken (wie Anmerkung 2), 139.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 45 13.5.2015 12:44:27 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 „Miserere mei Deus“12 – um einen zwar simplen, doch wirkungsvoll schlichten Satz, den ein musikalisch geschultes Gehör durchaus behalten kann. Die Komposition folgt dem Alternatim-Prinzip; während die geraden Verse einstimmig, rezitiert auf einem Psalm- ton erklingen, erscheinen die ungeraden Verse in einer von rezitierenden Abschnitten durchsetzten, akkordisch dominierten mehrstimmigen Passage: einem so genannten Falsobordone-Satz. Im Wechsel werden für die ungeraden Verse ein fünfstimmiger (für die Verse 1, 5, 9, 13, 17) und ein vierstimmiger Satz (für die Verse 3, 7, 11, 15 und 19) in g-Dorisch vorgetragen. Diese Aufteilung war in Rom bei Miserere-Kompositionen die Regel. Ungewöhnlich und vor Allegris Vertonung nicht nachzuweisen ist hingegen das effektivere Ende: Der letzte, zwanzigste Vers beginnt mit dem fünfstimmigen Satz und endet in einem neunstimmigen Schlussabschnitt.13 Mozart hörte also den ersten Satz sechsmal, den zweiten fünfmal, den Schlussabschnitt einmal. In Frage steht, ob er alle mehrstimmigen Teile des allegrischen Miserere aufzeichnete, also auch den neunstimmigen Schluss – wollen wir es im Weiteren gutwillig annehmen. Unergründlich bleibt außerdem, inwieweit Mozart einen Rahmensatz skizzierte oder darüber hinaus auf die Aufführungspraxis der Cappella Sistina einging14, die Allegris Komposition reich mit Verzierungen und Diminutionen interpretierte.15 Bedenkt man dazu, dass Mozart angeblich zwei Tage nach dem ersten Hören noch Korrekturen anbrachte, verblasst die Aura des Unbegreiflichen. Das Wunder nähert sich dem fortgeschrittenen Gehördiktat. Davon hat die Mozart-Literatur (und zwar bis heute) wenig Notiz genommen. Zunächst setzte Franz Xaver Niemetschek, nachdem er Schlichtegrolls Darstellung in eigenen Worten wiederholt hatte, die Tendenz zur Mythifizierung fort:

„Wer es einsieht, welchen Aufwand von Kunst eine so vielstimmige, kritische Cho- ralmusik erfodert [sic], der wird mit Recht durch diese Begebenheit in Erstaunen gesetzt. Welch ein Ohr, Gedächtniß, Tongefühl – welche Kenntniß des Satzes war das, die vermögend war, ein solches Werk sogleich zu fassen und so vollkommen zu behalten? Dieß zu können, mußte ein höheres Maß von Kräften vorhanden seyn, als man gewöhnlich anzutreffen pflegt.“16

Georg Nikolaus Nissen, Constanze Mozarts zweiter Gemahl – verständlicherwei- se an der Glorifizierung Mozarts interessiert –, legt in seiner posthum von Constanze publizierten Biographie Mozarts weiter nach, nicht ohne einen falschen Eindruck von der Faktur des Stückes zu vermitteln:

12 Vertonungen des Bußpsalms Miserere wurden dazumal im Offizium der letzten drei Kartage gesungen, in der Sixtinischen Kapelle zum Abschluss der Tenebrae-Liturgie, die am Gründonnerstag, Karfreitag und Karsamstag Matutin und Laudes um- fasste. – Art. „Miserere mei Deus“, in Riemann Sachlexikon Musik, hg. v. Wilibald Gurlitt und Hans Heinrich Eggebrecht (Mainz u.a.: Schott, 121967; Nachdruck Mainz: Schott, 1996), 576. 13 Amann (wie Anmerkung 2), 1f.; Marx-Weber, „Römische Vertonungen des Psalms Miserere im 18. und frühen 19. Jahrhundert“ (wie Anmerkung 2), 11; Marx-Weber, „Die Tradition der Miserere-Vertonungen in der Cappella Pontificia” (wie Anmerkung 2), 266. 14 Vgl. dazu auch Stephan Engels, „W. A. Mozart ed il »Miserere« di G. Allegri“, in Il Teatro di Mozart a Roma, Ausstellungskatalog der Biblioteca Vallicelliana, hg. v. Ministerio per i Beni Culturali e Ambientali (Rom: Ufficio Centrale per i Beni Librari e gli Ist. Culturali, 1991), 229–32: 232. 15 Diese waren allerdings im Zuge einer erneuten Niederschrift des allegrischen Miserere, die 1731 erfolgte, wahrscheinlich kodifiziert worden. – Amann (wie Anmerkung 2), 2, 5, 26f. 16 Franz Xaver Niemetschek, Lebensbeschreibung des K.K. Kapellmeisters Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart (Prag, 1798; Nachdruck, hg. v. Claudia Maria Knispel, Laaber: Laaber, 2005), 24.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 46 13.5.2015 12:44:27 T. HOCHRADNER • EINEM WUNDER AUF DER SPUR ... „Man darf nur bedenken, welche Anstrengung es kostet, eine einfache Melodie zu behalten, um hier in zweifelndes Erstaunen zu sinken! Dieses lange kritische Choralstück, und noch dazu zweychörig, voller Imitationen und Repercussionen, ewig wechselnd im Einsetzen und Verbinden der Stimmen unter einander – welche Kenntniss des reinen Satzes, des Contrapunctes, welch umfassendes Gedächtniss, welch ein Ohr, welchen allumfassenden Tonsinn erforderte dieser in seiner Art einzige musikalische Diebstahl!“17

Autoren mit wissenschaftlichem Zugang ließen, beginnend wenig später mit Otto Jahn, Distanz erkennen. Lapidar heißt es:

„Am Mittag des Charmittwochs kamen sie [die Mozarts] dort [in Rom] an, noch zeitig genug um in die Sixtinische Capelle zu eilen und das Miserere von Allegri zu hören. Und hier legte Wolfgang jene berühmte Probe seinen [sic] Gehörs, scharfer Auffassung und treuen Gedächtnisses ab“18,

ehe eine Zusammenfassung des bei Schlichtegroll Vermeldeten folgt. Hermann Abert hält sich sodann ausschließlich an die seitens Leopold und Nannerl überlieferten Quellen.19 Spätere seriöse Biographen wie Bernhard Paumgartner oder Erich Schenk folgen einerseits Abert, andererseits Jahn, wobei sie sich in der Darstellung der Er- eignisse zunehmend beschränken und damit eine Miserere-Episode kreieren.20 Häufig wird die Begebenheit in Lebensbildern nicht einmal erwähnt, und dementsprechend scheint Mozarts Abschrift – was im Übrigen ein Unding ist – weder in der ersten noch in einer der späteren Auflagen des Köchel-Verzeichnisses auf.21 Die Erinnerung an den Genius Mozarts und seine Erdung im Hörwunder von Rom war zur romantischen Transzendenz entrückt, wie sie deutlich in zwei Klavierbearbeitungen zum Ausdruck kommt, die Franz Liszt 1865 publizierte, dabei Allegris Miserere und Mozarts „Ave verum corpus“ koppelnd.22 Derweil es an kritischer Auseinandersetzung mangelte, tat sich eine Lücke auf, in die spekulativ agierende Autoren stießen, indem sie die durch die frühen Biographien aufgeworfene Legende ausmalten – und mit einher festigten. Heinrich Eduard Jacob schreibt in einem Mitte der fünfziger Jahre des 20. Jahrhunderts erschienenen Buch:

„Die Sixtinische Kapelle! Wolfgang verstand nichts von Malerei […]. Während Wolf- gangs Auge verschlossen blieb, tat sich sein Ohr um so tiefer auf. Er vollbrachte jene Gedächtnisleistung, die uns heut unbegreiflich dünkt. Kaum nämlich kamen sie aus der Kapelle, als er Allegris schweres Stück, in dem ein fünf- und vierstimmiger

17 Georg Nikolaus von Nissen, Biographie W. A. Mozart’s, nach dessen Tode hg. v. Constanze Mozart-Nissen (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Härtel, 1828), 201. 18 Otto Jahn, W. A. Mozart, Bd. 1 (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Härtel, 1856), 199f.: 199. 19 Hermann Abert, W. A. Mozart, Erster Teil (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Härtel, 61923), 188f. 20 Vgl. Bernhard Paumgartner, Mozart (Berlin: Wegweiser-Verlag, 1927), 142; Erich Schenk, Mozart. Sein Leben – seine Welt (Wien und Zürich: Amalthea, 1955; überarb. ebenda, 21975), 203. 21 Plath (wie Anmerkung 9), 402. 22 Franz Liszt, A la Chapelle Sixtine. Miserere d’Allegri et Ave Verum Corpus de Mozart (Leipzig und Berlin: C. F. Peters – Bureau de Musique, 1865).

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 47 13.5.2015 12:44:27 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 Chor abwechselte (der Schlussteil hatte gar neun Stimmen!) aus dem Gedächtnis niederschrieb. Der Papst hatte jedes Abschreiben des Miserere verboten. Doch wohl aber nicht ein Aufschreiben nach dem Gedächtnis. Das war etwas anderes – wie Vater Leopold mit feiner Unterscheidungsgabe den Frauen nach Salzburg schreiben konnte. Die Guten hatten schon gefürchtet, daß Wolfgang sich versündigt habe.“23

Hier tritt das apollinische Bild des Götterlieblings zutage.24 Daneben fällt auf, dass Leopold Mozart – in der Fachliteratur inzwischen als strategisch denkender Manager- Typ charakterisiert – die Rolle eines umsichtigen Einfädlers zugewiesen wird. Brigitte Hamann interpretiert daraus:

„Das [die Aufführung des allegrischen Miserere durch die päpstliche Kapelle] war für Mozart eine herrliche Gelegenheit, um sein herausragendes musikalisches Gedächtnis zu zeigen, dachte Vater Mozart. Rom würde eine Sensation haben und der Name Mozart mit einem Schlag berühmt sein! Sein Plan war: Wolfgang solle gut aufpas- sen, sich die Musik merken und dann rasch, kaum dass er aus der Kapelle draußen war, alles nach dem Gedächtnis aufschreiben. Schließlich war eine Niederschrift der Noten aus dem Gedächtnis ja nicht verboten. So etwas hielt bei dieser komplizierten Partitur ohnehin niemand für möglich. […] Vater Mozart tat alles, um diese Sensation in Rom bekannt zu machen. […]“25

Diese Beispiele zeigen es auf: Eine Grenze zwischen belletristischer und sachlicher Annäherung ist in der Mozart-Literatur bisweilen schwer zu ziehen.

Die Mozarts eilten am Nachmittag des 11. April 1770 keineswegs schnurstracks in die Sixtinische Kapelle, sondern besuchten davor Albert Alexander von Mölk, den Sohn des Salzburger Hofkanzlers, im Collegium Germanicum nahe der Piazza Navona.26 Da- nach erst wandten sie sich dem Vatikan zu, um gleich vielen Rom-Touristen des 18. und 19. Jahrhunderts dem berühmten allegrischen Miserere zu lauschen.27 Dass Leopold die

23 Heinrich Eduard Jacob, Mozart oder Geist, Musik und Schicksal (Frankfurt a. M.: Scheffler o. J. [1955]), S. 102f. 24 Vgl. dazu Gernot Gruber, Mozart und die Nachwelt (Salzburg und Wien: Residenz Verlag, 1985), passim. 25 Brigitte Hamann, Mozart. Sein Leben und seine Zeit (Wien: Ueberreuter, 2006), 75f. 26 Rudolph Angermüller unter Mitarbeit von Genevie`ve Geffray, Delitiae Italiae. Mozarts Reisen in Italien (Bad Honnef: Bock, 1994), 90. 27 Amann (wie Anmerkung 2), 31; besonders aufschlussreich ist eine bei Amann nicht berücksichtigte Textstelle aus den Ta- gebüchern von Johann Friedrich Armand von Uffenbach für den 17. April 1715, wiedergegeben bei Eberhard Preußner, Die musikalischen Reisen des Herrn von Uffenbach. Aus einem Reisetagebuch des Johann Friedrich A. von Uffenbach aus Frankfurt a. M. 1712–1716 (Kassel und Basel: Bärenreiter, 1949), 80: „Gegen abend fuhr nach dem St. Peter, alda in der capella paulina vor dem pabst und seiner clerisey das miserere von der capelle und allen castraten gesungen wurde, ich kam aber ein wenig zu spath so daß vor dem abscheulichen getränge nicht hinein kommen kunte außen aber hörte dem gesang ein wenig zu, die gravität des pabstes leidet nicht daß ein orgel oder instrument gespiehlet werde vor ihm in der Kirche, daher nur ein Chor der castraten, dießes miserere so erbärmlich und doch fürtrefflich sang, daß es einen recht zur andacht bewegte, es ist solches ein alt fränkisch coral music aber meisterlich und unvergleichlich gesezet, auch izo noch besser exequirt werden, der falschen und künstlichen thon waren ohnzahlig und das aushalten perfect einer resonanz der orgel gleich, so daß man geschwohren hätte es seyen keine menschen stimmen, sondern instrumente, alles war über das violet und schwarz behängt und in tiefer

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 48 13.5.2015 12:44:27 T. HOCHRADNER • EINEM WUNDER AUF DER SPUR ... Gedächtnisleistung seines Sohnes geplant habe um Aufmerksamkeit zu erregen, geht aus keiner Quelle hervor – wiewohl sein zielstrebiges Kalkül diese Hypothese berech- tigt erscheinen lässt: Schließlich versuchte er ja auch in Salzburg Öffentlichkeitswirkung aus dem Geschehnis zu erzielen. Die Gefahr der Exkommunikation und der päpstli- chen Ungnade kann indes längst nicht so groß gewesen sein, wie Leopold brieflich andeutete. Schon damals muss eine zwar überschaubare, aber eben doch getätigte Zahl von Abschriften existiert haben.28 Noch im selben Jahr 1770 reiste Charles Burney, der emsig recherchierende Reiseliterat in Sachen Musik, versehen mit einem Empfehlungs- schreiben von Padre Martini in Bologna nach Rom, fand Kontakt zum Kapellmeister der päpstlichen Kapelle Giuseppe Santarelli und erhielt vom Ersten Bibliothekar des Vatikans, Kardinal Alessandro Albani, die uneingeschränkte Erlaubnis zur Benützung des Musikarchivs. Albani war „als Mäzen und Förderer eine zentrale Figur für viele Musi- kerkarrieren des 18. Jahrhunderts“29 – die Freigabe des Archivs für Burney ist mithin als Einwilligung der Kurie zur Verbreitung darin enthaltener Materialien zu verstehen. Wie zu erwarten, galt das besondere Interesse Burneys dem berühmten Miserere; er kam an die Noten heran, Santarelli teilte ihm überdies Details zur Aufführungspraxis mit. Es ist sogar wahrscheinlich, dass Burney, obwohl sein Besuch im November stattfand, Allegris Miserere von der päpstlichen Kapelle vorgesungen wurde:

„Während dieses Besuchs, welches der letzte war, den ich bei Sigr. Santarelli abstat- tete, waren er und seine Kollegen aus der päpstlichen Kapelle so gütig, verschiedene schöne Kompositionen von Palestrina, Benevoli und Allegri zu singen, um mir von der delikaten ausdrucksvollen Art, womit sie in der Kapelle Sr. päpstlichen Heiligkeit gesungen werden, einen rechten Begriff zu machen.“30

Dass die Hermetik des Zugangs zum allegrischen Miserere zur Zeit des mozart- schen Aufenthalts in Rom bereits aufgebrochen war, bestätigt schließlich die von Bur- ney nur ein Jahr später besorgte Drucklegung des Werkes zusammen mit dem zweiten damals in der Cappella Sistina gebräuchlichen Miserere von Tommaso Baj (ca. 1650– 1714).31 Die zunehmende Verbreitung der Werke verläuft invers zu einem allmählichen Verlust der besonderen Qualitäten der päpstlichen Kapelle. Burney schreibt:

andacht.“ – Reiseberichte des 19. Jahrhundert diskutiert, mit einem Blick auf “Parameter der romantischen Musikästhetik”, Jürgen Heidrich, „“… Wie auf Schwanenflügeln getragen”. Zur Bedeutung der römischen Miserere-Rezeption für die deutsche literarische Romantik“, Analecta Musicologica 33 (2004): 475–86, Zitat 481. 28 Charles Burney, Tagebuch einer Musikalischen Reise durch Frankreich und Italien (Hamburg: Bode, 1772 / Faksimile-Nachdruck, hg. v. Christoph Hust, Kassel u.a.: Bärenreiter, 2003; Documenta Musicologica, Erste Reihe: Druckschriften-Faksimiles 19), 208f. – Ab dem letzten Drittel des 18. Jahrhunderts entstanden dann zahlreiche handschriftliche Kopien. Vgl. Amann (wie Anmerkung 2), 96f.; Klaus Keil, „“Chi si canta nella Cappella Sistina”. Quellen zur Rezeption des Repertoires der päpstlichen Kapelle“, in Festschrift für Winfried Kirsch zum 65. Geburtstag, hg. v. Peter Ackermann, Ulrike Kienzle und Adolf Nowak (Tutzing: Schneider, 1996), 130–42: 137–42. 29 Daniel Brandenburg, „»Die Hoheit und Pracht dieses Schauspiels«. Zu Niccolo` Jommellis Opera seria »Demofoonte«“, in Niccolo` Jommelli. Demofoonte, Programmheft der Salzburger Pfingstfestspiele 2009, S. 30–4: 31. 30 Burney (wie Anmerkung 28), 208, zit. nach Keil (wie Anmerkung 28), 136. 31 La MUSICA / Che si Canta Annualmente / nelle FUNZIONI della SETTIMANA SANTA / nella CAPPELLA PONTIFICIA / Composta dal / PALESTRINA, ALLEGRI, e BAI / Raccolta e Pubblicata / da / CARLO BURNEY Mus. D. / Londra, Price 10:6 / Stampata per ROBERTO BRENNER, nella Strand / 1771., siehe Keil (wie Anmerkung 28), 131. – Eine Übersicht über die in der päpstlichen Kapelle gesungenen Miserere-Vertonungen findet sich bei Marx-Weber, „Die Entwicklung des Karwochenrepertoires der päpstlichen Kapelle, insbesondere der Lamentationen“ (wie Anmerkung 2), 229.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 49 13.5.2015 12:44:27 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 „[…] itzt werden Sänger von ausserordentlichen Verdiensten nur wenig bemerkt und aufgemuntert, so daß die Musik hier, wie es scheint, sehr abnimmt und zu verfallen anfängt, wozu die hohen Besoldungen, welche schöne Stimmen und Sänger von großen Geschicklichkeiten in den vielen italiänischen Opern erhalten, nicht wenig beytragen. Allmählig werden sowohl die Auszierungen und die feine Ausführung der alten Musik, als auch die elegante Simplicität, weswegen diese Kapelle so berühmt ist, ganz verlohren gehen.“32

Diese Art der Interpretation – die Leopold Mozart beeindruckte und für ihn das eigentlich Phänomenale darstellte – wird noch näher umrissen:

„Dieß Stück, welches über hundert und funfzig Jahr, jährlich in der Charwoche in der päbstlichen Kapelle am Mittwochen und Charfreytage aufgeführet werden, und dem Ansehn nach so simpel ist, daß diejenigen, welche es bloß auf dem Papiere gesehen haben, sich wundern, woher seine Schönheit und Wirkung entstehen könne, hat seinen Ruhm mehr der Art, wie es aufgeführet wird, als der Komposition zu danken. Die nämliche Musik wird verschiedenemal mit verändertem Texte wiederholt, und die Sänger haben eine gewisse von Alters her überlieferte Art zu singen, gewisse Ausdrücke, gewisse hergebrachte Auszierungen […] welche große Wirkung thun: Z.E. [zum Exempel] eine gemeinschaftliche Verstärkung oder Schwächung des Tons; die Beschleunigung oder Verzögerung des Takts bey gewissen Worten, und daß sie einige ganze Strophen geschwinder singen, als andere.“33

Doch Burney lenkt danach die Aufmerksamkeit noch in eine andere Richtung:

„Doch müssen wohl einige von den großen Wirkungen, welche dieses Stück hervor bringt, eigentlich der Zeit, dem Orte und den feyerlichen Ceremonien zugeschrieben werden, welche bey der Aufführung gewöhnlich sind. Der Pabst und das ganze Conclave liegen kniend an der Erde, die Lichter der Kapelle und die Fackeln auf dem Geländer werden eins nach dem andern ausgelöscht; und der letzte Vers dieses Psalms wird von zwey Chören beschlossen, indem der Kapellmeister den Takt immer langsamer schlägt, und die Sänger die Harmonie bis zum völligen Schlusse ganz allmählig endigen oder vielmehr ausgehen lassen.

Es wird ebenfalls von ausgesuchten Sängern aufgeführt, welche viele Proben machen, vornehmlich des Montags in der Charwoche, welchen man dazu anwendet, das Stück oftmals zu probiren, und die Feinheiten der Ausführung zu lehren.“34

Burneys Darstellung gab im Folgenden Anlass, die Zeremonie des Tenebrae in der Cappella Sistina als außergewöhnliches kontemplatives Ritual zu stilisieren. Freilich gilt es hier zu bedenken, dass Burney Anglikaner und womöglich mit den Gepflogenheiten

32 Burney (wie Anmerkung 28), 204. 33 Ebenda, 206f. 34 Ebenda, 207f.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 50 13.5.2015 12:44:27 T. HOCHRADNER • EINEM WUNDER AUF DER SPUR ... der katholischen Gottesdienste – zumal der selten ausgeübten – nicht allzu vertraut war. Für die Tenebrae-Liturgie, die an den drei letzten Tagen der Karwoche stattfand und bei welcher Matutin und Laudes zusammengelegt waren, hatte sich seit dem Mit- telalter das allmähliche Verlöschen der Kerzen über der Psalmenfolge eingebürgert35, was auch beibehalten wurde, als sie nach dem Tridentinum auf den Vorabend verlegt wurde. In der Cappella Sistina kamen allerdings noch einige Besonderheiten zum Tra- gen. So wurden die Fenster verhängt36, und ferner die

„Tenebrae […] in Anwesenheit des Papstes gebetet. Die Kirche war von Kerzen er- leuchtet, und im Altarraum befand sich zudem ein grosser Leuchter mit fünfzehn Kerzen. Mit dem Einzug des violett gewandeten Papstes, der zudem keine Mitra trug, begannen die Kapellkleriker die Tenebrae, zunächst mit dem ersten Teil der Matutin-Gebete, an deren Ende die erste Kerze gelöscht wurde. Danach folgte der zweite Teil mit dem Kernstück der Lamentationen des Jeremias. Es schlossen sich die Laudes an mit dem choral rezitierten 50. Psalm [Miserere], gerahmt von der Antiphon Justificeris Domine und gefolgt vom Canticum Zachariae Benedictus Dominus, während dessen sich der Papst von seinem Faldistorium [ursprünglich Faltstuhl; Armlehnstuhl des Kirchenfürsten bei liturgischen Feiern] erhob. Mit ent- blösstem Haupt stand er gegenüber dem Altar, und gleichzeitig wurden in einer genau festgelegten Reihenfolge alle Kerzen des Raumes gelöscht – bis auf eine, die erst während der Wiederholung der zum Benedictus gehörigen Antiphon Traditor autem vom Zeremoniar vom Leuchter genommen und schliesslich hinter dem Altar gelöscht wurde. Im fast dunklen Kirchenraum wurde nun die Antiphon Christus factus est intoniert, und der Papst kniete sich dabei nieder. Dann folgte, nochmals und nun in Allegris Vertonung, der 50. Psalm Miserere, der kniend gebetet werden musste, nur die Cantores standen. Am Schluss intonierte der Papst die oratio Respice quaesumus Domine, deren letzte Sätze jedoch still gebetet werden mussten. Damit war die Feier jedoch noch nicht beendet: der Zeremoniar klopfte nach der eingetre- tenen Stille laut mit den Händen auf eine Altarstufe oder ein eigens präpariertes Holzbänkchen, worauf alle Anwesenden so viel Lärm wie möglich machen mussten, zumeist anscheinend durch lautes Scharren mit den Füssen auf dem Boden. Erst mit dem Entzünden einer Kerze durch den Zeremoniar trat wieder Stille ein, die Anwesenden – einschliesslich des Papstes – durften sich von den Knien erheben und die Kapelle verlassen.“37

35 Im Einzelnen verläuft die Tenebrae-Liturgie so: drei Nokturnen zu je drei Lektionen (darunter die Lamentationen des Jeremias), Versikel und Responsorium, still gebetetes Pater noster, drei Lesungen mit Responsorium (Matutin), fünf Psalmen, Versikel und Responsorium, Benedictus Dominus (Canticum Zachariae), Christus factus est, still gebetetes Pater noster, strepitus (Laudes). 14 Lichter werden nach den einzelnen Psalmen verlöscht, die Altarkerzen während des Benedictus, die letzte Kerze wird unter den Altar gestellt – die Kirche liegt nun völlig im Dunkeln. Der strepitus, ein Lärm, steht für das Erdbeben nach Christi Tod. Danach wird die Kerze unter dem Altar wieder hervorgeholt, als Symbol der nahen Auferstehung. Diese Liturgie wurde erst 1955 durch Papst Pius XII. modifiziert. Siehe dazu den Eintrag „Tenebrae“ in http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tenebrae, aufgerufen am 4. Februar 2015. 36 Heidrich (wie Anmerkung 27), 479. 37 Lütteken (wie Anmerkung 2), 142, der als Quelle das Zeremonienbuch in der Edition von Marc Dykmans SJ, L’Œuvre de Patrizi Piccolomini ou le cérémoniel papal de la premie`re Renaissance, 2 Bände (Citta` del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1980; Studi e testi 293) benützt hat. – Darüber hinaus stützt sich Lütteken auf Marx-Weber, „Römische Vertonungen des Psalms Miserere im 18. und frühen 19. Jahrhundert“ (wie Anmerkung 2), 7f.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 51 13.5.2015 12:44:27 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 Demnach wurde der Psalm Miserere bereits zu Beginn der Laudes choraliter abge- sungen, was dramaturgisch die Wirkung des figuralen Miserere am Ende der Liturgie erhöht haben dürfte. Allegris Vertonung erklang schließlich im völligen Dunkel, was neben einer Wirkungssteigerung auch die Interpretation beeinflussen musste – die Sänger hatten auswendig zu singen und unterlagen keiner unmittelbaren Bindung an Taktstock und Notat. Die Verzierungen, die Temponahmen, die Textunterlegung, die dabei unternommen wurden, waren bis zu einem gewissen Grad von Jahr zu Jahr neu einzustudieren. Daraus resultierte ein kontinuierliches Oszillieren über einem vorgegebenen Modell38, das den Stücken einkalkuliert war – denn der Prozess der Modifika- tion begann im Repertoire der päpstlichen Kapelle nachweislich schon zu Lebzeiten der betreffenden Komponisten.39 Allerdings ist er für Allegris Miserere nur indirekt zu bestätigen, da die früheste Quelle eine Handschrift bildet, die während des Pontifika- tes von Alexander VII. (1655–1667) entstand – also erst nach Allegris Tod.40 Eben diese Posthumität der Verschriftlichung lässt aber annehmen, dass das Werk schon damals verändert aufgezeichnet wurde. Die optischen Reize der Sixtinischen Kapelle spielten für Mozarts angebliches Hör- wunder keine Rolle, da ja zur in Frage stehenden Tenebrae-Liturgie graduell verdunkelt wurde. Doch könnte das Bildprogramm der von 1477 bis 1480 im Pontifikat Sixtus’ IV. errichteten Kapelle41 auf andere Weise von Bedeutung sein: nämlich in seiner gewissen Labilität. Zum Altar hin links werden Szenen aus dem Leben Moses’ gezeigt, rechts Sze- nen aus dem Leben Christi (es handelt sich um Fresken, ausgeführt zwischen 1480 und 1483 von den prominentesten italienischen Malern dieser Zeit). Ursprünglich nahmen die Szenenfolgen ihren Ausgang von der Darstellung der Auffindung Moses’ bzw. der Geburt Christi, die seitlich des Hochaltares angebracht waren. Beide Gemälde wurden – wie das eigentliche Altarbild, Die Himmelfahrt Mariens – zerstört, als Michelangelo Bu- onarotti in päpstlichem Auftrag die Altarwand mit Das Jüngste Gericht (1534–41 im Auf- trag Papst Pauls III. nach wechselvoller Vorgeschichte unter dessen Vorgängern gemalt) ausgestaltete. Mir scheint, dass sich diese thematische Unverbindlichkeit in die Musik übertrug, die Aufführungspraxis der päpstlichen Kapelle in vergleichbarer Weise über nicht kodifizierte Verzierungen einem potenziell beständigen leichten Wandel unterlag. Allerdings blieb der Versuch ihrer Festschreibung nicht aus. Aus dem Jahr 1731 stammt eine Handschrift der Cappella Sistina, worin der fünfstimmige erste Chor Allegris deutlich verändert erscheint42, aus dem Jahr 1831 ein Verzierungsnotat, das Felix Mendels- sohn Bartholdy während eines Rom-Aufenthaltes anfertigte.43 Dieses nun enthält „that

38 Vgl. Lütteken (wie Anmerkung 2), 142, 144. 39 Marx-Weber, „Die Entwicklung des Karwochenrepertoires der päpstlichen Kapelle, insbesondere der Lamentationen“ (wie Anmerkung 2), 228. 40 Marx-Weber, „Die Tradition der Miserere-Vertonungen in der Cappella Pontificia” (wie Anmerkung 2), 272. 41 Hier und im Folgenden nach Lieselotte Bestmann, Michelangelos Sixtinische Kapelle (München und Zürich: Piper, 1999), passim. 42 Vielleicht schon knapp zuvor war vom Sänger der päpstlichen Kapelle Giovanni Bordi eine Handschrift angelegt worden, worin der fünfstimmige Chorsatz auf eben dieselbe Weise verändert erscheint wie in der oben erwähnten, mit 1731 datierten Handschrift. Eine weitere aus dem Jahr 1748 stammende Handschrift zeigt denselben Notentext. – Siehe dazu Marx-Weber, „Römische Vertonungen des Psalms Miserere im 18. und frühen 19. Jahrhundert“ (wie Anmerkung 2), 11; Marx-Weber, „Die Tradition der Miserere-Vertonungen in der Capella Pontificia” (wie Anmerkung 2), 273f. 43 Amann (wie Anmerkung 2), 70f.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 52 13.5.2015 12:44:27 T. HOCHRADNER • EINEM WUNDER AUF DER SPUR ... high C“, das in allen mir zugänglichen Einspielungen von Allegris Miserere44 – wenngleich mit wechselndem Erfolg – stets realisiert wird.

Abbildung 2: Das Innere der Sixtinischen Kapelle bei einer Papstmesse (im vorderen Teil rechts, unmittelbar vor dem Trenngitter und erhöht in das Mauerwerk eingelassen die Musikerempore), aus Etienne Dupérac, Maiestatis Pontificiae dum in Capella Xisti Sacra Peraguntur Accurata Delineatio (Rom: Lorenzo Vaccari 1578).

44 Insgesamt sieben aus den Jahren 1964 bis 2003: Choir of King’s College (Decca, 1964, remastered 1985), Wiener Motettenchor (Christophorus, 1981), Choir of Westminster Cathedral (argo, 1983), Choir of Westminster Abbey (Archiv-Produktion, 1986), The Sixteen (Collins, 1989), La Maitrise des garçons de Colmar (K617, 1991); Matthew Barlay, arr. für Violoncello und Orchester (Black box, 2003).

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 53 13.5.2015 12:44:28 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 Auch die Raumgestaltung wurde mit der Zeit verändert. Michelangelos Decken- gemälde rechneten noch mit dem Umstand, dass sich die Gitterschranke in der Mitte der Kapelle befand; im späten 16. Jahrhundert wurde sie nach hinten verlegt, um mehr Platz für den Klerus zu erhalten. Der Altar, vorderhand eingemauert, wurde im 18. Jahr- hundert durch einen frei stehenden ersetzt.45 Diese Voraussetzungen muss man mit kalkulieren, wenn man Mozarts Höreindruck nachvollziehen will – vermittelt durch die päpstliche Kapelle, die auf der ca. fünf mal zwei Meter großen Sängerempore an der rechten Wand Aufstellung genommen hat.46 Infolge der Umgestaltung war diese Sängerempore in den vorderen, abgezäunten Teil der Cappella Sistina geraten. Zu den Neuerungen, die im Lauf des späten 18. Jahrhunderts eintraten und wiederum auf einen Bedeutungsverlust des allegrischen Miserere hinweisen, gehört auch die Einführung weiterer mehrstimmiger Kompositionen in die Tenebrae-Liturgie für die ersten drei der jeremitischen Lamentationen, das „Benedictus Dominus“ und das „Christus factus est“.47 Damit zog die päpstliche Kapelle spät erst einer an der Late- rankapelle schon vor 1650 gebräuchlichen Praxis nach.48 Es zeigt sich umgekehrt aber auch, dass das allegrische Miserere anderen, späteren Komponisten in Bezug auf die Tonart und die Kadenzbildungen als Vorbild diente.49 Damit entfaltete das Werk nach außen größere Verbindlichkeit, als es für sich selbst beanspruchte. Die Mythenbildung um Allegris Miserere nahm davon ihren Ausgang und verbreitete sich unter Ausblen- dung, teils Verfremdung der tatsächlichen Gegebenheiten. Auch Leopold Mozart hatte so über die Existenz der Komposition erfahren, schreibt er doch seiner Gattin: „Du wirst vielleicht oft von dem berühmten Miserere in Rom gehört haben […]“.50 Überdies fügt sich Mozarts Hörwunder einem größeren Rahmen der Legenden- bildung ein: Parallel zur wachsenden Fama über Musik, Szenerie und Ritus des Tene- brae in der Cappella Sistina ist bereits im 18. Jahrhundert eine erste Anekdote nachzuweisen, wiederum durch Burney überliefert. Diese ältere Anekdote steht – sachlich betrachtet – der Tatsächlichkeit um vieles näher:

„Kayser Leopold [I., geb. 1640, Kaiser 1658–1705], welcher nicht nur ein Liebhaber und Gönner der Musik war, sondern auch selbst gut komponierte, befahl seinem Gesandten zu Rom, vom Pabste die Erlaubniß zu erbitten, daß er eine Abschrift von dem berühmten Miserere des Allegri zum Gebrauch der Kaiserlichen Kapelle zu Wien nehmen dürfte: als er diese Erlaubniß erhalten hatte; schrieb der päbstli-

45 Pierluigi de Vecchi, Die Sixtinische Kapelle. Das Meisterwerk Michelangelos erstrahlt in neuem Glanz, Lizenzausgabe (Darm- stadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1996), 13. 46 Ebenda, 13. 47 Marx-Weber, „Römische Vertonungen des Psalms Miserere im 18. und frühen 19. Jahrhundert“ (wie Anmerkung 2), 7; Lütteken (wie Anmerkung 2), 142. 48 Vgl. Wolfgang Witzenmann, Die Laterankapelle von 1599 bis 1650, 2 Bände (Laaber: Laaber, 2008; Analecta Musicologica 40), Erster Teil: Abhandlung, 274f. 49 Marx-Weber, „Römische Vertonungen des Psalms Miserere im 18. und frühen 19. Jahrhundert“ (wie Anmerkung 2), bes. 11, 25. Noch größere Vorbildwirkung ging allerdings vom Miserere Tommaso Bajs aus; vgl. Marx Weber, „Die Tradition der Mise- rere-Vertonungen in der Capella Pontificia” (wie Anmerkung 2), 277: „Baj benutzte […] keine gleichbleibenden Versmodelle, sondern komponierte die fünfstimmigen Verse für den ersten Chor und die vierstimmigen für den zweiten Chor jeweils neu, allerdings unter Beibehaltung des einmal vorgegebenen Materials. Die Verse sind sich dadurch alle sehr ähnlich. Dieses Aufbauprinzip blieb dann gültig für alle stadtrömischen Miserere des 18. Jahrhunderts.“ 50 Siehe Anmerkung 3.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 54 13.5.2015 12:44:28 T. HOCHRADNER • EINEM WUNDER AUF DER SPUR ... che Kapellmeister es für ihn ab, und schickte es dem Kaiser zu, der damals einige von den größten Sängern seiner Zeit in Diensten hatte. Allein der Geschicklichkeit dieser Sänger ungeachtet, that diese Komposition der Erwartung des Kaisers und seines Hofes, als sie aufgeführt ward, so wenig Genüge, daß er den Schluß machte, der päbstliche Kapellmeister hätte ihn hintergangen, und, um seinen Schatz, als ein Geheimniß für sich zu behalten, eine Komposition unterschoben. Der Kaiser war darüber sehr aufgebracht, und schickte einen Kurier an Se. [Seine] Heiligkeit, sich über den Kapellmeister zu beschweren, der deswegen in Ungnade fiel, und sogleich abgesetzt ward. Der Pabst war durch den vorgeblichen Betrug seines Kapellmeisters so sehr beleidigt, daß er ihn lange Zeit hindurch weder sehen, noch seine Vertheidigung hören wollte; doch endlich übernahm es einer von den Kardinälen, Fürsprache für ihn zu thun, und sagte Se. Heiligkeit, daß die in der päbstlichen Kapelle übliche Art zu singen, vornehmlich bey diesem Miserere so beschaffen wäre, daß sie nicht in Noten ausgedrückt werden, oder anders als durchs Exempel könne gelehrt, und an andern Orten eingeführt werden; weswegen diese Komposition, wäre sie auch noch so richtig abgeschrieben, ihrer Wirkung verfehlen müßte, sobald man sie anderswo aufführte. Se. Heiligkeit verstund keine Musik, und konnte gar nicht begreifen, wie die nehmlichen Noten an verschiedenen Orten so verschieden klingen könnten; indessen befahl er doch seinem Kapellmeister, eine schriftliche Vertheidigung einzu- geben, welche nach Wien gesandt werden sollte: dies geschah […]“51

„Verstund keine Musik und konnte gar nicht begreifen, wie die nämlichen Noten an verschiedenen Orten so verschieden klingen könnten“ …: Hier ist mehr im Spiel, als die Präsenz des Gegenwärtigen, die jede Aufführung hervorbringt. Dahinter steht ein Werkbegriff, der nicht die vollendete Gestalt fassen will, sondern die Relevanz eines Gerüstes produktiv zu nützen versteht.

POVZETEK sredo velikega tedna, na veliki petek ponudila še ena priložnost, saj je skladbo lahko v izvedbi papeške Ko sta se Leopold in Wolfgang Amadé Mozart med kapele slišal še enkrat. Izrabil jo je za pregled in po- italijanskim potovanjem za štirideset dni ustavila pravke svoje notacije. v Rimu, sta se udeležila tudi Tenebrae v Sikstinski Podrobnejši ogled pokaže, da polsušalstva ni kapeli. Ob tej priložnosti je Wolfgang po spominu ganil toliko glasbeni stavek, temveč so sama kapela, zapisal skladbo Miserere Gregorija Allegrija. O tem liturgija Tenebrae in vokalno ornamentacijska izvajal- dogodku je Leopold z določeno mero ponosa poro- ska praksa izvedbe papeške kapele ponudile okvir, čal v Salzburg, kjer je v nadaljevanju zaradi grozeče ki je dogodek tedanjim obiskovalcem spremenil v nevarnosti ekskomunikacije vzbudil pozornost, pa doživetje. Navdušena nista bila samo Mozarta, am- tudi pozneje se je okrog njega – začenši z nekrologom pak pozneje tudi Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy. To za Mozarta izpod peresa Friedricha von Schlichten- pojasnjuje sloves, ki je bil prej posledica dogodka per grolla – spletlo mnogo mitov in glorifikacije. Vendar se in ki je sprožil širjenje anekdote. Privabilo ni samo pa Mozartovega dosežka ne smemo preceniti. Po eni obeh Mozartov, ampak tudi – še v istem letu – angle- strani Allegrijeva uglasbitev temelji na enostavnem škega glasbenega pisca Charlesa Burneyja, čigar sli falsobordonskem stavku, katerega deli se z izjemo po znanju, združeni z novejšimi glasbeno-znanstve- zaključka večkrat ponovijo, po drugi strani pa se je nimi raziskavami, se moramo zahvaliti za dragocena Mozartu po prvem slušnem vtisu, ki ga je doživel v razkritja pri kontekstualnemu branju sledi.

51 Burney (wie Anmerkung 28), 209–11.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 55 13.5.2015 12:44:28 MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 56 13.5.2015 12:44:28 H. LOOS • BEETHOVEN UND DER FORTSCHRITTSGEDANKE UDK 78.073Beethoven DOI: 10.4312/mz.51.1.57-67

Helmut Loos Inštitut za muzikologijo, Univerza v Leipzigu Institute of Musicology, University of Leipzig

Beethoven und der Fortschrittsgedanke Beethoven in misel napredka

Prejeto: 20. januar 2015 Received: 20th January 2015 Sprejeto: 31. marec 2015 Accepted: 31st March 2015

Ključne besede: Beethoven, recepcija Beethovna, Keywords: Beethoven, reception of Beethoven, religija umetnosti, napredek art-as-religion, progress

IZVLEČEK ABSTRACT

Meščanska moderna si je v 19. stoletju glasbo izbrala The bourgeois/middle-class Modernity chose music za religijo umetnosti, Beethoven pa je bil povzdig- for its art-as-religion and made Beethoven the key njen na mesto njenega vodje. Nastala je »romantična figure of its ideals. As a consequence, the “romantic podoba Beethoven« (Arnold Schmitz), ki skladatelja image of Beethoven” (Arnold Schmitz) idealizes the idealizira in ga prikazuje kot (od)rešenega vseh ze- composer as being freed of all earthly restrains. The meljskih spon. Ideja napredka, ki je bila ena vodilnih notion of progress was one of the main ideas of this predstav tega meščanskega gibanja, je bila projicirana social movement and it was projected on Beethoven na Beethovna in z njim absolutizirana. Ta postopek je and totalized with his music. This process is dem- prikazan in obrazložen s pomočjo izbranih primerov. onstrated and explained with selected examples.

„Brahms, der Fortschrittliche“, bis heute löst Schönbergs Provokation Diskussionen aus,1 obwohl das Thema 1933 nicht mehr sehr originell war und die Argumentation eher

1 Albrecht Dümling, „Warum Schönberg Brahms für fortschrittlich hielt“, in Verteidigung des musikalischen Fortschritts. Brahms und Schönberg, hrsg. von Albrecht Dümling (Hamburg u. a., 1990), S. 23–49. – Ludwig Finscher, „Der fortschrittliche Konserva- tive. Brahms am Ende des 20. Jahrhunderts“, in Die Musikforschung 50 (1997): 393–399. – Thomas Krehahn, Der fortschrittliche Akademiker. Das Verhältnis von Tradition und Innovation bei Johannes Brahms (München, 1998). Zur Auswirkung auf andere Komponisten siehe: Robert L. Marshall, „Bach the progressive: observations on his later works“, in The musical quarterly 62 (1976): 313–357. – Martin Zenck, „Bach der Progressive. Die Goldbergvariationen in der Perspektive von Beethovens Diabelli-Variatio- nen“, in Johann Sebastian Bach. Goldbergvariationen, hrsg. von Heinz-Klaus Metzger und Rainer Riehn (Musik-Konzepte 56) (München, 1985), S. 29–92. – Franz Schubert – Der Fortschrittliche? Analysen - Perspektiven - Fakten, hrsg. von Erich Wolfgang Partsch (Tutzing, 1989). – Jürgen Heidrich, „Händel, der Fortschrittliche?“ in Göttinger Händel-Beiträge 10 (2004): 17–29. – Ber- nd Edelmann, „Franz Lachner, der Fortschrittliche. Bläservirtuosität und Schubert-Harmonik in seinen Bläserquintetten“, in

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 57 13.5.2015 12:44:28 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 dürftig genannt werden muss.2 Anscheinend hat Schönberg einen längerfristig stritti- gen Punkt getroffen, bei dem es um das existentiell bedeutsame Verständnis deutscher Musikkultur geht. Interessant ist bei dieser Debatte, dass die Kategorie des Fortschritts nicht als Rezeptionsphänomen wahrgenommen wird, sondern bis heute im Zeichen der Wahrheit umkämpft wird. Ludwig van Beethoven war der erste Komponist, an dem musikwissenschaftlich die Rezeptionsgeschichte als Forschungsgegenstand entdeckt und erprobt worden ist. Arnold Schmitz hat in seinem bahnbrechenden Buch 1927 Bettina Brentanos/von Arnims vier Grundvorstellungen des genialische Naturkinds, des Revolutionärs, Zauberers und Priesters als typisch für das romantische Beetho- venbild dargestellt und den Abstand benannt, den sie zur quellenmäßig belegbaren Lebenswirklichkeit Beethovens haben. Denn dies ist ja das Anliegen und die Aufga- be der Rezeptionsgeschichte, die Anverwandlungen einer Persönlichkeit oder einer Idee vor dem Hintergrund des jeweils virulenten Zeitgeistes mit anderen Zeiten und Situationen zu vergleichen und zu beschreiben. Im Unterschied zu einer rezeptions ästhetischen Verstehenslehre ist die Rezeptionsgeschichte nicht auf Deutung und Wertung hin angelegt, sondern auf Deskription. Wenn Schmitz mit seiner Arbeit eine Reinigung des „echten“ Beethoven beabsichtigte, so ist dies dem Umstand geschuldet, dass der Autor seinerzeit, zumal im Jubiläumsjahr des 100. Todestags, eine Leitfigur der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft mit religiösem Rang behandelte. Den Rang von Schmitz’ Leistung schmälert dies nicht, vielmehr ist es bedenklich, dass wissenschaftsgeschicht- lich nicht die so folgenschweren Anregungen aufgenommen worden sind, vielmehr bis heute wesentliche Anliegen seiner Forschung ignoriert werden und der Autor mit Angriffen auf ausgewählte Ausschnitte seiner Arbeiten desavouiert wird.3 Hinter dieser Ausgrenzung von Arnold Schmitz aus der Wissenschaftsgeschichte stehen zwei konkurrierende Wissenschaftsauffassungen, die Musikwissenschaft als emphatische Kunstwissenschaft oder als historisch-kritische Disziplin auffassen. Das Konzept einer Ernsten Musik als Kunst im emphatischen Sinne, dem die emphatische Kunstwissenschaft gewissermaßen als Glaubenkongregation bürgerlicher Kunstreligion zugehört, hat seine gesellschaftliche Führungsposition etwa seit 1970 verloren. Jüngere Generationen vermögen spontan weder ihre gesellschaftliche Prä- senz noch ihre Begründung nachzuvollziehen, esoterische Kreise ausgenommen. Dennoch erscheint eine Auseinandersetzung damit nicht anachronistisch oder über- flüssig zu sein, da entsprechende Vorstellungen vor allem in musikwissenschaftlichem Schrifttum präsent, ja historisch gesehen sogar dominant sind. Deutlich wird dies vor allem an der Leitfigur der Musik in emphatischem Sinne, Ludwig van Beethoven. Wenn Beethoven, der Fortschrittliche, bis heute weniger als Rezeptionsphänomen, denn als

Franz Lachner und seine Brüder, Hofkapellmeister zwischen Schubert und Wagner. Bericht über das musikwissenschaftliche Symposium anläßlich des 200. Geburtstages von Franz Lachner, München, 24.–26. Oktober 2003, hrsg. von Stephan Hörner und Hartmut Schick (Tutzing, 2006), S. 183–212. – Michael Zywietz, „Strauss, der Fortschrittliche - der „Rosenkavalier“ und das Musiktheater der Moderne“, in Archiv für Musikwissenschaft 65 (2008): 152–166. 2 Egon Voss, „Schönbergs »progressiver« Brahms. Gedanken und Einwände“, in Die Orchesterwerke von Johannes Brahms, hrsg. v. Renate Ulm (Kassel u. a. und München, 1996), S. 264–271. 3 Helmut Loos, „Arnold Schmitz as Beethoven Scholar: A Reassessment“, in The Journal of Musicological Research 32 (2013): 150–162. „Deutsche Fassung: Ders., Gegen den Strom der Zeit: Der Musikwissenschaftler Arnold Schmitz (1893–1980)“, in Musikgeschichte in Mittel- und Osteuropa. Mitteilungen der internationalen Arbeitsgemeinschaft an der Universität Leipzig. Heft 13, Leipzig 2012, S. 232–244.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 58 13.5.2015 12:44:28 H. LOOS • BEETHOVEN UND DER FORTSCHRITTSGEDANKE wissenschaftliche Tatsachenbeschreibung wahrgenommen wird, so verweist dies di- rekt auf eine teleologische Geschichtsschreibung, die sich die Darstellung menschlichen Fortschritts auf allen Gebieten, durch die Kunst vor allem auch auf moralischem, zur Aufgabe gemacht hat. Dahinter steht das „Projekt der Moderne“ mit all seinen Im- plikationen (Fortschrittsglauben, Säkularisierung, Autonomie und Rationalität), wie es noch Jürgen Habermas zu retten beabsichtigte, wie es seit Jean-François Lyotard und neuerdings Peter Sloterdijk als postmoderne Absage an das Fortschrittsprinzip kritisch hinterfragt wird. Der von Habermas 1986 ausgelöste Historikerstreit ging – was die wissenschaftstheoretische Grundlagenproblematik betrifft – an der deutschen Musik- wissenschaft nahezu spurlos vorbei, zu stark war der Einfluss von Theodor W. Ador- no auf das Fach. Allenfalls anhand konkreter Einzelfragen wurden zeitweise heftige Kontroversen ausgetragen, ohne die divergierenden Grundlagen in aller Deutlichkeit auszuleuchten, wie etwa die Frage nach der Entstehung der harmonischen Tonalität bzw. den Tonarten der klassischen Vokalpolyphonie zwischen Carl Dahlhaus und Bernhard Meier Mitte der 1970er Jahre4 oder die andauernde Diskussion um Einfluss und Bedeutung der musikalischen Rhetorik in der Kompositionsgeschichte. Erst nach Vladimir Karbusicky5 hat Pamela Potter6 zahlreichere ideologiekritische Reflexionen in der deutschen Musikwissenschaft veranlasst, die 2000/2001 in verschiedenen Sam- melbänden publiziert worden sind.7 Eine erste umfassende Generalbestandsaufnah- me deutscher Musikgeschichtsschreibung von Forkel bis Brendel hat Frank Hentschel 2006 vorgelegt.8 Unter dem Stichwort „Tiefenstrukturen“ bilden das „Fortschrittsden- ken und die Konsequenzen“ ein zentrales Kapitel seiner Arbeit. Auch die anderen von Hentschel der bürgerlichen Ideologie überführten Leitideen gehören zum Begriffsfeld des „Projekts der Moderne“ und haben die deutsche Musikwissenschaft, was der Autor nur an wenigen Stellen zart andeutet, weit über seinen Bearbeitungszeitraum 1776- 1871 hinaus dominiert.9 Was diese Kritik im Einzelnen für die Musikgeschichtsschreibung bedeutet, wird erst in Ansätzen sichtbar. In der deutschsprachigen Beethoven-Forschung gibt es dazu eine Reihe grundlegender Arbeiten, wenngleich Beiträge zur kompositorischen

4 Carl Dahlhaus, Untersuchungen über die Entstehung der harmonischen Tonalität (Kassel, 1968). – Bernhard Meier, Die Tonarten der klassischen Vokalpolyphonie (Utrecht, 1974). Zur Nachwirkung siehe Carl Dahlhaus, Studies on the origin of harmonic tonality, übersetzt von Robert O. Gjerdingen (Princeton NJ, 1990). Dazu die Rezension von Hartmut Krones in Die Musikforschung 47 (1994): 183. Viel zu wenig beachtet worden ist der Beitrag von Bernhard Meier, „Zur Musikhistoriographie des 19. Jahrhunderts“, in Die Ausbreitung des Historismus über die Musik. Aufsätze und Diskussionen, hrsg. von Walter Wiora (Regensburg, 1969), S. 169–206. 5 Vladimir Karbusicky, Wie deutsch ist das Abendland? Geschichtliches Sendungsbewußtsein im Spiegel der Musik (Hamburg, 1995). 6 Pamela M. Potter, Most German of the Arts. Musicology and Society from the Weimar Republic to the End of Hitler’s Reich (Yale University, 1998). 7 Anselm Gerhard, Hrsg., Musikwissenschaft - eine verspätete Disziplin? Die akademische Musikforschung zwischen Fortschritts- glauben und Modernitätsverweigerung (Stuttgart u.a., 2000). – Deutsche Meister - böse Geister? Nationale Selbstfindung in der Musik, hrsg. v. Hermann Danuser u. Herfried Münkler (Schliengen, 2001). – Musikforschung. Faschismus. Nationalsozialismus. Referate der Tagung Schloss Engers (8. bis 11. März 2000), hrsg. v. Isolde von Foerster, Christoph Hust u. Christoph-Hellmut Mahling (Mainz, 2001). 8 Frank Hentschel, Bürgerliche Ideologie und Musik. Politik der Musikgeschichtsschreibung in Deutschland 1776–1871 (Frankfurt u.a., 2006). Neuerdings siehe auch Paul Thissen, „Tradition und Innovation in Schubarts Ideen zu einer Aesthetik der Tonkunst (1784/85)“, in Die Musikforschung 67 (2014): 221–238. 9 Hentschel, Bürgerliche Ideologie und Musik, 132: „Dass es Musik mit Wahrheiten zu tun habe, sollte im Kontext der bildungs- bürgerlichen Institutionalisierung dieser Kunst bis hin zu ihrer späten Ikone Theodor W. Adorno von Bedeutung sein“. Dazu auch Georg Bollenbeck, Bildung und Kultur. Glanz und Elend eines deutschen Deutungsmusters (Frankfurt a. M., 1994).

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 59 13.5.2015 12:44:28 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 Beethoven-Rezeption nach Schmitz allzu oft in das Fahrwasser emphatischer Musi- kanschauung geraten sind. Hans Heinrich Eggebrechts ambitionierte Studie „Zur Geschichte der Beethoven-Rezeption“ von 1972 verzeichnet den Fortschritt nicht als eigenes Begriffsfeld, subsumiert ihn auch nicht einem anderen, wie er etwa „Nationalis mus“ zusammen mit zehn anderen Verweisen (usf.) dem Begriffsfeld „Benutzbarkeit“ unterordnet und damit fast verbirgt.10 Die politischen Verflechtungen der Fortschritts- partei und ihre Wahl Beethovens als Frontfigur sind von Ulrich Schmitt 1990 themati- siert worden,11 die spezifisch preußische Prägung der Beethoven-Rezeption hat Elisa- beth Eleonore Bauer 1992 beschrieben.12 So wenig der Begriff Fortschritt bei Beethoven selbst eine Rolle spielte, so aktuell wurde er in der um 1810 geborenen Komponistengeneration. Robert Schumann kate- gorisierte verschiedene Parteien und charakterisierte gegenüber den „Alten“ als Liberale oder Romantiker „die Linken die Jünglinge, die phrygischen Mützen, die Formenver- ächter, die Genialitätsfrechen, unter denen die Beethovener als Classe hervorstechen.“13 Zwei Jahre später konstatierte er unter dem Namen Eusebius: „Ein Fortschritt unsrer Kunst erfolge erst mit einem Fortschritt der Künstler zu einer geistigen Aristokratie“.14 Richard Wagners Fortschrittsverbundenheit ist bekannt, auf Beethovens Neunte Sinfo- nie könne es nach seinem bekannten Diktum keinen Fortschritt geben, es könne darauf nur „das vollendete Kunstwerk der Zukunft, das allgemeinsame Drama, folgen“.15 Auf andere Weise, mit der Schöpfung der Gattung der Sinfonischen Dichtung, sah sich Liszt, die führende Persönlichkeit der neudeutschen Partei, dem Fortschritt nach Beet- hoven verbunden, rückte allerdings im Alter davon ab.16 Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy hatte ein anderes Verhältnis zum „Fortschritt“, er gebrauchte das Wort in seinen Briefen nahezu ausschließlich im Sinne einer Verbesserung bestimmter Fertigkeiten und Ar- beitsvorgänge. Mit seiner geschichtsphilosophischen Bedeutung war er schon frühzei- tig aus der Korrespondenz mit dem Vater vertraut, stand ihr aber reserviert gegenüber. Am 29. Dezember 1834 schrieb ihm Abraham Mendelssohn Bartholdy: „Nichts steht im Leben, und was nicht vorwärts geht, geht rückwärts; […] das Gute, bleibt ewig gut, […] Nur derjenige beurkundet, daß ihm Gott einen überlegenen Geist gewährt und daher auch z. B. daß er ein Kunstler sey, welcher sich, als Mensch gewordener Fortschritt der Richtung dokumentirt, die ihm seine Natur gegeben. Nenne Du das nun eine Reform od. wie Du sonst willst, ich bin ganz mit Dir einverstanden, daß dasjenige, was die Fran- zosen in Kunst und Literatur Fortschritte nennen fast nur Verirrungen sind. Da Du aber an diesen keinen Theil genommen und Deinen Weg gegangen bist, die jüngsten unter

10 Hans Heinrich Eggebrecht, Zur Geschichte der Beethoven-Rezeption. Beethoven 1970 (Mainz-Wiesbaden 1972), S. 56. 11 Ulrich Schmitt, Revolution im Konzertsaal. Zur Geschichte der politischen Beethoven-Deutung (Mainz, 1990). 12 Elisabeth Eleonore Bauer, Wie Beethoven auf den Sockel kam. Die Entstehung eines musikalischen Mythos (Stuttgart u. a., 1992). Weiter auch Andreas Eichhorn, Beethovens Neunte Symphonie. Die Geschichte ihrer Aufführung und Rezeption (Kassel-Basel u. a., 1993). – Angelika Corbineau-Hoffmann, Testament und Totenmaske. Der literarische Mythos des Ludwig van Beethoven (Hildesheim, 2000). 13 NZfM Bd. 1 (5. Mai 1834), S. 38; Kreisig 1, S. 144. 14 NZfM Bd. 4 (22. April 1836), S. 139; Kreisig Bd. 1 S. 167. 15 Wagner, Sämtliche Schriften und Dichtungen, Bd. 3 S. 96. 16 Matthias Krautkrämer, Fortschritt als Prinzip: Liszts Schaffen am Beispiel der Dante-Symphonie (London, 2007). – Axel Schröter, „Der Name Beethoven ist heilig in der Kunst“. Studien zu Liszts Beethoven-Rezeption, 2 Bde (Sinzig, 1999). – Helmut Loos, „Die Beethoven-Nachfolge Franz Liszts“, in Beethoven und die Nachwelt. Materialien zur Wirkungsgeschichte Beethovens (Bonn, 1986), S. 41–64.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 60 13.5.2015 12:44:28 H. LOOS • BEETHOVEN UND DER FORTSCHRITTSGEDANKE Deinen Kunstgenossen aber Dir die Ehre erzeigen, Dich einen Repräsentanten des Fort- schrittes nennen, so geht mir daraus hervor, daß sie besser fühlen was Noth thut, als es selbst bewirken können“.17 Felix Mendelssohn brachte Beethoven bei aller Anerkennung keine religiös geprägte Verehrung entgegen und unterschied sich dadurch von Schu- mann und Wagner ganz erheblich.18 Anscheinend war diese Differenz auch ein Grund für die Entfremdung zwischen Mendelssohn und Adolph Bernhard Marx, der zu den ganz frühen Beethoven-Apologeten gehörte. Bereits 1824 schrieb Marx in der Berliner Allgemeinen musikalische Zeitung, es sei „Beethoven, in dessen Werken nach Mozart der größte Fortschritt der Tonkunst sichtbar geworden ist; am meisten in seinen Sonaten und in den Symphonien.“19 Blieb dies anfangs noch ein vereinzelter Hinweis auf den Fortschritt, so avancierte er 1855 in seinem Buch über „Die Musik des 19. Jahrhunderts und ihre Pflege“ zu einem Leitbegriff: „Die Frage nach dem Standpunkt‘ und Fortschritte der Kunst ist eins mit der Frage nach dem Standpunkt‘ und Fortschritte des Volks und der Zeit.“20 Hier wird die politische Bedeutung der Musik offenbar, und Beethoven war ihr Herold: „in dieser Betheiligung des Orchesters am geistigen Inhalt des Tongedichts, die wir schon bei Bach und Händel erkennen – ist der weitere Fortschritt gegeben, der sich in Beethoven vollenden sollte.“21 Die Zukunft ist von Marx „mit dem Wesen der Kunst und alles geistigen Lebens angeschaut worden als Fortschritt, und zwar Fortschritt in der Idee – Vollendung solcher Ideen, die geahnt und denen man entgegengestrebt, ohne sie verwirklichen zu können, oder Eintritt neuer Idee in das Leben – Fortschritt des Geistes.“22 Gewissermaßen biologisch-naturwissenschaftlich untermauert Marx in seiner Beethoven-Biographie 1863 des Komponisten „Fortschritt zur folgenden Stufe“ mit einem „Naturprozess des Geistes“ in „drei Stufen der musikalischen Entwickelung“.23 Wie dominant der Fortschrittsgedanke im Musikleben um die Jahrhundertmitte wurde und wie zentral Beethoven in diesem Denkmuster verortet war, belegen die Jahrgänge der konkurrierenden Musikzeitschriften des Revolutionsjahres 1848, der 50. und vorerst letzte Band der Allgemeinen musikalischen Zeitung (AmZ) und die Bände 28 und 29 der Neuen Zeitschrift für Musik (NZfM). Die Redaktion der AmZ eröffnete den letzten Jahrgang mit einem programmatischen Vorspann „An den geneigten Le- ser“, in dem der thematische Schwerpunkt des Jahres umrissen wird: „Das grosse Wort unserer Zeit heisst: Fortschritt. Es ist das Wichtigste was es gibt, denn es liegt in ihm unsere höhere Bestimmung, es ist der Marschbefehl Gottes für die ganze Menschheit.“ Ironie schwingt in dieser Formulierung mit, zumal sogleich angefügt wird, „wenn nur Alle, die das Wort geläufig im Munde oder in der Feder führen, auch wüssten, was es bedeutet.“ Gleich im Anschluss an den Vorspann, noch auf derselben Seite, wird

17 Mendellsohn Briefausgabe, Bd. 4, S. 526. 18 Helmut Loos, „Mendelssohn und Beethoven“, in Musicology Today. Journal of the National University of Music Bucharest 2 (2010), Heft Juni-Juli (http://www.musicologytoday.ro/studies1.php). 19 Adolph Bernhard Marx, „Etwas über die Symphonie und Beethovens Leistungen in diesem Fache“, in Berliner allgemeine musikalische Zeitung 1 (1824): 173. 20 Adolph Bernhard Marx, Die Musik des 19. Jahrhunderts und ihre Pflege. Methode der Musik (Leipzig, 1855), S. 179. Zum Motto wählte das Zitat nicht zufällig Georg Knepler, Musikgeschichte des 19. Jahrhunderts, 2 Bde (Berlin, 1961), Bd. 1, S. 705. 21 Ebd., S. 85. 22 Ebd., S. 192. Verantwortlich dafür sind die Lehrenden, denn „Zustand und Fortschritt der Kunst beruhn zuletzt auf der Bildung für sie; die Pflege der Bildung aber liegt zunächst in den Händen des Lehrstands.“ Ebd., S. 241. 23 Adolf Bernhard Marx, Ludwig van Beethoven. Leben und Schaffen, Bd. 1, 2. Aufl. (Berlin, 1863), S. 270.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 61 13.5.2015 12:44:28 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 auf das Mozart-Buch von Alexander Oulibicheff (1794-1858) hingewiesen und ein Auschnitt aus der deutschen Übersetzung, eine Eloge auf Mozart eingerückt: „sein Ge- nie hatte sich zu seiner Höhe erhoben […] wo das Genie […] sich selbst studirt und aus jedem Werke eine neue Lehre für das nächstfolgende zieht; so immer im Fortschritt begriffen“.24 Hier kündigt sich die bekannte Fehde mit Wilhelm von Lenz (1808-1883) an, die in den folgenden Jahren ausgefochten wurde.25 Johann Christian Lobe, der Redakteur der AmZ, hat im Jahrgang 1848 seiner Zei- tung eine zehnteilige Artikelfolge „Der Fortschritt“ veröffentlicht (die letzten sechs Teile sind der dritten Sinfonie von Nils Gade gewidmet26). Nachdem er sich im ersten Teil zum Fortschritt bekennt und dezidiert die Definitionsfrage aufwirft, geht er im zweiten Teil auf Beethoven ein: Beethoven bildet für Lobe den absoluten Höhe- punkt des Fortschritts, er kann in der deutschen Tonkunst nichts erkennen, von dem behauptet werden könne, „es zeige einen Fortschritt über jenes Geistes letzte höchste Kunstoffenbarungen“ hinaus.27 Deshalb sei ein Fortschrittsverständnis im Sinne eines beschleunigten Voranschreitens zu seiner Zeit schlicht falsch: „Die Riesenfortschritte [der Epoche Haydn bis Beethoven] hat die Epoche nach Beethoven nicht gemacht.“28 Verstehe man die Fortschrittsphrase als Forderung an die Gegenwart aufgrund akuten Notstands, „alles Vorhandene steht auf abgethanen, abgelebten Standpunkten“, so wi- derspreche dem „die blühende Welt herrlicher Tonwerke früherer und jetziger Meister, an denen sich das wirkliche Tongemüth ergötzen“ könne.29 Solle drittens die Phrase bedeuten, es werde „in unserer Zeit viel Mittelmäßiges, Hohlers, Inhaltsloses, ja ganz Schlechtes gebracht, welches zu beseitigen ist,“ so sei dies „zu allen Zeiten gesagt worden“ und verstehe sich von selbst.30 Hart geht Lobe mit einer Musikkritik ins Gericht, die nach „dem Geschrei unserer Zeit […] den Fortschritt“ zu machen behaupte,31 und wirft ihr „anmaassende Selbstlobhudelei und Ueberschätzung“ vor.32 Keinesfalls will Lobe „für einen Konservativen“ gehalten werden, er bekennt sich in der Ablehnung von Kirche (für „religiösen Fortschritt“) und Adel zu bürgerlichen Idealen, ohne doch „jeden Fürsten für einen Feind der Menschheit und ihres Fortschritts“ zu halten.33 Er spricht sich für Berlioz und Liszt aus und ganz entschieden gegen Wagner.34 Franz Brendel dagegen machte sich zum Sprachrohr der Geschichtsphilosophie Ri- chard Wagners und vertrat dezidiert die Fortschrittspartei. Band 28 der NZfM eröffnete er 1848 mit eine „vergleichende Charakteristik“ über „Haydn, Mozart und Beethoven“:

24 AMZ 50, Sp. 2. 25 Alexander Oulibicheff, Nouvelle biographie de Mozart (Dresden, 1843). – Wilhelm von Lenz, Beethoven et ses trois styles, 2 Bde (Brüssel, 1852–1855). – Alexander Oulibicheff, Beethoven, ses critiques et ses glossateurs 1857. – Lenz schrieb Beethoven “den Fortschritt im Geiste” als die “durch ihn zur Anschauung gekommene Idee” zu. Wilhelm von Lenz, Beethoven. Eine Kunststudie, Zweiter Theil: Der Styl in Beethoven (Kassel, 1855), S. 186. 26 Zu Mendelssohn unterhielt Lobe freundschaftliche Beziehungen. Johann Christian Lobe, „Ein Quartett bei Goethe. Erinne- rung aus Weimars großer Zeit“, in Die Gartenlaube (1867), Heft 1, S. 4–8. 27 AMZ 50, Sp. 66. 28 AMZ 50, Sp. 68. 29 AMZ 50, Sp. 68. 30 AMZ 50, Sp. 68. 31 AMZ 50, Sp. 171. 32 AMZ 50, Sp. 172. 33 AMZ 50, Sp. 337. 34 Torsten Brandt, Johann Christian Lobe (1771–1881). Studien zu Biographie und musikschriftstellerischem Werk (Göttingen, 2002).

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 62 13.5.2015 12:44:29 H. LOOS • BEETHOVEN UND DER FORTSCHRITTSGEDANKE „Alle drei […] spiegeln schon in ihren äußeren Verhältnissen die Entwicklung der deutschen Zustände und des deutschen Geistes im Laufe des letzten Jahrhunderts.“35 Beethoven kommt dabei der höchste Stand der Selbständigkeit zu, „eine im Inneren des Individuums erschlossene Welt […], eine Welt des Geistes, welche über die beste- hende hinausgreift.“36 Brendel sieht Haydn in „kindlich-patriarchalischen Zuständen“ befangen, bei Mozart „die bunte Mannichfaltigkeit des Lebens“, während Beethoven ihn „in eine innere Welt des Geistes“ führt und „die ausschließliche Wahrheit findet.“37 Auf dieser unerschütterlichen Basis nimmt Brendel zu „Fragen der Zeit“ Stellung und fordert von den Musikern politisches Engagement im Sinne des Fortschritts: „Die Mu- siker waren zu sehr gewohnt, ihre Kunst als ein abgesondertes Gebiet zu betrachten, welches außerhalb aller geschichtlichen Bewegung steht; sie haben dem Fortschritt der Freiheit zu wenig gehuldigt; im Gegentheil die conservative Partei zählt unter ihnen die eifrigsten Anhänger.“38 Damit erhält der Fortschritt deutlich eine politische Dimension, zumal er nach Brendel in einer paradoxen Formulierung das nationale Bekenntnis erfordere, denn „die Tonkunst ist die Weltsprache“ und habe bewirkt, „daß die Musiker die nationelle Basis zu sehr aus den Augen verloren, daß sie sich einem grundfalschen Weltbürgerthum […] ergeben haben.“39 Es sei „ein tief eingewurzeltes Uebel“ im „Gesammtleben der Nation“, dass „die aristokratische Haltung der Bildung, der Stolz derselben“ und ein „Mangel an gesundem Volksleben“ der Zersplitterung Vorschub leisteten und „die Aristokraten der Bildung hinter dem gesunden Sinne des Volkes, hinter der natürlichen Frische und gesunden Empfindung zurückbleiben“.40 Anstelle des notwendigen Engagements sei „die Tonkunst […] mit einem leeren For- malismus bedroht“.41 Zahlreiche Schlagworte kulturpolitischer Auseinandersetzungen des 20. Jahrhunderts sind hier zu finden. Im Streit mit der AMZ konstatiert Brendel 1848, dass es „bei der Frage nach Fortschritt“ noch „keine organisierten Parteien“ gebe, es aber „nur noch weniger Schritte [bedürfe], um bis zur wirklichen Partei gelangen zu können.“ Doch sei es ungerecht, „von der Musik schon zu verlangen, was sogar auf politischem Gebiet erst jetzt zu bilden sich beginnt.“42 Die Deutsche Fortschrittspartei wurde 1861 gegründet und gehörte zum national-liberalen Lager. Zu ihren Vorläufern zählte der politische Freisinn in der Schweiz, dem der en- gagierte Pädagoge Hans Georg Nägeli (1773-1836) zuzurechnen ist. Er war ein ent- schiedener Vorkämpfer Beethovens, von dem er bereits 1826 meinte, er habe die „reine“ Musik „von Neuem emporgehoben“ und „auf ewig gesichert“.43 Mit Blick „auf die so rasch und unfehlbar fortschreitende Kunstentwickelung“ sei Beethoven

35 Franz Brendel, Haydn, Mozart und Beethoven. Eine vergleichende Charakteristik, in NZfM Bd. 28 (1. Januar 1848), S. 3. 36 Ebd. 37 Ebd. 38 Franz Brendel, „Fragen der Zeit. II. Die Ereignisse der Gegenwart in ihrem Einfluß auf die Gestaltung der Kunst“, in NZfM Bd. 28 (22. April 1848), S. 193. 39 Ebd. 40 Ebd., S. 194. 41 Ebd., S. 195. 42 Franz Brendel, „Erwiderung, die Tonkünstler-Versammlung und die Kritik derselben durch Hrn. F. Hinrichs betreffend“, in NZfM Bd. 28 (27. Mai 1848), S. 256. [Mit Verweis S. 255 auf “Nr. 34 dies. Bl. und Nr. 15 der Allg. Musik. Zeitung.”] Vgl. dazu Hans-Joachim Hinrichsen, Musikalische Interpretation. Hans von Bülow (Stuttgart, 1999), S. 29. 43 Hans Georg Nägeli, Vorlesungen über Musik mit Berücksichtigung der Dilettanten (Stuttgart und Tübingen, 1826), S. 187.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 63 13.5.2015 12:44:29 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 „als bedeutender Kunsterfinder“44 letztlich „der Kunstheld des neuen Jahrhunderts im Geist der Bache“.45 Wie Nägeli war Wilhelm Christian Müller (1752-1831) pädago- gisch im volksbilnerischen Sinne Pestalozzis tätig und umschrieb 1830 die jüngste Zeit („Zehnter Zeitraum, von 1800 bis 1830“) in seinen „Einleitungen in die Wissenschaft der Tonkunst“ als „Gipfel der Tonkunst; höchste Instrumental-Musik“, darin war ihm „Louis v. Beethoven der Einzige, Oberste.“46 Gustav Schilling bezeichnet in seiner En- cyclopädie 1835 Beethoven als den Komponisten, „in dessen Werken die Tonkunst […] einen wesentlichen Entwicklungsmoment erlebt, über dessen Schaffen hinaus sich noch kein weiterer Fortschritt gezeigt hat.“47 In der zweiten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts wurde das Fortschrittsattribut für Beet- hoven obligatorisch, wenngleich nicht unumstritten. Dabei erschien der musikalische Fortschritt wie bei Marx als organische Entwicklung mit quasi naturwissenschaftlich- biologischer Begründung. Louis Koehler sah in Beethovens Streichquartetten eine Rei- he von Werken, „welche alle Mittelstadien jenes großen Entwicklungslaufes gleichsam musikalisch-krystallisirt in sich begreifen. Beethoven schließt Haydn und Mozart ver- eint in sich und Beide gehen in seiner weltumspannenden Individualität auf.“48 Auch Wilhelm von Lenz hatte Beethovens Streichquartette im Blick, als er über das Streich- quartett e-Moll op. 59 Nr. 2 schrieb, es sei „das potenzirte, seiner Freiheit und höhe- ren Lebensfähigkeit bewußte Quartett, ein organischer Forschritt in’s Unendliche.“49 Beethovens „Fortschritt im Quartettschreiben“50 weise ihn als einen „der größten Fort- schrittsgeister“ aus und belege insgesamt den „Fortschritt im Geiste“.51 Gemäßigter äußerte sich August Wilhelm Ambros, für ihn gehörte Beethoven nicht zu den Kom- ponisten, die „revolutionären Fortschritt wollten“, sondern zu denen, die mit „gesetz- mäßigen Erweiterungen des Bestehenden“ zu einer „friedlichen Erweiterung des musikalischen Reiches“ beigetragen haben.52 Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts wurde das Fortschrittsdenken immer stärker evoluti- onstheoretisch durchdrungen, gerade auch die Gründungsgeneration der universi- tären Musikwissenschaft zeigte eine kulturdarwinistische Grundeinstellung, besonders deutlich zu erkennen bei Arthur Prüfer.53 Hugo Riemann folgte ihr in seinen

44 Ebd., S. 192. 45 Ebd., S. 196. 46 Wilhelm Christian Müller, Aesthetisch-historische Einleitungen in die Wissenschaft der Tonkunst. Erster Teil: Versuch einer Aesthetik der Tonkunst im Zusammenhange mit den übrigen schönen Künsten nach geschichtlicher Entwickelung (Leipzig, 1830), S. 4. 47 Encyclopädie der gesammten musikalischen Wissenschaften, oder, Universal-Lexicon der Tonkunst, herausgegeben von Gustav Schilling, Bd. 1 (Stuttgart, 1835), S. 513. Wegen des verbreiteten Plagiatsvorwufs Schilling gegenüber ist die Zuordnung dieser Stellungnahme schwierig. 48 Louis Koehler, Die Gebrüder Müller und das Streichquartett (Leipzig, 1858), S. 26. 49 Wilhelm von Lenz, Beethoven. Eine Kunst-Studie. Vierter Theil. Kritischer Katalog sämmtlicher Werke Beethovens mit Analy- sen derselben. Dritter Theil. II. Periode op. 21 bis op. 100 (Hamburg, 1860), S. 40. 50 Ebd., S. 16. 51 Ebd., S. 136. 52 August Wilhelm Ambros, Culturhistorische Bilder aus dem Musikleben der Gegenwart, 2. Aufl. (Leipzig, 1865), S. 132. Dass auch er dem Fortschrittsdenken anhing, dass sich „bei den primitiven Anfängen der Tonkunst ein stetiger Fortschritt des Bildungsgrades zeigt“, ist seiner Musikgeschichte zu entnehmen: August Wilhelm Ambros, Geschichte der Musik, Bd. 1: Die ersten Anfänge der Tonkunst. Die Musik der antiken Welt (Breslau, 1862), S. XVII. 53 Helmut Loos, „Musikwissenschaft an der Universität Leipzig“, in 600 Jahre Musik an der Universität Leipzig, hrsg. v. Eszter Fontana (Wettin, 2010), S. 265–284.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 64 13.5.2015 12:44:29 H. LOOS • BEETHOVEN UND DER FORTSCHRITTSGEDANKE Überblicksdarstellungen54 und insbesondere bei seinen Arbeiten über Beethoven. Er war für ihn „der Träger der größten Fortschritte“ auf dem Gebiet der Harmonik wie in der „Fortentwicklung der Rhythmik“.55 In seiner Bearbeitung von Thayers Standardwerk über Beethoven ist nicht nur vom Fortschritt des jungen Zöglings zu lesen,56 sondern auch von dem einzelner Werke und Gattungen57 und schließlich vom „organische[n] Fortschritt“.58 Geradezu inflationär wurde bei Riemann die Verwendung des Wortes „Entwicklung“,59 und so ist auch in Guido Adlers musikgeschichtlichem Handbuch vom „entwicklungsgeschichtlichen Fortschritt“ bei Beethoven zu lesen.60 Anton We- bern schloss sich dieser Auffassung als promovierter Musikwissenschaftler nahtlos an und legitimierte die Schönberg-Schule mit dem Verweis auf die „Evolution des Harmonischen“61 und „die bei Beethoven erreichte Höhe der Entwicklung“.62 Zurück- haltender äußerte sich etwa Leopold Schmidt.63 Die Vorstellungen eines linearen musikalischen Fortschritts, wie sie vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg noch verbreitet waren (etwa 1889 bei dem bedeutenden Neo- darwinisten August Weismann), wurden durch die Dichotomie von Reaktion und Fortschritt abgelöst. Berühmt ist die Kontroverse zwischen Theodor Wiesengrund Adorno und Ernst Krenek um diese Frage.64 Sie korrespondiert mit fortschrittsthe- oretischen und verfallstheoretischen65 Geschichtsdeutungen, die seinerzeit konkur- rierten, und ist demselben Denkmuster verpflichtet. Allerdings lassen sich mit diesen Dichotomien endlose dialektische Spielereien aufführen, die ebenso geistreich wie ergebnislos sein können.66 Adornos grundlegende Kategorie von dem Fortschritt des musikalischen Materials, einmal spricht er sogar von der „deutschen Evolution

54 Beispielsweise Hugo Riemann, Geschichte der Musiktheorie im IX.-XIX. Jahrhundert (Leipzig, 1898), 2. Aufl. Berlin 1920, insbesondere S. 118, 316, 510. 55 Hugo Riemann, Geschichte der Musik seit Beethoven (1800–1900) (Berlin-Stuttgart, 1901), S. 100. 56 Alexander Wheelock Thayer, Ludwig van Beethovens Leben, deutsch bearbeitet von Hermann Deiters, hrsg. von Hugo Riemann, Bd. 1, 3. Aufl. (Leipzig, 1917), S. 149, 150, 152. 57 Alexander Wheelock Thayer, Ludwig van Beethovens Leben, deutsch bearbeitet von Hermann Deiters, hrsg. von Hugo Riemann, Bd. 2, 2. Aufl. (Leipzig, 1910), S. 51, 82, 144. – Alexander Wheelock Thayer, Ludwig van Beethovens Leben, deutsch bearbeitet von Hermann Deiters, hrsg. von Hugo Riemann, Bd. 3, 2. Aufl. (Leipzig, 1911), S. 19. 58 Alexander Wheelock Thayer, Ludwig van Beethovens Leben, weitergeführt von Hermann Deiters, hrsg. von Hugo Riemann, Bd. 5 (Leipzig, 1908), S. 23. 59 „Entwicklung der Kunstmittel“ TDR, Bd. 1, S. 361, wird in von Henry Edward Krehbiel übersetzt als „evolution of art-means“, http://books.google.de/books?id=705rbWmqzQEC&printsec=frontcover&dq=intitle:The+intitle:Life+intitle:of+intitle:Ludwig+intitle:van+intitle:Beethoven&hl=de&sa=X&ei=mHopVKLCOO6X7QbbzIH4Ag&ved=0CDEQ6AEwAg#v=onepage&q=evolutio- n&f=false (29.09.2014). 60 Alfred Orel, „Die katholische Kirchenmusik seit 1750“, in Handbuch der Musikgeschichte, hrsg. von Guido Adler, 2. Aufl. (Berlin- Wilmersdorf 1930, Nachdruck München 1975), Bd. 3, S. 850. 61 Anton Webern, Der Weg zur neuen Musik (1933), hrsg. von Willi Reich, Wien 1960, S. 23. 62 Ebd., S. 31. 63 Leopold Schmidt, Beethoven. Werke und Leben (Berlin, 1924), S. 137f.: “Beethoven gehörte nicht zu denen, die den Fortschritt um jeden Preis anstrebten und hat das Neue nicht um seiner selbst willen (wie Richard Wagner) den Jüngeren ans Herz gelegt.” Zu Tradition und Fortschritt S. 138: “dies Maßvolle und Vorsichtige im Beschreiten neuer Wege”. Beethovens späten Werken S. 244, die “als die größten, für den Fortschritt in der musikalischen Entwicklung wichtigsten dastehen.” 64 Theodor Wiesengrund-Adorno, „Reaktion und Fortschritt“, in Der Anbruch 12 (1930): 191–195. – Ernst Krenek, „Fortschritt und Reaktion“, in Der Anbruch 12 (1930): 196–200. 65 Walter Niemann, „Vom wahren und vom falschen musikalischen Fortschritt“, in NZfM 88 (1921): 181. – Alfred Heuß, „Fortschritt, Entwicklung oder Wandlung in der Tonkunst. Zum 57. Tonkünstlerfest des A. D. M. in Krefeld“, in NZfM 94 (1927): 405. 66 So kann bei Adorno der „Fortschritt als Agonie des Todgeweihten“ gelesen werden, siehe Martin Thrun, Eigensinn und soziales Verhängnis. Erfahrung und Kultur „anderer Musik“ im 20. Jahrhundert, Leipzig 2009, S. 245-261.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 65 13.5.2015 12:44:29 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 des musikalischen Materials“,67 ist u. a. von Kurt Blaukopf aufgegriffen und kritisch analysiert worden.68 Nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg geriet die Deutung des fortschrittlichen Beethoven vollends unter den Einfluss der politischen Blockbildung. Im Ostblock wurde Beet- hoven als „Kämpfer für den gesellschaftlichen Fortschritt“ vereinnahmt,69 im Westen als Zentralgestalt seiner Epoche zu dem „von keiner ‚poetischen Idee‘ angekränkelten absoluten Musiker“ in der Tradition Hanslicks und Pfitzners gedeutet.70 Das Jubiläums- jahr 1970 brachte einen Höhepunkt der gesellschaftspolitischen Auseinandersetzung, speziell den Fortschrittsaspekt thematisierten Harry Goldschmidt71 und Hans Heinz Stuckenschmidt.72 Gleichzeitig markiert das Jahr einen Bruch in der Beethoven-Rezep- tion, die gesellschaftspolitische Bedeutung emphatischer Kunstmusik im Sinne des „Projekts der Moderne“ und damit Beethoven als ihre Gallionsfigur verloren in der Folge immer stärker an Gewicht.73 Der Parforceritt durch ein so komplexes Thema wie den Fortschrittsgedanken in der Beethoven-Rezeption wirft viele Fragen auf, er bedarf vor allem einer genaueren Einordnung der einzelnen, disparaten Äußerungen in die jeweiligen Kontexte. Auffäl- lig sind jedenfalls einzelne Gedankenverbindungen wie die Kopplung von Fortschritt und Freiheit, die auf Hegel verweist, die Verbindung mit den Begriffen Revolution und Evolution, die ganz unterschiedliche Richtungen bezeichnen, sowie die ausufernde Verwendung des Fortschrittsbegriffs auf Ideen, Prozesse oder das musikalische Ma- terial, wobei einzelne Parameter gesondert angesprochen werden. Ungeachtet ihrer Disparatheit weisen die einzelnen Belege doch auf, wie stark das Fortschrittsdenken evolutionsbiologisch geprägt war, wenn von organischem Fortschritt, organischer Entwicklung oder fortschreitender Entwicklung die Rede ist. Die Ausschmückungen und Verzeichnungen, die sich aus den unterschiedlichen Richtungen ergeben haben, sind der Grund für viele Kontroversen über die Musikwissenschaft hinaus und Ge- genstand der Rezeptionsgeschichte. Die unterschiedlichen Auslegungen betreffen in der Hauptsache die zentralen Prämissen des „Projekts der Moderne“. Neben dem

67 Theodor W. Adorno, „Musikalische Schriften V. Zum Stand des Komponierens in Deutschland“, in GS 18, S. 134f. 68 Kurt Blaukopf, „Der Begriff des Fortschritts in der Musiksoziologie“, in Ders., Was ist Musiksoziologie? Ausgewählte Texte, hrsg. von Michael Parzer (Frankfurt a. M., 2010), S. 143-154, besonders S. 151. 69 Christian Lange, „Ludwig van Beethoven - ein Kämpfer für den gesellschaftlichen Fortschritt“, in Musik in der Schule (1952), S. 17–21. Siehe dazu Günther Diezel, Funktion der Zeitschrift “Musik in der Schule” bei der Verwirklichung der Bildungs- und Erziehungsziele der sozialistischen Schule in der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Schul- musik in der DDR, Diss. Berlin 1971. – Dazu weiter Georg Knepler, Musikgeschichte des 19. Jahrhunderts, Bd. 1 (Berlin, 1961), S. 729–735: Fortschritt und Reaktion im deutschen Musikleben. 70 Friedrich Blume, „Art. Romantik“, in MGG 11 (1963), Sp. 785–844, hier 804. 71 Harry Goldschmidt, „Beethoven und der Fortschritt“, in Ders., Die Erscheinung Beethoven (Leipzig, 1974) (Beethoven-Studien 1), S. 11–24. 72 Hans Heinz Stuckenschmidt, „Beethoven - Höhepunkt und Fortschritt“, in Beethoven im Mittelpunkt. Beiträge und Anmerkun- gen. Beiträge und Anmerkungen. Internatioales Beethovenfest Bonn 1970. Festschrift, hrsg. von Gert Schroers (Bonn, 1970), S. 13–40. Siehe auch Karl-Heinz Köhler, „Beethoven und der Fortschritt“, in Ludwig van Beethoven 1770–1827, hrsg. von Hans Gunter Hoke (Berlin, 1977). 73 Herbert Rosendorfer, „Die letzte Welle, oder: Wann endet der Fortschritt? Festvortrag zur Eröffnung des Bonner Beethovenfestes 2003“, in Wege zu Beethoven. Sieben Bonner Reden zu den Internationalen Beethovenfesten 1999 bis 2003, hrsg. von Bürger für Beethoven, Gesellschaft der Freunde und Förderer der Internationalen Beethovenfeste in Bonn e.V. (Bonn, 2004), S. 82–98. – „progress“ und „evolution“ werden in der englischsprachigen Beethoven-Literatur noch ähnlich unterschiedlich behandelt wie im Deutschen, siehe William Kinderman, Beethoven (Berkeley-Los Angeles, 1995), und David B. Dennis, Beethoven in German Politics, 1870–1989 (Yale University, 1996).

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 66 13.5.2015 12:44:29 H. LOOS • BEETHOVEN UND DER FORTSCHRITTSGEDANKE Fortschrittsglauben zählt dazu das Prinzip der Säkularisierung, das schon seit Adolph Bernhard Marx und Anton Schindler zur Ablehnung der christlichen Wurzeln Beet- hovens, zu seiner Zuordnung zu Deismus, Naturreligion und Atheismus geführt hat, besonders fassbar in Interpretationen der „Missa solemnis“ etwa als „verfremdetes Hauptwerk“. Rezeptionsgeschichtlich dominierend ist weiter das Prinzip der Autono- mie seiner Werke als reine Instrumentalmusik im Sinne eines opus perfectum et abso- lutum, das eine Ablehnung jeder Existenz von musikalischer Rhetorik in seinen Wer- ken bedingt,74 und schließlich das der Rationalität, das ihnen Vernunft und Wahrheit in höchstem Maße garantiere. Zusammen genommen ergeben diese Elemente eine Meistererzählung ganz im Sinne einer historischen Großdeutung zur bürgerlichen Identitätsstiftung der „Moderne“ als einer menschlichen Gesellschaft auf dem höchs- ten Stand ihrer Perfektibilität.75

POVZETEK Habermas, o znanstveno-teoretični problematiki osnov se muzikologije takorekoč niti dotaknil Kocept resne glasbe kot umetnosti v emfatičnem ni, saj je bil vpliv Theodora W. Adorna na stroko smislu, ki mu emfatična muzikologija nekako pripa- premočan. Kvečjemu kot posledica konkretnih da kot verska ločina meščanske religije umetnosti, posameznih vprašanj so se vsake toliko bíle hude je okrog leta 1970 izgubil svoj vodilni družbeni polemike, vendar ne da bi se ob tem v vsej jasnosti položaj. Mlajše generacije – razen ezoteričnih prikazale nasprotujoče si osnove, ko npr. vpraša- krogov – spontano ne prepoznavajo niti njene nje po nastanku harmonične tonalitete oz. vrstah družbene prisotnosti niti njene utemeljitve. Kljub tonov klasične vokalne polifonije med Carlom temu se diskusija o tem ne kaže kot anahronistična Dahlhausom in Bernardom Meierjem sredi 70-ih let ali odvečna, saj so temu ustrezne predstave priso- minulega stoletja ali nenehna diskusija o vplivu in tne v muzikološkem akademskem pisanju o glasbi, pomenu glasbene retorike v zgodovini kompozici- historično gledano pa so celo dominante. Posebej je. Šele po Vladimirju Karbusickyju je Pamela Potter jasno se to pokaže v povezavi z vodilno osebno- poskrbela za to, da so leta 2001 in 2002 znotraj nem- stjo glasbe v emfatičnem smislu – Ludwigom van ške muzikologije v različnih zbornikih izšle številne Beethovnom. Če se – naprednega – Beethovna ideološko kritične refleksije. Prvi celovit splošni dojema ne toliko kot recepcijski fenomen, temveč popis nemškega glasbenega zgodovinopisja od kot znanstveni opis dejanskega stanja, potem to Forkela do Brandela je predstavil Frank Hentschel neposredno kaže na teleološko zgodovinopisje, ki leta 2006. Pod geslom »globinske strukture« tvorita si je zadalo nalogo prikazati človeški napredek na »mišljenje napredka in posledice« enega osrednjih vseh področjih – v umetnosti zlasti na moralnem. poglavji njegovega dela. Tudi druge vodilne misli, Za tem stoji »projekt moderne« z vsemi svojimi ki so po Hentschelu prevzete od meščanske ide- implikacijami (vera v napredek, sekularizacija, ologije, spadajo pod pojmovno polje »projekta avtonomija in racionalnost), tako kot ga je še moderne« in so dominantno vplivale – na kar avtor Habermas poskušal rešiti in tako kot se vsaj že od na nekaj mestih zgolj nežno nakaže – na nemško Jeana-Françoisa Lyotarda in od nedavnega tudi za- muzikologijo daleč onkraj časa njegove obravnave radi Petra Sloterdijka – razumljen kot postmoderno (1776–1871). Prispevek sledi temu, kako in iz kate- zavračanje principa napredka – postavlja pod vpra- rih zgodovinskih situacij je nastala povezava med šaj. Spor zgodovinarjev, ki ga je leta 1986 sprožil Beethovnom in mišljenjem napredka.

74 Dazu Hartmut Krones, Ludwig van Beethoven. Sein Werk – sein Leben (Wien, 1999). 75 Die historische Meistererzählung. Deutungslinien der deutschen Nationalgeschichte nach 1945, hrsg. von Konrad H. Jarausch und Martin Sabrow (Göttingen, 2002).

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 67 13.5.2015 12:44:29 MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 68 13.5.2015 12:44:29 M. WALTER • KOMPONIST UND DIRIGENT ... UDK 78.071.1Verdi:78.071.2Mariani DOI: 10.4312/mz.51.1.69-84

Michael Walter Oddelek za muzikologijo, Univerza v Gradcu Department for Musicology, University of Graz

Komponist und Dirigent: Verdi und Mariani Skladatelj in dirigent: Verdi in Mariani

Prejeto: 2. februar 2015 Received: 2nd February 2015 Sprejeto: 31. marec 2015 Accepted: 31st March 2015

Ključne besede: Giuseppe Verdi, Angelo Mariani, Keywords: Giuseppe Verdi, Angelo Mariani, Pietro Pietro Romani, direttore d’orchestra, maestro con- Romani, Direttore d’orchestra, Maestro concerta- certatore, dirigent tore, Dirigent

IZVLEČEK ABSTRACT

Zelo verjetno je, da je Verdi vodil vaje – kot mae- It is very likely that Verdi rehearsed the vocal stro concertatore – za péte dele svoje prve opere parts of his first opera Oberto (1839) as maestro Oberto (1839). Vendar pa ni imel vpliva na prvo concertatore. However, he had no influence on the uprizoritev, saj je to vodil prvi violinist oz. direttore first performance, since the performances were d’orchestra. V štiridesetih letih 19. stoletja, zlasti s led by the first violinist or direttore d’orchestra. Pietrom Romanijem in Angelom Marianijem, se In the 1840s began, especially with Pietro Romani je začel pojavljati pojem sodobnega dirigenta, ki and Angelo Mariani, the emergence of the modern je združil obe funkciji (maestro concertatore in conductor, who combined the maestro concerta- direttore d’orchestra) v eni osebi. Verdi je menil, da tore and direttore d’orchestra in one single person. je takšen dirigent najbolj primeren za postavljanje In Verdi’s opinion such a conductor was the best njegovih del. Toda Verdi je bil kaj kmalu razočaran, way to realize his scores. But to Verdi’s dismay saj se je hitro izkazalo, da ta novi tip dirigenta, kot it quickly turned out that the conductors of this sta ga predstavljala Mariani in Toscanini, razume new type, as Mariani and Toscanini, understood svoje dirigiranje ne samo kot izpolnitev volje their conducting not only as realizing the will of skladatelja, ampak tudi kot samostojno kreativno the composer, but as a creative act in its own right dejanje, katerega nameni se ne skladajo nujno z which need not necessarily reflect the intentions nameni skladatelja. of the composer.

Was hat Giuseppe Verdi 1839 während der Uraufführung seiner ersten Oper Ober- to, conte di San Bonifacio im Mailänder Teatro alla Scala getan? Die Seiten der Partitur umgeblättert? Dem Maestro al Cembalo Anweisungen ins Ohr geflüstert? Oder hat er

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 70 13.5.2015 12:44:39 M. WALTER • KOMPONIST UND DIRIGENT ... gar nervös auf den Fingernägeln gekaut? Das sind Fragen, die Martin Chusid1 in Be- zug auf die Uraufführung einer anderen Oper stellte, nämlich Verdis Giovanna d’Arco (1845), um dann zu dem Schluss zu gelangen, dass Verdi während der Aufführung auf dem Klavier2 mitgespielt habe. Diese Annahme ist allerdings unzutreffend. Als Verdis Karriere begann3, fiel die Aufgabe der Orchesterleitung einer Opernvor- stellung noch in die Kompetenz des 1. Geigers bzw. Konzertmeisters, der als Direttore d’orchestra4 (oder Capo d’orchestra oder Violino di spalla) bezeichnet wurde. Bei der Uraufführung von Verdis Oberto (1839) war ausweislich des Uraufführungslibrettos der „Primo Violino, Capo e Direttore d’orchestra“ Eugenio Cavallini. Die andere wichtige Figur im Zusammenhang der Einstudierung der Oper war der Maestro concertatore oder Maestro al Cembalo. Beide Funktionen wurden im Libretto üblicherweise angegeben, wie hier im Uraufführungslibretto des in der Herbststagione 1839 an der Mailänder Scala uraufgeführten Oberto5 (vgl. gegenüber-liegende Seite).

Direttore d’orchestra

Der Direttore d’orchestra, also der 1. Geiger, hatte in der Organisationsstruktur eines italienischen Theaters eine herausgehobene Position, wie sich daran erkennen lässt, dass er nicht nur musikalische, sondern auch disziplinarrechtliche Kompetenzen hatte. So musste er nicht erschienene Instrumentalisten, oder solche, die nicht genügend geübt hatten, der Impresa melden und gegebenenfalls die Strafzahlung für die Instrumentalis- ten festlegen. Im vorliegenden Zusammenhang ist aber nur seine musikalische Aufgabe von Relevanz. Und diese war in erster Linie, Opernvorstellungen zu leiten und vorher die Orchesterproben abzuhalten. Einen Dirigenten im modernen Sinne gab es 1839 in einem italienischen Opernhaus noch nicht. Die Praxis der Orchesterleitung durch den ersten Violinisten hielt sich in Italien bis in die 1870er Jahre6, wobei es an einem und demselben Theater geschehen konnte, dass die eine Aufführung von einem ‘modernen’ Dirigenten, die andere von einem Violinisten geleitet wurde. Die bevorzugte Leitungs-Methode war, dass der Direttore d’orchestra die Einsätze – wenn er sie nicht selbst spielte – durch Körperbewegungen angab (und nicht etwa,

1 Martin Chusid, „A Letter by the Composer about Giovanna d’Arco and Some Remarks on the Division of Musical Direction in Verdi’s Day“, in Performance Practice Review 3, no. 1 (1990): 22. 2 Chusid verwendet das neutrale Wort „keyboard“. Er nimmt an, Verdi habe tatsächlich während der Vorstellung auch mitgespielt. Dafür gibt es keinen Beleg. Zudem wäre der Vorgang so ungewöhnlich, dass sich dafür Spuren in den gedruckten Quellen des 19. Jahrhunderts hätten erhalten müssen. 3 Cf. zum Folgenden Linda B. Fairtile, „The Violin Director and Verdi’s Middle-Period Operas“, in Verdi’s Middle Period. 1849–1859. Source Studies, Analysis, and Performance Practice, ur. Martin Chusid (Chicago/London, 1997), 413–426 und Martin Chusid, „A Letter by the Composer about Giovanna d’Arco and Some Remarks on the Division of Musical Direction in Verdi’s Day“ (Anm. 1). 4 Cf. auch Giuseppe Scaramelli, Saggio sopra i doveri di un Primo Violino Direttore d’Orchestra (Triest, 1811), der allerdings die Situation am Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts schildert und darum bei den folgenden Überlegungen außer Acht gelassen werden kann. 5 OBERTO. CONTE DI S. BONIFACIO. Dramma in due atti. Da rappresentarsi nell’I.R. TETRO ALLA SCALA. L’autunno 1839. Milano: Per Gaspare Truffi M.DCCC.XXXIX. 6 Cf. Enrico Rosmini, La legislazione e la giurisprudenza dei teatri: Trattato dei diritti e delle obbligazioni degli impresari, artisti, autori, delle direzioni, del pubblico, delle agenti teatrali, ecc. ecc., vol. 2 (Mailand, 1872), 104. Nach Rosmini herrschte an den meisten italienischen Theatern noch die alte Praxis.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 71 13.5.2015 12:44:40 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 wie gelegentlich zu lesen ist, durch lautes Taktschlagen mit dem Bogen7), was in einem Streichquartett gut funktionieren mag, aber in einem großen Orchester problema- tisch ist, insbesondere dann, wenn nicht alle Orchestermitglieder den 1. Geiger sehen können. Üblicherweise8 saß darum der Direttore d’orchestra vor dem Orchester auf einem leicht erhöhten Sitzplatz. Wesentlich ist hierbei, dass er im Gegensatz zur fran- zösischen und deutschen Tradition vor dem Orchester saß, also zwischen Zuschauern und Orchester, woraus sich später der auch heute noch übliche Platz des mit einem Taktstock arbeitenden Opern-Dirigenten ergeben wird. Die erste Reihe der ersten Vio- linen saß – von der Bühne aus gesehen – hinter dem Direttore d’orchestra, also näher an der ersten Zuschauerreihe als dieser bzw. im Rücken des Direttore d’orchestra und wandte ihrerseits dem Publikum den Rücken zu. Um eine Opernvorstellung leiten zu können, hatte der Direttore d’orchestra eine speziell für ihn hergestellte Stimme, die „Violino principale“, auf dem Pult stehen9. Die- se bestand aus der vollständigen Stimme der 1. Violine, was belegt, dass der Diretto- re d’orchestra während der Vorstellung auch selbst mitspielte, und zwar aus meistens zwei, seltener mehr Systemen auf dem Notenblatt, in welche die jeweils wichtigen Stimmen der Partitur und weitere Angaben wie z.B. „tutti“ eingetragen waren. Bis zur Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts waren Opern mithilfe einer „Violino principale“-Stimme noch problemlos zu dirigieren, weil der Orchestersatz häufig sich wiederholende rhythmische Formeln aufwies und noch nicht so ausdifferenziert in Bezug auf einzelne individualisierte Stimmen und die Klangbalance von Instrumentengruppen war wie später in den 1860er Jahren. Die letzte „Violino principale“-Stimme zu einer Oper Verdis, nämlich zu Un ballo in maschera (1859) enthielt wesentlich mehr Informatio- nen als es noch in den 1840er Jahren üblich gewesen war und ähnelte einer ‘zusam- mengezogenen’ und abgekürzten Partitur. Schon der Ballo in maschera wies jedoch im Grunde eine zu komplizierte Partitur auf, um die Aufführung aus einer „Violino principale“-Stimme zu leiten, und als 1876 der Direttore d’orchestra des Théâtre Itali- en in Paris, eine „Violino principale“-Stimme forderte, aus der er die Aida-Aufführung leiten wollte, falls Verdi oder Emanuele Muzio aufgrund von Gesundheitsproblemen ausfallen sollten und er als Dirigent einspringen müsste, war Verdi der Meinung, Aida könne man nicht mehr aus einer „Violino principale“-Stimme dirigieren10. Aus der Leitung einer Vorstellung durch den Direttore d’orchestra ergab sich allerdings häufig die für italienische Opernhäuser typische mangelnde Präzision. Der eng- lische Musiker Francis Edward Bache hat die Besonderheit des italienischen Orchester- klangs dieser Zeit beschrieben. Im Teatro Grande in Triest wurden in der von Oktober bis Dezember dauernden Autunno-Saison 1856 Verdis Opern La traviata, Giovanni

7 Cf. z.B. zu dieser Fehlinformation schon 1777 [Pierre Ange Goudar], Le brigandage de la musique italienne ([Paris], 1777), 119–121. Der Takt wurde nur in der Kirchenmusik laut geschlagen. Auf weitere Belegstellen muss hier aus Platzgründen ver- zichtet werden. 8 Cf. „Direktion eines Orchesters“, in Wahrheiten die Musik betreffend. Gerade herausgesagt von einem teutschen Biedermann. Erstes Stück (Frankfurt, 1779), 44. Der Autor ist wahrscheinlich Joseph Martin Kraus. Auch in London saß Michael Costa auf einem erhöhten Sitzplatz. 9 Cf. zum Folgenden Fairtile, „The Violin Director and Verdi’s Middle-period Operas“ (Anm. 3). 10 Vgl. den bei Luke Jensen, „The Emergence of the Modern Conductor in 19th-Century Italian Opera“, in Performance Practice Review 4, no.1 (1991): 62; abgedruckten Brief Muzios („Il primo violino, come mi diceva anche Verdi, non sarebbe mai capace di dirigere l’Aida [...]“).

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 72 13.5.2015 12:44:40 M. WALTER • KOMPONIST UND DIRIGENT ... di Guzman (= I vespri siciliani) und Luisa Miller aufgeführt11. Zwei dieser Opern hat Bache gehört. Und er konnte die von ihm als unpräzise empfundene italienische Auf- führungspraxis unmittelbar mit jener in Dresden und Leipzig vergleichen, die ihm aus eigener Erfahrung gut bekannt war.

In Triest hörte ich zwei Opern von Verdi im Teatro grande. Das Orchester und Chor sind erträglich, und die drei wichtigsten Sänger waren wirklich sehr gut, soweit man das beurteilen kann, wenn man nur Verdi hört. [...] Dies ist das Theater, wo Ricci Direktor. ist Sie wissen, in Italien probt der Direktor nur die Oper, in den Auffüh- rungen gibt es keinen Dirigenten. Die erste Geige führt, wie dies früher der Fall vor Costas Zeit in London war. Das Ergebnis ist manchmal ein Mangel an Präzision, sehr verschieden vom deutschen Spielen-wie-ein-Uhrwerk, aber aber sie begleiteten in Triest die zarten Teile sehr schön.12

Auch Alberto Mazzucato, der Maestro concertatore der Scala wies auf diesen »Man- gel an Präzision« hin, als er 1845 kritisierte, dass es insbesondere dann, wenn der Diret- tore d’orchestra die Einsätze nicht mit dem Bogen angab, sondern selbst spielte, häufig zum »Oszillieren« des Orchesters komme, weil der Direttore d’orchestra früher einsetze als der Rest des Orchesters, das erst auf diesen Einsatz reagieren musste13.

Maestro concertatore

Wie erwähnt, war der Direttore d’orchestra für die Leitung der Opernvorstellung zuständig, was aber nicht bedeutete, dass er die Oper auch insgesamt einstudierte. Er arbeitete jedenfalls nicht mit den wichtigsten Mitwirkenden, den Sängern, und auch nicht mit dem Chor. Für die Einstudierung der Solisten war der Maestro concertatore oder Maestro al Cembalo zuständig. Die Bezeichnung Maestro al Cembalo für den Maestro concertatore an der Scala war um 1840 nur noch ein Relikt der Tradition. Tat- sächlich war das Cembalo schon zu Rossinis Zeiten durch ein Klavier ersetzt worden. Üblicherweise war dem Maestro concertatore noch ein Istruttore dei Cori bzw. ein Direttore dei cori zum Einstudieren der Chöre untergeordnet (an der Scala waren das 1839 Antonio Cattaneo und Giulio Granatelli). Der Direttore d’orchestra war lediglich verpflichtet, die Proben des Maestro concertatore mit den Solisten zu besuchen und zuzuhören, damit er sich die Tempi einprägen konnte. Wie oft der Direttore d’orchestra bei diesen Proben auftauchte, blieb seinem Gutdünken überlassen, was dazu führen konnte, dass er höchst selten dort anwesend war. Während der Aufführung war es

11 Lirica a Trieste 1851–1860, abgerufen am 10. 2. 2015, http://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lirica_a_Trieste_1851-1860. 12 Constance Bache, Brother Musicians: Reminiscences of Edward and Walter Bache (London/New York, 1901), 91–92 („In Trieste I heard two operas of Verdi’s at the grand theatre; the orchestra and chorus are tolerable, and the three principal singers were really excellent, as far as one can judge by hearing only Verdi. […] This is the theatre where Ricci is director. You know in Italy the director only rehearses the opera; in the performances there is no conductor; the first violin leads, as used to be the case before Costa’s time in London. The result is sometimes a want of precision, very different from german clockwork playing; however they accompanied at Trieste the delicate parts beautifully.“) 13 Cf. Ivano Cavallini, Il direttore d’orchestra. Genesi e stroria di un’arte (Venedig, 1998), 88.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 73 13.5.2015 12:44:40 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 auch der Maestro concertatore, der als einzige Person im Orchestergraben die Partitur vor sich hatte (die andere Person mit einer vollständigen Partitur war häufig der Souff- leur, der aber in Italien üblicherweise auf der Bühne in einer Gasse stand). Ursprünglich hatte der Maestro al Cembalo die Secco-Rezitative zu begleiten, was aber um 1840 nur noch bei der Aufführung älterer opere buffe eine Rolle spielen konnte, weil in neueren Opern keine Secco-Rezitative mehr vorhanden waren, so dass der Maestro al Cembalo zur Untätigkeit während der Vorstellung verdammt war. Dieser Funktionswandel spiegelt sich auch im Uraufführungslibretto des Oberto: Dort ist nicht nur der Maestro al Cembalo, Giacomo Panizza, angegeben, sondern auch sein Stellver- treter, Giovanni Bajetti. Wie vermutlich alle Maestri al Cembalo war Panizza nämlich üblicherweise nur in den ersten drei Vorstellungen anwesend und übergab für die folgenden Vorstellungen seine Aufgabe an seinen Stellvertreter. Das war nur allzu ver- ständlich, denn der Maestro al Cembalo hatte bei einer Oper ohne Secco-Rezitative lediglich die Aufgabe „das Blatt der Partitur, sobald deren untere Zeile vom Kontrabas- sisten und Violoncellisten, die ihm je einer zu jeder Seite sich befinden, abgespielt ist, umzuwenden“14 (die Aufstellung von Violoncello und Kontrabass war ebenfalls ein Re- likt der Continuo-Praxis des 18. Jahrhunderts). Und wenn bei der Uraufführung einer Oper ein Komponist wie Verdi die Funktion des Maestro al Cembalo einnahm, dann blieb ihm ebenfalls nichts anderes übrig, als still die Seiten der Partitur umzublättern. Am »Cembalo« saß in der Uraufführung des Oberto mit Gewissheit Verdi selbst. Er wird nämlich mit Merelli, dem Impresario der Scala, einen der üblichen Standardverträ- ge für Komponisten abgeschlossen haben. Und diese verpflichteten den Komponisten bis zur dritten Vorstellung »al Cembalo« zu sitzen. Wir wissen aber auch indirekt aus einem Bericht über die Uraufführung des Oberto, dass Verdi „al Cembalo“ gesessen haben und während der Proben die Pflichten des Maestro al Cembalo ausgeführt haben muss. In diesem Bericht wird nämlich ausdrücklich darauf hingewiesen, Panizza sei nur für die Einstudierung der „ältern Opern“ zuständig gewesen, also nicht für Uraufführungen15. Für die Uraufführung von Verdis Oberto wird der Maestro al Cembalo Panizza nur deswegen im Libretto genannt, weil die entsprechenden Druckplatten mit der Stan- dardbesetzung bei den verschiedenen Libretti der stagione immer wieder verwendet wurden und nicht – wie heute in einem Programmheft – an die aktuelle Aufführung angeglichen wurden. Der Komponist wurde also, auch wenn er Maestro al Cembalo bzw. Maestro concertatore war und als solcher, wie auch beim Oberto zu vermuten, wesentlich an der Vorbereitung der Uraufführung beteiligt war, als solcher im Libretto nicht vermerkt. Welchen Einfluss konnte Verdi auf die Uraufführungsvorstellung des Oberto nehmen? Die Frage ist leicht beantwortet: gar keinen. Das geht einerseits aus dem Sitzplan des Orchesters der Scala hervor und andererseits aus einem daraus resultierenden, aber gescheiterten Reformversuch Donizettis im Jahr 1834. Die folgende Abbildung stammt aus dem Jahr 1825, der Sitzplan hatte sich aber bis 1834 nicht geändert16.

14 „Herbststagione in Italien (1839) usw. Lombardisch-Venezianisches Königreich“ in Allgemeine Musikalische Zeitung 42, no. 6 (1840): 102. Die Aussage bezieht sich auf Panizza, den Maestro al Cembalo der Scala. 15 „Herbststagione in Italien (1839)“ (Anm. 14), 102. 16 Die Abbildung ist der Allgemeinen Musikalischen Zeitung 27, no. 8 (1825): 131–132 entnommen.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 74 13.5.2015 12:44:40 M. WALTER • KOMPONIST UND DIRIGENT ...

Wie man unschwer an der rechteckigen Form erkennen kann (die Aufstellung müsste aufgrund der Bühnenform ungefähr halbkreisförmig sein), gibt der Plan kein realistisches Abbild der Orchesteraufstellung wieder, sondern ein schemati- sches. In der Realität befand sich auch an der Scala die Reihe der „Vl. Violini primi“ hinter dem „Capo d’orchestra“17 (durch die Umkehr der Buchstaben wird korrekt angedeutet, dass die Geiger mit dem Rücken zum Publikum saßen). Dadurch ergibt sich aber auch für das „Cembalo“ und das damit verbundene „Violoncello“ bzw. den „Contrabasso“ – auch hier ist der Plan schematisch: die beiden befanden sich in der Realität hinter dem Maestro al Cembalo, sonst hätten sie ihre Stimmen nicht aus der Partitur spielen können – ein Platz, der entweder auf gleicher Höhe mit den ersten Violinen war oder nur wenig vor diesen in Richtung auf die Bühne. In beiden Fällen sah der Direttore d’orchestra den Maestro al Cembalo also gar nicht oder nur schlecht, zumal er sich auf das vor ihm sitzende Orchester und die Sän- ger konzentrieren musste. Ein Blickkontakt war kaum möglich und im Normalfall, da die Tätigkeit des Maestro al Cembalo ja nichts zur Aufführung beitrug, auch unnötig. (Wenn ältere Opern mit Secco-Rezitativen aufgeführt wurden, alternier - ten die Tätigkeiten von Maestro al Cembalo und Direttore d’orchestra, so dass ein Blickkontakt ebenfalls nicht zwingend erforderlich war.) Zum Problem wurde diese Sitzordnung aber gerade dann, wenn ein Komponist selbst eine Oper als Maes- tro concertatore einstudiert hatte und auch in der Aufführung Einfluss auf deren

17 Das lässt sich zwar nur indirekt nachweisen, unter anderem durch die von Donizetti angestrebte Reform, aber eine andere Annahme über die Sitzordnung, die ja auch an anderen Opernhäusern gängig war, wäre abwegig.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 75 13.5.2015 12:44:41 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 Leitung nehmen wollte. Donizetti versuchte darum 1834, eine Orchesteraufstellung an der Scala durchzusetzen, bei der die Streicher in der Mitte des Orchesters plat- ziert waren und der Maestro al Cembalo – d.h. in diesem Falle der Komponist – mitten unter ihnen und in unmittelbarer Nähe des Direttore d’orchestra, damit er diesem durch Zurufe und Gesten zumindest das Tempo angeben konnte 18, was im Umkehrschluss bedeutet, dass dies bei der üblichen Orchestersitzordnung nicht möglich war. Diese Reform, bei der Donizetti sich im Hinblick auf den Sitzplatz des Maestro al Cembalo an der Orchesteraufstellung in Neapel orientierte, ließ sich jedoch nicht durchsetzen.

Pietro Romani

Auch der Maestro concertatore hatte nicht nur musikalische Pflichten. In Flo- renz etwa war der Maestro concertatore Pietro Romani (ein Onkel des Librettisten Felice Romani) „mit Allem, mit der Musik, den Costümen und Decorationen, der Maschinerie“ befasst, „kurz, er setzt ein Werk im weitesten Sinne des Wortes in Scene“19. Vermutlich war der Umfang dieser Tätigkeit in Florenz weiter gefasst als an anderen Theatern, was aber nichts daran ändert, dass der Maestro concertatore auch andernorts für mehr als nur das Einstudieren der Solisten zuständig war. Über die Proben Romanis für Verdis 1847 in Florenz uraufgeführten Macbeth sind wir durch Marianna Barbieri Nini, die erste Sängerin der Lady Macbeth, gut infor - miert20. Aus der Beschreibung Barbieri Ninis geht nicht genau hervor, wie man sich die Proben vorstellen muss. Normalerweise leitete der Maestro concertatore die Klavierproben mit den Sängern und hatte danach keine wesentliche Funktion mehr. Da Verdi aber nur mit Romani kommunizierte und nicht mit dem „primo violino“ und Direttore d’orchestra Alamanno Biagi, scheint Romani auch die Orches- terproben geleitet zu haben. Mit Romani vollzog sich offenbar ein erster Schritt in der Entstehung des modernen Dirigenten. In den Libretti des Teatro in via della Pergola in Florenz zeigt sich nämlich ein auffallender Wandel. Noch in den 1820er Jahren rangierte Romani in den Verzeichnissen der Libretti an zweiter Stelle hinter dem Direttore d’orchestra (damals noch Nicola Petrini Zamboni21) und wurde als Maestro Direttore della Musica bezeichnet. Daneben gab es noch einen Maestro al Cembalo, der in den 1820er Jahre noch eine reale Funktion bei der Begleitung von Secco-Rezitativen in komischen Opern

18 Cf. den Brief Donizettis an Visconti vom 17. 1. 1834 in Guido Zavadini, Donizetti. Vita, musiche, epistolario (Bergamo, 1948), 343–344. Die gegenteilige Interpretation des Briefs von Michael Rose („The Italian Tradition“ in The Cambridge Companion to Conducting, ur. José Antonio Bowen [Cambridge, 2003], 150) verkennt, dass Donizetti hier über einen Ausnahmefall spricht, der gerade das Dilemma des einflusslosen Komponisten bereinigen soll. 19 „Florenz“ in Neue Berliner Musikzeitung 7, no. 4 (1853): 31 (Meldung über die Premiere des Propheten von Meyerbeer, den Romani angeblich in nur fünf Tagen einstudiert hatte). 20 Cf. Eugenio Checchi, Giuseppe Verdi. Il genio e le opere (Florenz1887), 64–68 bzw. in der revidierten zweiten Auflage des Buchs unter dem Titel G. Verdi (1813–1901) (Florenz, 1901), 90–96. 21 Zamboni war, allerdings mit Unterbrechungen, von 1817 bis 1837 Primo violino und Direttore d’orchestra am Teatro della Pergola in Florenz. Cf. Franco dell’Amore, „Nicola Petrini Zamboni“ in Le vite di Cesenati, vol. 1, ur. Carlo Dolcini und Giovanni Fabbri (Cesena, 2007), 35–42.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 76 13.5.2015 12:44:41 M. WALTER • KOMPONIST UND DIRIGENT ... hatte. Spätestens seit der zweiten Hälfte der 1830er Jahre hatte sich das Verhältnis zwischen dem Direttore d’Orchestra und Romani umgekehrt. Romani firmierte in den Verzeichnissen an erster Stelle, und zwar als „Maestro e Direttore delle Opere“, erst danach wurde Alamanno Biagi als „Capo e Direttore di Orchestra“ verzeichnet. Wie die beiden sich die Leitungsaufgaben aufteilten, lässt sich kaum sagen. Aber spätestens in jener Zeit, in der Verdi seinen Macbeth probte, leitete Romani die Uraufführungs- vorstellungen selbst, also nicht mehr der Direttore d’orchestra, der wohl erst ab der vierten Vorstellung die Orchesterleitung übernahm22. Romani hat also in den 1840er Jahren allmählich einen Zustand hergestellt, den der heute berühmtere Angelo Maria- ni in Sizilien zunächst vergeblich anstrebte, nämlich dass die Leitung der Proben und der Aufführung in einer einzigen Hand lagen, also der Maestro concertatore und der Direttore d’orchestra ein und dieselbe Person waren.

Angelo Mariani

Die Zusammenfassung der Funktionen von Maestro concertatore und des Diretto- re d’orchestra in einer Person schreibt man heute meistens – und wie zu sehen war – fälschlicherweise Angelo Mariani zu. Das hängt vermutlich damit zusammen, dass der historische Bekanntheitsgrad Marianis durch seine Freundschaft zu Verdi und seine berühmte Lohengrin-Aufführung 1871 in Bologna höher war als der Romanis. Für die Zeitgenossen um 1850 war das Verhältnis des Bekanntheitsgrades zwischen Romani und Mariani aber genau umgekehrt23. 1844 scheint Mariani mit dem Versuch der Zusammenfassung von Maestro concertatore und Direttore d’orchestra in Messina noch gescheitert zu sein, spätestens 1847 im Teatro Carcano in Mailand gelang es ihm jedoch, dies durchzusetzen, d.h. er arbeitete ebenso wie Romani in Florenz24, und übernahm auch die Leitung der ersten Vorstellungen. Man darf in beiden Fällen aber nicht vergessen, dass nach diesen ersten Vorstellungen üblicherweise und auch noch in den 1870er Jahren, ein Direttore

22 Das geht eindeutig aus der folgenden Formulierung hervor: „L’orchestra diretta dal maestro Pietro Romani, la quale procede` pochissimo sicura nella prima esecuzione, porto` nella seconda uno studio piu` scrupuloso, e fece meglio gustare l’insieme della muscia.“ (Q. M. Archi, „Firenze“ [= Bericht über die Uraufführung von Poniatowskis Esmeralda, der aus der Rivista di Firenze übernommen wurde] in Bazar di Novita` Artistiche[,] Letterarie e Teatrali 7, no. 57 (1847): 228. 23 Dazu trug auch bei, dass Romani ein berühmter Gesangslehrer war. Die Tätigkeit als Gesangslehrer (auch Mazzucato war als solcher berühmt) war für einen Maestro concertatore nicht ungewöhnlich, sondern eher die Regel. Da er ja ständig mit Sängern arbeitete und an den großen Theatern auch mit den berühmten, hatte er intime Kenntnisse von deren Gesangstechnik, die er als Lehrer weitergeben konnte. 24 Cf. Antonio Ghislanzoni, Libro serio, hier zitiert nach der elektronischen Ausgabe im PDF-Format: http://www.liberliber.it/ mediateca/libri/g/ghislanzoni/libro_serio/pdf/libro__p.pdf, abgerufen am 10. 2. 1015. Auf S. 7 wird der Beginn von Marianis Karriere als Maestro concertatore auf das Jahr seiner Ankunft in Mailand (1846) datiert, doch war er in diesem Jahr noch Diret- tore d’orchestra am Teatro Re` (S. 8), so dass er die zusätzliche Funktion des Maestro concertatore erst im folgenden Jahr am Teatro Carcano übernommen haben kann. 1852 wurde Mariani dann „maestro concertatore e direttore di orchestra“ am Teatro Carlo Felice in Genua (S. 12). Aus der Nabucco-Episode bei Ghislanzoni (S. 11–12) geht klar hervor, dass Mariani Premieren dirigierte (was er nicht hätte tun können, wenn er nur Maestro concertatore gewesen wäre). Wie zu sehen war, ist allerdings die Aussage (S. 12), Mariani sei der erste gewesen, der die Funktionen des Maestro concertatore und des Direttore d’orchestra in einer Person vereinte, wohl falsch (wie andere im Libro serio auch). Ghislanzonis Buch war 1879 erschienen und ging auf eine Artikelserie in der Gazzetta musicale di Milano 1867 zurück. In Bezug auf Mariani handelt es sich ziemlich eindeutig um eine Propagandaschrift im Sinne Ricordis, dem Ghislanzoni eng verbunden war.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 77 13.5.2015 12:44:41 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 d’orchestra, also ein dirigierender Geiger die weiteren Vorstellungen übernahm25. Ma- riani war vermutlich auch der erste Dirigent in Italien, der einen Taktstock benutzte und nicht mehr mit dem Geigenbogen dirigierte26. Es ist allerdings unklar, ab wann Mariani vom Dirigieren mit dem Bogen zum Di- rigieren mit dem Taktstock wechselte. 1855 wird in der Gazetta di Milano noch aus- drücklich erwähnt, dass er den Bogen zum Dirigieren verwendete27. Für 1857 wissen wir aber von Mariani selbst, dass er die Uraufführung von Verdis Aroldo in Rimini aus der Partitur dirigierte28. Dies dürfte mit einem Bogen in der rechten Hand und einer Geige in der linken wegen des häufigen Umblätterns der Partitur unmöglich gewesen sein, so dass man annehmen muss, Mariani habe in Rimini mit einem Taktstock dirigiert. Einen Nachweis über ein Dirigat mit Taktstock bei der Produktion des Ballo in maschera 1860 in Bologna gibt es zwar nicht, doch nach Marianis eigener Aussage aus dem Jahr 186629 benutzte er den Bogen seit 1860 grundsätzlich nicht mehr zum Diri- gieren. Indem Mariani aber einfach den Bogen durch den Taktstock ersetzte, ohne dabei die Position zu wechseln, ergab sich jene Position des Operndirigenten zwischen Zuschauerraum und Orchester, die sich um die Wende vom 19. zum 20. Jahrhundert allgemein durchzusetzen begann (und die auch Verdi bevorzugte30).

Die verlorene Macht des Komponisten

Marianis fulminante und erfolgreiche Tätigkeit als Maestro concertatore e Diret- tore d’orchestra entsprach zunächst durchaus den Vorstellungen Verdis in Bezug auf den Leiter eines italienischen Opernorchesters, denn seit den 1860er Jahren zählte die Vereinigung von Direttore d’orchestra und Maestro concertatore in einer Person als Maestro concertatore e Direttore d’orchestra (wie der Operndirigent in Italien noch

25 Auch der Direttore d’orchestra am Teatro Carlo Felice in Genua, an dem Mariani seit 1852 tätig war, dirigierte immer noch komplette Vorstellungen nach alter Weise (vgl. den bei Luke Jensen, „The Emergence of the Modern Conductor in 19th-Century Italian Opera“ [Anm. 10], 52 abgedruckten Brief), vermutlich vor allem, wenn Mariani krank war oder auswärts dirigierte. Mariani betrachtete allerdings die Direttori d’orchestra als bloße Mechaniker. Um die Interpretation einer Partitur im emphatischen Wortsinn sicherzustellen, war es notwendig, dass der Dirigent alle Vorstellungen (und nicht nur die ersten drei) selbst dirigierte, eine Notwendigkeit, die Mariani bei der Vorbereitung des Don Carlos in Bologna 1867 sehr deutlich wurde. Freilich kollidierte das mit seinen Dienstpflichten in Genua. 26 Der Taktstock war eine französische Erfindung des 18. Jahrhunderts und wurde dann etwa zwischen 1810 und 1820 von deutschen Dirigenten übernommen. Das war in Italien natürlich bekannt, und im Ausland dirigierten italienische Komponisten darum auch mit dem Taktstock. In Italien selbst war es wohl Emanuele Muzio, der Schüler und Assistent Verdis, der schon in den 1850er Jahren mit dem Taktstock dirigiert. Dies war notwendig, weil Muzio nicht Geige spielen konnte. Er kannte zudem die nicht-italienische Praxis aus eigener Erfahrung. In Italien war Muzios Dirigat mit dem Taktstock aber eine kuriose Beson- derheit, auf die in der Presse ausdrücklich hingewiesen wurde. 27 Vgl. Jensen, „The Emergence of the Modern Conductor in 19th-Century Italian Opera“ (Anm. 10), 49. 28 Vgl. Jensen, „The Emergence of the Modern Conductor in 19th-Century Italian Opera“ (Anm. 10), 52. 29 1866 verfasste Mariani eine Autobiographie für Giulio Ricordi. Cf. Frank Walker, The Man Verdi (New York 1962), 290; das Bologna betreffende Zitat aus der Autobiographie auf S. 292. In einem von Walker (S. 323) auf 1864 datierten Brief in den Co- pialettere (I copialettere di Giuseppe Verdi, ur. Gaetano Cesari und Alessandro Luzio [Mailand 1913], dort Fußnote S. 256–257) spricht Verdi in Bezug auf das Dirigat Marianis von dessen „bacchetta“, also einem Taktstock. 30 „Chez nous, d’abord le directeur (M. Verdi appelle le chef d’orchestre un directeur) se tient non pas immédiatement derrie`re le trou du souffleur, mais devant son orchestre et pre`s de la premie`re rangée des spectateurs. Il lui est permis de surveiller ainsi les instrumentistes qui, en Italie bien plus qu’ici encore, sont souvent tre`s indisciplinés.“ (H.F.G., „Une entrevue avec M. Verdi“, in Journal des debats vom 5. April 1894 [Abendausgabe]). Aus dem Zusammenhang geht hervor, dass Verdi diese Position des Dirigenten für die bessere im Vergleich zum Dirigenten der Pariser Opéra hielt.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 78 13.5.2015 12:44:41 M. WALTER • KOMPONIST UND DIRIGENT ... heute genannt wird) zu den expliziten Reformplänen Verdis in Bezug auf die italienischen Opernhäuser31. Aber warum wollte das Verdi überhaupt? Im großen und ganzen schien die italienische Doppeldirektion ja doch zu funktionieren. Die Aufgabe von Direttore d’orchestra und Maestro concertatore in der ersten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts war die Realisierung der Partitur. Sie hatten dafür zu sor- gen, dass die Musiker das spielten, was in der Partitur niedergeschrieben war, beginnend mit der schlichten Tatsache, dass der Orchesterklang rhythmisch präzise sein musste und die Orchestermusiker nach Möglichkeit sauber intonierten sowie die Angaben des Komponisten in der Partitur ausführten. Freilich notierte der Kompo- nist viele Angaben in der Partitur nicht. Wie schnell das Allegro oder Moderato einer Cabaletta genommen werden musste, ging z.B. nicht aus der Partitur hervor. Das war insofern kein Problem als es dafür Konventionen gab, die jeder Musiker kannte (und die auch die sehr kurzen Probenzeiten ermöglichten). Verdis Oberto entsprach so sehr den Konventionen der Zeit, dass es wohl kaum zu interpretatorischen Diskus- sionen während der Proben kam. Bei Macbeth war das schon schwieriger und beim Rigoletto gab es Passagen, die man nicht mehr nur aufgrund des Traditionswissens und ohne Zusatzinformationen, wie sie etwa Metronomzahlen waren32, aufführen konnte. Wie schnell etwa das Andante sostenuto des Preludio gespielt werden sollte, war ohne die zugehörige Metronomzahl völlig unklar. Das galt auch für andere Passa- gen der Partitur, so dass Verdi das Distributionsmaterial Ricordis mit Metronomzah- len versehen ließ (Ricordi druckte zum ersten Mal auch die Orchesterstimmen mit Metronomzahlen). Komplizierte Partituren, die nicht mehr vollständig in der Tradition ruhten, mach- ten eine Interpretation notwendig, weil es für die Abweichungen von den üblichen musikalischen Topoi keine Vorbilder gab und weil die Schriftform der Partitur nicht ausreichend war, um alle Angaben zu machen, die für die Realisierung einer Partitur notwendig waren (allein die Metronomangaben waren jedenfalls dafür nicht ausreichend). Wenn unter diesen Umständen zwei – nicht selten sogar untereinander konkurrierende – Personen mit Einstudierung und Leitung einer Oper beschäftigt waren, deren Meinungen möglicherweise nicht übereinstimmten, war eine Realisierung der Werkidee im Sinne des Komponisten gefährdet und jedenfalls vom Zufall und vom Machtverhältnis von Maestro concertatore und Direttore d’orchestra abhängig. Mari- ani hingegen, als Alleinverantwortlicher für die Opernvorstellungen, besuchte Verdi in St. Agata und besprach mit ihm die Partitur. Verdi konnte ihm also das, was aus der Partitur nicht unmittelbar hervorging, mündlich mitteilen. Das schien ein optimaler Zustand zu sein, was sich jedoch sehr schnell als Irrtum erwies.

31 Vgl. I Copialettere di Giuseppe Verdi (Anm. 29), 249. 32 Grolli, ein Kopist von Verdis Verleger Ricordi, wusste nicht, in welchem Tempo das Preludio der Oper genommen werden sollte. Eine schriftliche Nachfrage bei Verdi über die Metronomangabe im Juli 1851 blieb erfolglos, weil dieser, wie Muzio schrieb, die Partitur des Preludio nicht da habe und und darum das Tempo nicht angeben könne (vgl. Jensen, „The Emergence of the Modern Conductor in 19th-Century Italian Opera“ [Anm. 10], 185–186). Vermutlich war das nur eine Ausrede, weil Verdi kurz nach dem Tod seiner Mutter nicht mit solchen Anfragen behelligt werden wollte. Aus dem Brief Muzios geht jedoch zweifelsfrei hervor, dass Verdi – der in das Autograph keine Metronomzahlen eingetragen hatte – Ricordi Metronomzahlen für das Distribu- tionsmaterial angegeben hatte. Offenbar war das beim Andante sostenuto des Preludio vergessen worden, aber gerade dieses entsprach den üblichen Ouvertüren-Konventionen nicht mehr, so dass in der Tat unklar sein musste, was Andante sostenuto ohne konkrete Metronomangabe – sie ist in den gedruckten Partituren dann enthalten – zu bedeuten hatte.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 79 13.5.2015 12:44:41 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 1862 schrieb Mariani an Eugenio Tornaghi (einen Mitarbeiter Ricordis):

Mein lieber Tornaghi: wenn die Farbe der Oper nicht erraten wurde, wenn die drama- tischen Effekte, wenn die unbestimmten Farben, die durch die Stimmen hervorgebracht werden müssen, schlecht interpretiert werden, die Instrumente und die Massen nur ausgeführt werden, um dem reinen Notenwert zu folgen, dann, glaube mir, kann die Schönheit einer Partitur vom Publikum nicht verstanden werden. Es reicht nicht, alle forti, alle piano und alle crescendo zu machen, es reicht nicht, das Tempo mit dem Metronom zu messen. Es gibt einen großen Unterschied zwischen forte und forte, zwischen piano und piano, zwischen crescendo und crescendo; so wie ein Stück Musik im selben Tempo ausgeführt, verschiedene Farben hervorbringen kann – je nach Betonung und aufgrund des gewissen Etwas, das man hören lassen kann, das man im praktischen Tun erklären kann, von dem es aber nicht möglich ist, es mit musikalischen Schriftzeichen anzugeben33.

Vom Willen des Komponisten war hier nicht die Rede, auch nicht davon, dass man diesen – wie Verdi – ja fragen könne, wie eine Partitur zu realisieren sei. Stattdessen wird der Wert von Metronomangaben und Lautstärkebezeichnungen in der Partitur ebenso in Frage gestellt wie die Notendauern. Mariani wurde mit einer solchen Auf- fassung der Partitur zum ersten modernen italienischen Operndirigenten, nämlich indem er sich zum interpretierenden Dirigenten wandelte. Das war jedoch genau das, was Verdi nicht wollte, der zwar an Ricordi schrieb34, der Erfolg seiner neuen Opern läge meistens in der Hand des Dirigenten, der ebenso notwendig sei wie der Tenor oder die Primadonna. Aber einen mitschöpferischen Akt des Dirigenten lehnte Verdi strikt ab. Der Dirigent müsse die Ideen des Komponisten verstehen und wiedergeben. Jene Dirigenten, die das nicht täten, seien eine Geißel Gottes35. Als Giulio Ricordi dann in einem Artikel in der Gazetta musicale di Milano die Wichtigkeit des Dirigenten darstellte, schoss er nach Verdis Meinung weit über das Ziel hinaus, da er nicht nur die Vergöttlichung des Dirigenten propagiert habe, sondern auch, dass jede Opernaufführung eine Neuschöpfung des Werks sei:

33 Jensen, „The Emergence of the Modern Conductor in 19th-Century Italian Opera“ (Anm. 10), 55: „quando non e` indovinato il colore dell’opera, quando gli effetti drammatici vengono male interpretati, quando i vaghi colori che devono presentare le voci, gli istrumenti e le masse non sono che eseguiti del pure valore delle note, allora, credilo, le bellezze di uno spartito non possono essere comprese dal pubblico. Non basta fare tutti i forti, tutti i piano e tutti i crescendo, non basta misurare i tempi col metronomo. Vi e` una grande differenza da forte a forte, da piano a piano, da crescendo a crescendo; come un pezzo di musica eseguito nello stesso movimento puo` presentare colore diverso a seconda dell’accentazione e di quel non so che, che si puo` fare sentire, che si puo` spiegare all’atto pratico, ma che pero` non e` possibile di potere indicare co’ segni musicali.“ 34 Franco Abbiati, Giuseppe Verdi (Mailand, 1959), vol. 3, 249 („Mettevi ben in mente, mio caro Giulio, che il successo delle opere nostre sta il piu` delle volte nelle maniche del Direttore. Questi e` necessario quanto un tenore od una prima donna.“) 35 Cf. den Brief Verdis an Giulio Ricordi aus dem Jahr 1871: „Hanno torto i fiorentini sulla Follia [eine Oper Riccis], o per meglio dire ha torto il direttore che non ha capito e non ha saputa rendere le idee del compositore. Questi Direttori sono un vero flagello! [–] Nelle musiche attuali la direzione musicale e drammatica e` una vera necessita`. Una volta una prima donna con una cavatina, un rondo`, un duetto, ecc. poteva sostenere un’opera, oggi no. [–] Le nostre opere, buono o cattivo, hanno intendimenti ben diversi! Voi che avete in mano una Gazetta Musicale predicate dunque il bisogno dei Direttori! Flagellate tutti questi asini, che sono per di piu` anche impertinenti. Sapete voi che un direttore d’orchestra a Napoli ha osato scrivere sopra una partitura di Meyerbeer (credo l’Africana) presso a poco queste parole: ‘si omette quest’aria, perche` e` cattiva e non si capisce come Meyerbeer abbia osato scrivere tal mostruosita`’. Capite?“ (Carteggi Verdiani, ur. Alessandro Luzio, vol. 4 [Rom, 1947], 242). Verdi schreibt gerade nicht, was Joseph Horowitz in einer mehr als ungenauen Übersetzung unterstellt, nämlich dass ein Dirigent eine Oper zu interpretieren habe (vgl. Joseph Horowitz, Understanding Toscanini. A Social History of American Concert Life [Berkeley, 1987], 350).

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 80 13.5.2015 12:44:41 M. WALTER • KOMPONIST UND DIRIGENT ... Dies ist ein Prinzip, das [zurück] zum Barock und zum Flachen führt. Es ist die Straße, die [zurück] zum Barock und und zur falschen musikalischen Kunst des vergangenen Jahrhunderts und der ersten Jahre dieses [Jahrhunderts] führen wür- de, als die Sänger sich erlaubten, ihre Rollen zu kreieren [zu erschaffen] (wie die Franzosen noch immer sagen) und im Endergebnis daraus alle Arten von Pasticci und Widersinnigkeiten daraus gemacht haben. Nein, ich will nur einen einzigen Schöpfer, und bin zufriedengestellt, wenn man einfach und exakt das ausführt, was niedergeschrieben wurde. Es bleibt schlecht, wenn man nie das ausführt, was niedergeschrieben worden ist. Ich lese in den Zeitungen oft von den Effekten, die sich der Autor nicht vorstellen konnte, aber ich für meinen Teil habe das nie gefunden. Ich verstehe alles, was Sie an die Adresse Marianis sagen. Wir sind uns alle über seine Verdienste einig, aber hier handelt es sich nicht um ein Individuum, und sei es noch so groß, sondern um die Kunst. Ich gestehe weder den Sängern noch den Dirigenten die Freiheit zu, Schöpfer zu sein [creare], was, wie ich schon vorher sagte, ein Prinzip ist, das in den Abgrund führt... Wollen Sie ein Beispiel? Sie haben mir gegenüber bei anderer Gelegenheit einen Effekt gelobt, den Mariani aus der Ouvertüre zur Forza del Destino herausholt, indem er die Blechbläser in G mit einem Fortissimo einsetzen lässt36: Ich missbillige diesen Effekt. Diese Blechbläser müssen nach meiner Vorstellung mezza voce sein und können nichts anderes ausdrücken als den religiösen Gesang des Frate. Das Fortissimo Marianis ändert ihren Charakter vollständig und diese Passage wird zu einer kriegerischen Fanfare. Das hat aber nichts mit dem Inhalt des Dramas zu tun, in dem der kriegerische Teil ganz und gar episodisch ist. Und so sind wir auf der Straße ins Barocke und ins Falsche.37

Bis zu einem gewissen Grade scheint Verdi dieser Straße aber selbst gefolgt zu sein. Er veränderte 1860 in den Korrekturbögen des Ballo in maschera nämlich etliche Metronomangaben nachdem er Ende August dieses Jahres zusammen mit Mariani in St. Agata die Partitur studiert hatte. Mariani selbst hatte dabei einen Korrekturabzug des Klavierauszugs von Ricordi zur Hand. Keine vier Wochen später schrieb Mariani an Ricordi, dass er verschiedene Korrekturen in den Klavierauszug geschrieben habe, die Ricordi nach Rücksendung des Klavierauszugs in die Druckplatten des Auffüh- rungsmaterials übernehmen sollte. Unter diesen Korrekturen waren zum größten Teil

36 Tatsächlich ist in der Ricordi-Partitur (Buchstabe J) ein mf vorgeschrieben. 37 „Quest’e` un principio che conduce al barocco ed al falso. e` la strada che condusse al barocco ed al falso l’arte musicale alla finde del secolo passato e nei primi anni di questo, quando i Cantanti si permettevano creare (come dicono ancora i Francesi) le loro parti, e farvi in conseguenza ogni sorta di pasticci e controsensi. No: io voglio un solo creatore, e m’accontento che si eseguisca semplicemente ed esattamente quello che e` scritto; il male sta che non si eseguisce mai quello che e` scritto. Leggo sovente nei giornali d’effetti non immaginati dall’autore; ma io per parte mia non li ho mai trovati. Capisco tutto quello che dite voi all’indirizzo di Mariani. Tutti siamo d’accordo sul suo merito, ma qui si tratta non di un individuo, per quanto si grande, ma di arte. Io non ammetto né ai Cantanti né ai Direttore la facolta` di creare, che, come dissi prima, e` un principio che conduce all’abisso... Volete un esempio? Voi mi citaste altra volta con lode un effetto che Mariani traeva dalla sinfonia dell Forza del Destino facendo entrare gli ottoni in sol con un fortissimo. Ebbene: io disapprovo quest’effetto. Quelli ottoni a mezza voce nel mio concetto dovevano, e non potevano esprimere altro, che il Canto religioso del Frate. Il fortissimo di Mariani altera completamente il carattere, e quello squarico diventa una fanfara guerriera: cosa che non ha nulla a che fare col soggetto di dramma, in cui la parte guerriera e` tutt’affatto episodica. Ed eccoci sulla strada del barocco e del falso.“ (Verdi an Giulio Ricordi, 11.4.1871, I Copialettere di Giuseppe Verdi [Anm. 29], 265–257).

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 81 13.5.2015 12:44:41 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 Änderungen von Metronomzahlen38. Nun sind gelegentliche Schreibfehlern von Ko- pisten oder Notenstechern auch bei Metronomzahlen nicht ausgeschlossen, aber in größerer Zahl unwahrscheinlich. Es muss also davon ausgegangen werden, dass Verdi aufgrund des Durcharbeitens der Partitur mit Mariani (und wahrscheinlich auf dessen Vorschlag), Metronomzahlen geändert hatte, was nur dadurch erklärbar ist, dass er Ma- rianis Tempoverstellungen – also dessen Interpretation – folgte, d.h. die Korrekturen, von denen Mariani schrieb, waren in Wahrheit interpretatorische Änderungen. Es war aber nicht nur Mariani, für den der Wunsch des Komponisten Verdi nicht mehr die alleinige Richtschnur war. Arturo Toscanini dirigierte nach eigener Aussage 1899 den Falstaff ganz bewusst anders als er es bei Verdi gehört hatte und im Bewusst- sein, dass dies Verdi nicht gefallen würde39. Auf dieses Dirigat, das Verdi allerdings nicht gehört hatte, sondern nur aus einem Bericht Giulio Ricordis in der Gazetta musicale di Milano kannte, bezieht sich die folgende Äußerung Verdis:

Wenn die Sachen so sind wie Ihr sagt ist es besser zu den bescheidenen Direttori von damals zurückzukehren (auch wenn es Rolla, Festa, De Giovanni40 etc. waren) [–] Als ich damit begann, die musikalische Welt mit meinen Sünden zu empören, gab es die Plage der [Schluss-]Rondos der Primadonnen, heute gibt es die Tyrannei der Dirigenten41! Schlecht, schlecht! Aber das Erstere war weniger schlecht!!42

Originalität und Konvention

Das Problem, das Verdi hatte, war ein ein Grundsätzliches für die Oper am Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts. Im Gegensatz zum Buch, dessen Text vom Autor ein für allemal fixiert worden war, so dass Veränderungen des Texts, wenn sie nicht vom Autor selbst veranlasst wurden, grundsätzlich den abgeschlossenen und integralen Werkcharakter beeinträchtigten und vom Leser nachvollzogen, also erkannt werden konnten (wenn er, was üblicherweise nur Rezensenten machen, verschiedene Ausgaben verglich), war für den Rezipienten einer Oper die vom Komponisten intendierte Werkgestalt der Musik nur erkennbar, wenn der Komponist selbst seine Partitur realisierte. Das war aber (und ist) der Ausnahmefall. Zum Problem wurde diese Tatsache schleichend, nämlich in der zweiten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts als Opernkomponisten wie Verdi integrale und als solche reproduzierbare Werke schaffen wollten. Aber grundsätzlich

38 Vgl. den bei Jensen, „The Emergence of the Modern Conductor in 19th-Century Italian Opera“ (Anm. 10), 53 abgedruckten Brief. 39 Vgl. Toscaninis Äußerung gegenüber Gianandrea Gavazenni (Horowitz, Understanding Toscanini [Anm. 35], 330). 40 Alessandro Rolla (1757–1841) war lange Jahre Direttore d’orchestra an der Scala gewesen, Nicola De Giovanni (1804–1856) war seit 1841 Direttore d’orchestra am Teatro Ducale in Parma gewesen, Giuseppe Festa (1771–1839) war von 1808 bis 1839 Direttore d’orchestra in Neapel gewesen (vorher an verschiedenen anderen Theatern, etwa in Sinigallia und Livorno). 41 Verdi verwendet hier den Begriff Direttori d’orchestra, aber aus dem Zusammenhang geht zweifelsfrei hervor, dass er die Dirigenten vom Typ Mariani oder Toscanini meint. 42 Abbiati, Giuseppe Verdi, vol. 4 (Anm. 34), 638. („Se le cose sono come voi dite e` meglio ritornare ai modesti Direttori d’una volta (eppure v’erano Rolla, Festa, De Giovanni etc. [–] Quando ho incominciato io a scandalizzare il mondo musicale coi miei peccati, vi era la calamita` dei Rondo` delle prime donne, ora vi e` la tirannia dei Direttori d’orchestra! Male male! Pero` meno male il primo!!“)

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 82 13.5.2015 12:44:41 M. WALTER • KOMPONIST UND DIRIGENT ... war eine Reproduktion des erklingenden Musik-Werks nicht in gleicher Weise möglich wie die einer Partitur (nämlich durch Abschrift oder Druck), weil sie nicht mechanisch erfolgen konnte, sondern eines Vermittlers bedurfte. Dieser Vermittler sorgte für die Realisierung der Partitur im klingenden Werk, d.h. er war (und ist) für das aus dieser Realisierung erwachsende Resultat zuständig, also die erklingende Musik. Da etwas Nicht-Klingendes wie die Partitur aber in der erklingenden Musik nicht reproduziert, sondern nur realisiert werden kann, ist der Vermittler zugleich auch Produzent der erklingenden Musik, weil er die für diese Produktion notwendigen Entscheidungen treffen muss, und zwar im Moment der Produktion. Der zunehmende Verlust von Aufführungs- und Kompositionskonventionen, die Bellini oder Donizetti ebenso wie der junge Verdi noch voraussetzten und erfüllten (einige frühe Verdi-Cabaletten sind z.B. nichts anderes als eine schwungvolle Reformu- lierung der allgemeinen Konventionen, ohne dass sie ein Mindestmaß an Originalität erfüllen) war Resultat der zunehmenden Forderung des Publikums nach Originalität und Einmaligkeit. Verdi brach mit den Konventionen zwar nicht so radikal wie Richard Wagner, aber doch in einem so hohen Maße, dass die Partituren für den Vermittler, also den Dirigenten, Problem aufwerfen mussten, oder anders ausgedrückt: die Notwen- digkeit zu Entscheidungen bei der Realisierung der Partitur wuchs notwendigerweise. Je origineller eine Werkgestalt war, desto mehr entfernte sie sich von Konventionen und Topoi, was dazu führte, dass selbst wenn man alle zur Verfügung stehenden graphischen und sonstigen Mittel wie Metronomzahlen für eine Partitur benutzte, genü- gend Unklarheiten blieben, die ein Dirigent nur durch den Versuch der Deutung, also einer Interpretation realisieren konnte. (Im 20. Jahrhundert wird dieses Problem dann zu graphischen Partituren u.ä. führen.) Hinzu kam noch, dass im Gegensatz zur reinen Instrumentalmusik die Musik für eine Oper nicht das Werk an sich war. Das Werk existierte nur in der Aufführung, die aber verschiedene Schichten bein- haltete, nämlich die Doppelfunktion der Darsteller als Sänger und Schauspieler, die optische Realisierung der Handlung in einem Bühnenbild, den Text, der Sinngeber der in der Partitur niedergeschriebenen Musik, aber gleichzeitig auch eine semanti- sche Schicht eigenen Rechts war. Das ‘Werk’ Oper, das auf der Bühne zu sehen und zu hören war, bestand aus einer Vielzahl von Komponenten, die der Komponist in ihrer Totalität – auf die es eben ankam – nicht mehr beeinflussen konnte. Die Aufgabe des Dirigenten um 1900 (und nicht nur Toscanini, sondern sehr viel später auch ein Diri- gent wie Karajan sahen genau darin ihre Aufgabe) war es, gerade weil die Sänger und Sängerinnen zunehmend ihre Interpretationsfreiheit verloren hatten (also die Fähig- keit zur „Tyrannei“), die Totalität der Bühnenaufführung als integrales ‘Werk’ sicherzustellen. Denn die „Tyrannei“ der Sänger in der ersten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts resultierte daraus, dass das Interesse des Publikums an den Sängern größer war als am ‘Werk’ des Komponisten, d.h. der Partitur. Die Integrität einer Aufführung wurde unter diesen Umständen von den (ersten) Sängern und Sängerinnen garantiert, weswegen sich die Gestalt der Werkrealisierung einer Oper noch in der Generation Bellinis und Donizettis ständig im Fluss befand, etwa dadurch, dass Arien ausgetauscht wurden, sei es von den Komponisten selbst oder von den Sängern. Ständige Änderungen der Opern für die Bühnenaufführungen waren schon deshalb notwendig, weil ihre

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 83 13.5.2015 12:44:41 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 Uraufführungsgestalt von den zur Verfügung stehenden Sängern abhing, die andernorts nicht (mehr) verfügbar waren. Bei einem Werk, bei dem der Komponist in immer stärkerem Maße Originalität und Einmaligkeit intendierte, wurde die Partitur immer wichtiger, weil sie den Grad der Originalität festlegte. Während aber – und das machte die „Tyrannei“ aus – die Sän- ger selbst Herren ihrer Bühnenvorstellung, also der Realisierung der Oper als ‘Werk’ waren (Koloraturen, Tempi, Darstellung, Einlagearien etc.), konnte der Komponist in der Regel auf eben diese Bühnenvorstellung, in der sich sein ‘Werk’ erst als solches zu erkennen geben konnte, keinen Einfluss nehmen. Herr der als Bühnenvorstellung realisierten Oper war der Dirigent (wobei das Ausmaß dieser Herrschaft auch von der Or- ganisationsform der Bühnen abhing, was hier nicht diskutiert werden kann und nichts am Grundprinzip ändert), der die Totalität, Integrität und den daraus resultierenden Effekt der Aufführung sicherstellen musste, woraus sich dann der Ruf des Dirigenten als „Diktator“ entwickelte. Das meinte Mariani, als er vom „gewissen Etwas, das man hö- ren lassen kann, das man [aber nur] im praktischen Tun erklären kann“ sprach. Dabei, beim „praktischen Tun“, also der Realisierung der Partitur im Zusammenhang einer Bühnenaufführung, war aber die Partitur nur ein zu berücksichtigendes Element von Vielen, die ihrerseits wieder Einfluss auf die musikalische Gestaltung nehmen konnten. Hinzu kam, dass der Dirigent natürlich selbst zunehmend dem Originalitätsdiktat des Publikums unterlag, das er mit einer nur mechanischen Realisierung im Sinne des Komponisten nicht erfüllen konnte. Je origineller und je ungewöhnlicher eine Partitur war, desto weniger hatte der Komponist Einfluss auf deren notwendig interpretieren- de Realisierung, weil diese nur im Rahmen des Ereignisses der Bühnenaufführung erfolgen konnte, für welche die nicht-eindeutige Partitur nur eine der Grundlagen war.

POVZETEK enojnega dirigenta za idealno stanje, za to da bi se v uprizoritvi opere uveljavila volja skladatelja. Toda Ob praizvedbi svoje prve opere Oberto (1839) v kmalu se je moral soočiti z dejstvom, da dirigenti, milanski Scali je Verdi z veliko verjetnostjo sedel na kot sta bila Mariani ali Arturo Toscanini, gledajo na mestu »al cembalo«, bil je torej maestro concertato- dirigiranje kot na ustvarjalno dejanje, pri katerem pa re, zadolžen tudi za vaje s solisti. Maestro concerta- ne gre več zgolj za to, da se uveljavi volja skladatelja, tore ni mogel vplivati na samo uprizoritev, ki jo je temveč so stavili na lastne poudarke. To dejstvo je vodil prvi violinist kot direttore d’orchestra. Maestro mogoče razložiti s tem, da so opere v splošnem concertatore ni mogel vplivati na samo uprizoritev, stremljenju po izvirnosti v drugi polovici 19. sto- ki jo je vodil prvi violinist kot direttore d’orchestra. letja po eni strani vedno manj ustrezale običajnim Dvojno dirigiranje se je začelo s Pietrom Romani- konvencijam in glasbenimi toposom, po drugi pa v jem in Angelom Marianijem v štiridesetih letih 19. partituri volje skladatelja ni bilo več mogoče dovolj stoletja spreminjati, saj sta oba združila funkciji jasno določiti. To je dirigentom odprlo interpretacij- maestro concertatore in direttore d’orchestra v eni ski manevrski prostor, s čimer je nastal tudi sodobni osebi. Verdi je imel še v šestdesetih letih 19. stoletja dirigent, ki interpretira.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 84 13.5.2015 12:44:41 N. SCHÜLER • REDISCOVERING FORGOTTEN COMPOSERS ... UDK 78.071.1:929Sawyer DOI: 10.4312/mz.51.1.85-97

Nico Schüler Univerza v Teksasu Texas State University

Rediscovering Forgotten Composers with the Help of Online Genealogy and Music Score Databases: A Case Study on African-American Composer Jacob J. Sawyer (1856–1885) Ponovno odkrivanje pozabljenih skladateljev s pomočjo spletne genealogije in podatkovnih baz glasbenih del: Vzorčna raziskava afriško-ameriškega skladatelja Jacoba J. Sawyerja (1856–1885)

Prejeto: 3. februar 2015 Received: 3rd February 2015 Sprejeto: 31. marec 2015 Accepted: 31st March 2015

Ključne besede: Jacob J. Sawyer, 19. stoletje, afriško- Keywords: Jacob J. Sawyer, 19th century, African-A- -ameriški skladatelji, potujoči pevci, klavirska glasba merican composer, minstrelsy, piano music

IZVLEČEK ABSTRACT

Prispevek opisuje – s pomočjo genealoške baze This paper describes the reconstruction of life and podatkov in spletnih zbirk glasbenih del – re- work of African-American composer Jacob J. Sawyer konstrukcijo življenja in dela afriško-ameriškega (1856–1885) with the help of genealogy databases skladatelja Jacoba J. Sawyerja (1856–1885). Sawyer and online collections of music scores. During his je bil član znanih glasbenih ansamblov: Haverly’s life, Sawyer held positions with well-known music Colored Minstrels, Hyers Sisters Troupe in Slayton ensembles: Haverly’s Colored Minstrels, Hyers Sisters Ideal Company. Troupe, and Slayton Ideal Company.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 85 13.5.2015 12:44:41 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 1. The Forgotten Composer Jacob J. Sawyer

For James M. Trotter’s famous book Music and Some Highly Musical People (1880)1, only 13 pieces of music were selected for inclusion; one of these pieces was by African- American composer Jacob J. Sawyer (1856–1885)2. The inclusion of one of his compositions in Trotter’s book marks Sawyer as an exemplary and well-known composer, despite his young age at the time of the printing (of Trotter’s book), 24 years old. But when I came across the name Jacob J. Sawyer, I knew nothing about him. What I could find in traditional academic databases and publications was very limited. He is now almost forgotten, and only a very sketchy biography published in Eileen Southern’s Biographical Dictionary of Afro-American and African Musicians (Westport, CT, 1982, p. 332) reminds us of him. This dictionary entry did not even include the exact birth date or any information about his death. The entire entry reads as follows:

SAWYER, JACOB. Composer (b. c1859 in Boston, Massachusetts [?]; fl. late nineteenth century). Little is known of his career except that he was highly regarded as a pianist-composer during his time. He toured with the Hyers Sisters Company as a pianist in 1878 and wrote songs especially for the company. A press notice in January 1884 referred to him as Boston’s “favorite Professor Jacob Sawyer” when he played on a local concert. Trotter includes one of Sawyer’s pieces, “Welcome to the Era March,” in the 1878 survey. BIBL: Black press, incl. NYGlobe, 19 January 1884. Trot, p.2; 22-25 of the music section.3

In addition to this dictionary article, John W. Finson mentioned Sawyer twice briefly in his book on The Voices That Are Gone (1994)4. In his chapter on “Postbellum Blackface Song: Authenticity and the Minstrel Demon,” Finson writes:

The heightened realism in the music of pseudo-spirituals and the increased attention to “Negro oddities” for their own sake led to even more derogatory songs, as criticism of blacks gave way to deliberate malice. Jacob J. Sawyer admonishes the faithful in “Blow, Gabriel, Blow” (1882): Darkies pray fo’ de time draws nigh, Blow, Gabriel, Blow, We’ll soon be mountin’ up on high, Blow, etc. Chicken coops you mus’ leave alone, Blow, etc. Or Satan ‘ll cotch you shu’s you’s bo’n, Blow, etc.

1 James M. Trotter, Music and Some Highly Musical People (Boston, MA, USA: Lee & Shepard, 1880). 2 Trotter included Sawyer’s “Welcome to the Era” march on pp. 22–25 of the Music Appendix. However, Trotter does not mention Sawyer in the main text of his book. 3 Eileen Southern, Biographical Dictionary of Afro-American and African Musicians (Westport, CT, 1982), 332. 4 Jon W. Finson, Voices That Are Gone: Themes in Nineteenth-Century American Popular Song (Cary, NC, USA: Oxford University Press, 1997).

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Figure 1: The Title Page of Sawyer’s I’m de Captain of the Black Cadets (1881).5

This5advice is accompanied by a strictly pentatonic and highly syncopated tune (Ex. 6.106), which bears a distant resemblance to “Gabriel’s Trumpet’s Going to Blow” as sung by Jennie Jackson of the Jubilee Singers. Presumably Sawyer employed his song in a major production number of the very famous and widely traveled Haverly’s Colored Minstrels, whom he served as musical director.7

It is not clear where Finson got the information, since no references to any Saw- yer sources are given, but I assume that Finson’s only sources were published scores, several of which8 identified Sawyer as the “Musical Director of Haverly’s Colored

5 Jacob J. Sawyer, I’m de Captain of the Black Cadets (Boston, MA, USA: White, Smith & Co., 1881). This score is contained in the digital collection “Music for the Nation: American Sheet Music, Ca. 1870 to 1885” by the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C. 6 Ibid., 219. This example in Finson’s book shows the beginning of the second stanza of Jacob J. Sawyer’s “Blow, Gabriel, Blow”. 7 Ibid., 219–220. 8 See the title pages of Jacob J. Sawyer, The Coonville Guards (Philadelphia, PA, USA: Lee & Walker, 1881). Jacob J. Sawyer, Coonville Guards Parade (Philadelphia, PA, USA: Lee & Walker, 1881); Jacob J. Sawyer, I’m de Captain of the Black Cadets (Boston, MA, USA: White, Smith & Co., 1881); Jacob J. Sawyer, The Awkward Squad of the Famous Black Cadets (Boston, MA, USA: White, Smith & Co., 1881). These scores are contained in the digital collection “Music for the Nation: American Sheet Music, Ca. 1870 to 1885” by the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C. See also the title page of Jacob J. Sawyer, I’m De Sargent Ob De Coon- ville Guards (Chicago, IL, USA: White, Smith & Co., 1881). This score is contained in the Levy Sheet Music Collection by Johns Hopkins University, Box 137, Item 022. While these three scores do identify Sawyer as the Musical Director of the Haverly’s Colored Minstrels, the score of “Blow, Gabriel, Blow” does not; see Jacob J. Sawyer, Blow, Gabriel, Blow (New York, NY, USA: W. A. Evans & Bro., 1882), which is contained in the digital collection “Music for the Nation: American Sheet Music, Ca. 1870 to 1885” by the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C. Another publication identified Sawyer as “Pianist of the Black (40) Haverly’s Minstrels”; see Jacob J. Sawyer, Oleander Blossom’s Birthday Party (Saint Louis, MO, USA: Balmer & Weber, 1881). This latter score also contains the following inscription on its title page: “Respectfully dedicated to and sung with immense success everywhere by Billy Banks & Billy Kersands, of Haverly’s Colored Minstrels”.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 87 13.5.2015 12:44:42 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 Minstrels” or “Musical Director, Haverly’s Colored Minstrels” on the title page underneath the composer’s name. (As an example, see Figure 1.) Later in the same chapter of his book, Finson mentioned Sawyer one more time:

Skits featuring black target companies enjoyed a vogue in many minstrel companies, and for one of the largest, Haverly’s Colored Minstrels, Jacob J. Sawyer wrote “I’m De Sargent Ob De Coonville Guards” (1881), “Coonville Guards” (1881), and “I’m de Captain ob the Black Cadets” (1881).9

While Finson must get credit for mentioning Sawyer and for placing him into a history of minstrel songs, Eileen Southern provided biographical information on Sawyer as far as it was known when I came across the composer’s name in 2011.

2. Sawyer’s Published Compositions

About 22 of Jacob J. Sawyer’s compositions are listed in WorldCat, a handful of which are available in two to three libraries each and most of them only in one library each. However, the digital collection “Music for the Nation: American Sheet Music, Ca. 1870 to 1885” by the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C., contains close to 50 of Sawyer’s compositions, which have recently been scanned and are available online. Some of the scores contain information about the composer’s affiliation with a particular performance ensemble, such as Sawyer’s aforementioned position as “Musical Director of the Haverly’s Colored Minstrels” in works published in 1881. These and other affiliations indicated in the publication of compositions by Sawyer are: 1879-80 Pianist for the Hyers Sisters10 1881 Musical Director of the Haverly’s Colored Minstrels11 1883 Pianist of the Slayton Ideal Company12 1884-85 Musical Director of the Nashville Students13

9 Finson, Voices That Are Gone, 225. 10 The affiliation “Pianist of Hyers Sisters Troupe” can be found on Jacob. J. Sawyer, Out of Bondage Waltz, Op. 2 (Cincinnati, OH, USA: Geo. D. Newhall & Co., 1879). See Figure 2. The following year, the affiliation “Pianist for Hyers Sisters” can be found on the title page of Jacob J. Sawyer, All the Rage. Grand March (Boston, MA, USA: G. D. Russell, 1880). Both scores are contained in the digital collection “Music for the Nation: American Sheet Music, Ca. 1870 to 1885” by the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C. 11 See footnote 7. 12 See Jacob J. Sawyer, My Lord is Writin’ Down Time (Chicago, IL, USA: National Music Company, 1883); Jacob J. Sawyer, Ise Gwine to Git Home Byme Bye (Chicago, IL, USA: National Music Company, 1883); Jacob J. Sawyer, Ring Dem Chimin’ Bells (Chicago, IL, USA: National Music Company, 1883); Jacob J. Sawyer, Yes, I’ll be Dar (Chicago, IL, USA: National Music Company, 1883). All of these scores are contained in the digital collection “Music for the Nation: American Sheet Music, Ca. 1870 to 1885” by the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C. Although each song is published as a separate soft cover, they all are published under the main “collection” title Quintette of Beautiful Jubilee Songs, and all song titles are listed on the main title page of the collection. I have not been able to find a copy of the fifth song of this collection that is listed first on the collection title page: De Golden Chariot. 13 This affiliation can be found on Jacob I. [sic] Sawyer, Hear dem Evening bells (Portland, OR, USA: D. W. Prentice, 1884). This score also contains the inscription “Sung Nightly with immense success by Miss Kitty Brown”. The following year, the inscription “Sung Nightly by the Nashville Students with Immense Success” can be found on the cover of Jacob J. Sawyer, Listen to dem Ding, Dong Bells (Cleveland, OH, USA: S. Brainard’s Sons, 1885), which lists Sawyer as “Prof. Jacob J. Sawyer”. Both scores are contained in the digital collection “Music for the Nation: American Sheet Music, Ca. 1870 to 1885” by the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C.

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Figure 2: Title Page of Sawyer’s Out of Bondage Waltz (1879).14

Since Sawyer turned 23 years old in 1879, and since he died in 1885, it can be assumed that this list of affiliations is complete, or that these affiliations are at least the major affiliations that Sawyer had. The Hyers Sisters were well-known singers and pioneers of African-American musical theater15, while Haverly’s Colored Minstrels was a successful black minstrelsy group owned and managed by Jack H. Haverly (1837- 1901)16. The Slayton Ideal Company was a jubilee troupe by African-American actor and singer Sam Lucas (died 191617). Finally, the financially successful and very popular Kansas-City-based “Nashville Students and Colored Concert Company” was managed by the African-American Preston T. Wright (1857-1898); it toured nationally, performing vocal and instrumental music, dance, and comedy.18 Numerous publications of Sawyer’s music also contain dedications. Information on the individuals to whom his music has been dedicated is subject to further research.

14 Jacob. J. Sawyer, Out of Bondage Waltz, Op. 2 (Cincinnati, OH, USA: Geo. D. Newhall & Co., 1979). This score is contained in the digital collection “Music for the Nation: American Sheet Music, Ca. 1870 to 1885” by the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C. While the cover page of the score lists “waltzes” in plural, the title inside the score lists “waltz” as singular. Indeed, the score only contains one waltz. 15 See Eileen Southern, The Music of Black Americans: A History, 3rd edition (New York, NY: W. W. Norton, 1997), 244. 16 Toll, Robert C., Blacking Up: The Minstrel Show in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974), 146. 17 Sam Lucas’s date of birth is unknown. 18 See Clifford E. Watkins, Showman: The Life and Music of Perry George Lowery (Jackson, MS, USA: University Press of Missis- sippi, 2004), 23.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 89 13.5.2015 12:44:42 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 3. Genealogy and Newspaper Databases for Rediscovering Forgotten Composes

I found it intriguing that a composer whose compositions were widely published and even included by James M. Trotter would be largely forgotten. Not even his date of birth and date of death were known to Eileen Southern. To find more biographical information, I turned to the standard databases for research in music as well as in humanities in general – to no avail. I searched on the internet, which proved to be difficult, as “Jacob Sawyer” was a common name. I finally subscribed to several commercial genealogy and newspaper databases: www.genealogybank.com, www.ancestry.com, and www.newspaperarchive.com. Before turning to these databases, I had already searched in academic newspaper databases, such as 19th Century US Newspapers by Gale-Cengage Learning, in which I could not find Jacob Sawyer. The much larger and richer commercial genealogy databases, however, contained numerous documents about Sawyer. Searching in such databases is a task that requires much time and patience, as the vast majority of search results were either about other Jacob Sawyers, or the search results were faulty because “Jacob” may have appeared in one name and “Sawyer” in another on the same page of the document. In addition, not all documents are indexed correctly, as the optical text recognition may have been incorrect. Most difficult was the initial search for the ‘correct’ Jacob Sawyer, as Eileen South- ern’s information provided a relatively large (and incorrect) window for Sawyer’s birth. The name “Jacob Sawyer” appeared in many census records, and I could only identify the correct Sawyer after weeks of going through many census records and many newspaper articles by noticing the name “Ellen Sawyer” in a newspaper article about the Nashville Students and Jacob Sawyer19, which I could then match to one of the census records that listed Ellen underneath Jacob’s name as his sister. Thus, I could finally identify Sawyer in three census records (1860, 1870, and 1880).20 At this point, I had not yet found any information about Sawyer’s death, nor the date of birth, and so I continued looking for documents on Sawyer beyond the 1880s, up until the mid-20th century, to no avail. By comparing the dates on which the census information were taken with Sawyer’s age listed in the census records, the three census records enabled me at least to narrow his possible date of birth to “between 30 July 1856 and 4 June 1857”. It was not until many months later that I could find the birth record (see Figure 3) on www.ancestry.com, listing his date of birth as 5 November, 1856. While Sawyer is listed in this birth record as “Jacob A. Sawyer”, the middle initial must have been an error or possibly an abbreviation for a middle name later not used or changed; all other information in this record, including the names of Sawyer’s parents, match with other records on the composer.

19 See “Our Hub Letter”, New York Globe (Saturday, January 19, 1884), p. 4. Accessed on February 20, 2015, via www.genealogybank.com. This is also the article that names Jacob Sawyer as “our favorite Prof Jacob J. Sawyer” that Eileen Southern mentions in her 1882 article (see footnote 3). 20 These census records were found via www.ancestry.com.

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Figure 3: Birth Register, Listing Jacob Sawyer Second-to-Last on this Excerpt.21

With the newly gained information, the exact date of birth, I could eventually also find the death record (Figure 4), listing the date of his passing as June 3, 1885, and identifying the cause of death as tuberculosis.

Figure 4: Birth Register, Listing Jacob Sawyer Second-to-Last on this Excerpt.22

21 Ancestry.com. Massachusetts, Town and Vital Records, 1620-1988 [database on-line] (Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Opera- tions, 2011). The original record can be found in Town and City Clerks of Massachusetts, Massachusetts Vital and Town Records (Provo, UT: Holbrook Research Institute [Jay and Delene Holbrook]). 22 Ancestry.com. Massachusetts, Death Records, 1841-1915 [database on-line] (Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, 2013). The original data can be found in Massachusetts Vital Records, 1840–1911 (New England Historic Genealogical Society, Boston, Massachusetts).

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 91 13.5.2015 12:44:43 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 The first newspaper articles mentioning Jacob Sawyer are from Cincinnati in 1879, when he applied for a music teacher position. In the context of Sawyer’s candidacy for the music teacher position, a misunderstanding by a reporter led to the publication of a local newspaper article in which Sawyer was mentioned as being a candidate for a college position; more specifically, Sawyer sent a letter (“card”) to the newspaper to clarify that his candidacy was for a music teacher position, not for a college position (see Figure 5); because of this “card”, we learn that Sawyer was examined and recommended for the music teacher position and that he was studying or taking lessons in music theory and violin at the College of Music of Cincinnati at that time. The Education Board meeting notes were regularly published, so that the newspapers reported about Sawyer’s candidacy for the music teacher position and that he was ultimately not chosen.23

Figure 5: Sawyer Letter to the Cincinnati Daily Gazette (August 20, 1879).24

Interestingly, one of the other applications for the teacher position had bribed a Board member, which caused an investigation, about which, in turn, was reported in

23 See, for example, “Music Teachers”, Cincinnati Daily Gazette [Cincinnati, OH, USA] (Tuesday, August 26, 1879), 6; “Board of Education”, Cincinnati Daily Gazette [Cincinnati, OH, USA] (Tuesday, November 4, 1879), 3. Both accessed on February 20, 2015, via www.genealogybank.com. 24 “A Card from Mr. Sawyer”, Cincinnati Daily Gazette [Cincinnati, OH, USA] (Wednesday, August 20, 1879), 6. Accessed on February 20, 2015, via www.genealogybank.com.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 92 13.5.2015 12:44:43 N. SCHÜLER • REDISCOVERING FORGOTTEN COMPOSERS ... the newspaper. As part of the investigation, all applicants, including Sawyer, were questioned, and thus mentioned in articles reporting on the investigation.25 While Sawyer was in Cincinnati, Ohio, he also caused a minor disturbance and was charged with “disorderly conduct”, which was reported in a newspaper article: as part of a Quartet, returning from a church choir rehearsal late at night, he and his friends serenaded “The Gravedigger’s Sigh”, which was heard by a police officer and resulted in their arrest (see Figure 6).

Figure 6: Cincinnati Daily Gazette Article (August 20, 1879).26

Other newspaper articles reported on the publication of new music, for example the publication of Sawyer’s Seventh Exposition Grand March in 187927, the publication

25 See “Educational Music”, Cincinnati Daily Gazette [Cincinnati, OH, USA] (Thursday, September 4, 1879), 8; “Board of Educa- tion”, Cincinnati Daily Gazette [Cincinnati, OH, USA] (Thursday, September 4, 1879), 10; “The Bribery Investigation”, Cincin- nati Daily Gazette [Cincinnati, OH, USA] (Tuesday, September 23, 1879), 10; “Educational Music”, Cincinnati Daily Gazette [Cincinnati, OH, USA] (Tuesday, November 4, 1879), 3. All accessed on February 20, 2015, via www.genealogybank.com. 26 “Oh! The Gay Troubadours”, Cincinnati Daily Gazette [Cincinnati, OH, USA] (Thursday, August 14, 1879), 6. Accessed on February 20, 2015, via www.genealogybank.com. 27 See “New Publications”, Cincinnati Daily Gazette [Cincinnati, OH, USA] (Monday, September 15, 1879), 11. Accessed on Febru- ary 20, 2015, via www.genealogybank.com.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 93 13.5.2015 12:44:43 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 of Lotta March in 188128, the publication of his Lotta Schottisch in 188229, or the publication of Little Sweetheart Schottische in 188230. And other newspaper articles reported about performances by Sawyer (Figure 7).31

Figure 7: Concert Review in the Daily Gazette (Rockford, IL) (November 15, 1879).32

28 See “New Music”, Boston Herald [Boston, MA, USA] (Sunday, July 17, 1881), 3. Accessed on February 20, 2015, via www.genealogybank.com. 29 See “Music”, Daily Inter Ocean VI/17 [Chicago, IL, USA] (Saturday, April 15, 1882), 13. Accessed on February 20, 2015, via www. genealogybank.com. 30 See “New Musical Publications”, Boston Herald [Boston, MA, USA] (Sunday, June 25, 1882), 3. Accessed on February 20, 2015, via www.genealogybank.com. 31 See for example an untitled review of a performance by the Hyers Sisters, Sam Lucas, and Jacob Sawyer, the latter of whom performed his Out of Bondage Waltz that night, in the Daily Gazette [Rockford, IL, USA] (Saturday, November 15, 1879), 4. Another example is the untitled announcement of a performance by Sam Lucas, Ellen and Jacob Sawyer, and other musicians in the Boston Herald [Boston, MA, USA] (Sunday, September 10, 1882), 3. Accessed on February 20, 2015, via www.genealogybank.com. 32 Daily Gazette [Rockford, IL, USA] (Saturday, November 15, 1879), 4.

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 94 13.5.2015 12:44:44 N. SCHÜLER • REDISCOVERING FORGOTTEN COMPOSERS ... 4. Jacob J. Sawyer’s Revised Short Biography33

While his early death from tuberculosis let him sink into oblivion, it was with the help of online genealogy and music score databases that some of his biography could be reconstructed. While not long, the following biography contains much more information than E. Southern’s entry in her biographical dictionary mentioned earlier: Pianist, composer, teacher, and arranger Jacob J. Sawyer (Jacob J. A. Sawyer) was born on November 5, 1856, in Boston, Massachusetts. He was the son of Jacob and Elizabeth Sawyer. From at least 1879 through 1880, he was the pianist for the Hyers Sisters Troupe, which brought him to Cincinnati, Ohio, no later than mid-1879. There, he took lessons in music theory and in violin at the College of Music of Cincinnati. He also composed a piano march (1879) for the Seventh Cincinnati Industrial Ex- hibition in 1879. He applied for a music teacher position in Cincinnati, but was not chosen. Sawyer returned to his home in Boston, where the 1880 census lists him as “Laborer.” An African American composer, he wrote songs for the Haverly’s Colored Minstrels, of which he was the Musical Director at least in 1881. A series of his compositions published in 1883 lists him as the pianist for the Slayton Ideal Company. Several documents from 1884 and 1885 name Sawyer as the Musical Director of the Nashville Students. All of Sawyer’s known professional engagements resulted in extensive touring as well as in compositions specifically written for those ensembles. His work comprises numerous vocal compositions with piano accompaniment as well as dances for solo piano. James M. Trotter reprinted one of Sawyer’s marches in his 1880 book Music and Some Highly Musical People. Sawyer died from tuberculosis at age 28 on June 3, 1885, in Boston.

5. Selected Works by Jacob J. Sawyer34

Vocal Compositions: Awkward Squad of the Famous Black Cadets (lyrics by J. J. Sawyer) for voice and piano, 1881. The Coonville Guards for voice and piano, 1881. Coonville Guards Parade for voice and piano, 1881. I’m de Captain of the Black Cadets for voice and piano, 1881. Let Your Tears Kiss the Flowers on My Grave (lyrics by W. King) for voice and piano, 1881. Hark, Baby, Hark (lyrics by W. Welch), 1881. Mary’s Gone with a Coon (lyrics by W. Kersands), 1881 Oleander Blossom’s Birthday Party (lyrics by J. Sawyer) for voice and piano, 1881.

33 See also my entry on Sawyer in AmeriGrove: Nico Schüler, “Sawyer, Jacob J.,” in The Grove Dictionary of American Music, 2nd edition, ed. by Charles Hiroshi Garrett, vol. 7 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013), 353. 34 This work list was assembled with information from online (digital) score collections, library catalogs, and newspaper articles. Some of these compositions were only mentioned or listed in documents for which I have not yet found the actual scores (in either electronic format or hard copy).

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 95 13.5.2015 12:44:44 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 The Old Kentucky Home, 1881 Our Educated Feet (lyrics by C. Crusoe) for voice, piano, and dance, 1881 Pity the Poor Ones Who Wander the Streets (lyrics by W. King) for voive, SATB choir, and piano, 1882. Blow, Gabriel, Blow for voice, SATB choir, and piano, 1882. De Coon Dinner for voice and piano, 1882. Hilo Hale for voice, SATB choir, and piano, 1882. Oh Mother, Mother Shoo the Hens (Comic Ditti) (lyrics by F. H. Evans) for voice and piano, 1882. Old Uncle Sheppard for voice and piano, 1882. Put on de Golden Crown for voice, SATB choir, and piano, 1882. We Never Speak as We Pass by: Song and Chorus for voice and piano, 1882. Gwine to Ring dem Hebenly Bells (lyrics by S. Lucas) for voive, 4-part chorus, and piano, 1883. Hail, Jerusalem Morn (lyrics by J. J. Sawyer) for voice, 4-part chorus, and piano, 1883. Hand Me Down dem Golden Shoes for voice, SATB choir, and piano, 1883. I’se Gwine to Get Home Byme Bye for voice, SATB choir, and piano, 1883. My Lord Is Writin’ Down Time for voice and piano, 1883. Ring dem Chimin’ Bells for voice, 4-part chorus, and piano, 1883. Yes, I’ll be Dar for voice, 4-part chorus, and piano, 1883. De Golden Chariot, 1883. Hear dem Evening Bells for voice, SATB choir, and piano, 1884. Heart’s Ease (lyrics by E. P. Smith) for voice and piano, 1884. Little Sweetheart, Say Good Bye (for J. J. Sawyer) for voice, SATB choir, and piano, 1884. Norah Clare [arrangement] (lyrics by S. Bradbury, melody by S. Gavotte) for voice and piano, 1884. When the Robins Come Again: Waltz Song for voice and piano, 1884. Listen to dem Ding, Dong, Bells (lyrics by J. J. Sawyer) for voice, 4-part chorus, and piano, 1885.

Compositions for Piano: Welcome to the Era (March), 1877 Out of Bondage Waltz [op.2], 1879 Seventh Exposition Grand March [op.3], 1879 All the Rage (Grand March), 1880 The Bijou (March), 1882 Etta Polka, 1882 Jersey Lily Waltzes, 1882 “Little Sweetheart” Schottische, 1882 Lotta Schottisch, 1882 Old “49” Schottische, 1882 Operatic Medley [arrangement], 1882 Patience Lancers, 1882 Rosebud (Gavotte), 1882

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 96 13.5.2015 12:44:44 N. SCHÜLER • REDISCOVERING FORGOTTEN COMPOSERS ... Return of Spring (Polka), 1882 Bob-o-link (Mazurka), 1883 The Rankins’ March, 1883 Passion Flower Waltz, 1884 Bicycle Waltzes, 1885

6. Final Remarks

Commercial genealogy databases as well as digitized (online) collections of music scores were the main sources for rediscovering, and reconstructing the biography of, Jacob J. Sawyer. While this research project is not yet completed, the main biographical facts and the composer’s affiliations with important musical ensembles have been un- covered. Future research may continue with searching for literature and documents on the well-known musicians that Sawyer was associated with, such as the Hyers Sisters, Sam Lucas, the Haverly’s Colored Minstrels, and the Nashville Students. Some publications of music by Sawyer may still be found in archives or antiquarian music stores. Furthermore, the music itself needs to be analyzed, performed, and recorded.

POVZETEK podatka o njegovi smrti. Skoraj zgolj s pomočjo baz podatkov je avtor prispevka nedavno odkril James M. Trotter je za svojo slavno knjigo Glasba podatke o skladateljevem rojstvu in smrti, kot tudi in nekaj glasbeno visoko nadarjenih oseb (Music številne časopisne članke iz poznih sedemdesetih and Some Highly Musical People, Boston, MA, in zgodnjih osemdesetih let 19. stoletja, ki nudijo 1880) izbral zgolj 13 glasbenih del. Eno od njih nadaljnje biografske podatke in informacije o je delo afriško-ameriškega skladatelja Jacoba J. Sawyerjevem delu. Pisec prispevka je prav tako Sawyerja (1856-1885). Trotterjeva odločitev, da odkril številne skladateljeve skladbe v spletnih vključi Sawyerja v knjigo, priča o tem, da je bil (elektronskih) zbirkah glasbe in v drugih arhivih in skladatelj kljub svoji mladosti vzorčen in (prepo) knjižnicah. Poleg drugih položajev, ki jih je Sawyer znan; ko je bila knjiga natisnjena, je bilo skladatelju zasedal, je bil glasbeni direktor zasedbe Haverly’s zgolj 23 let. Zgodnja smrt zaradi tuberkuloze ga je Colored Minstrels, za katero je napisal več pesmi. potisnila v pozabo. Dandanes je skorajda neznan; Bil je prav tako skladatelj in pianist zasedbe Hyers zgolj E. Southem je v svojem delu Bibliografski Sisters Troupe, ki so bili pionirji afriško-ameriškega slovar afriško-ameriških in afriških glasbenikov gledališča, in pianist v zasedbi Slayton Ideal Com- (Biographical Dictionary of Afro-American and pany. Prispevek opisuje rekonstrukcijo Sawyerje- African Musicians, Westport, CT, 1982, str. 332) vega življenja in dela ter predstavlja skladateljevo izdal biografijo z osnovnimi podatki, ki ne vklju- popravljeno biografijo in seznam njegovih del. čuje niti točnega datuma rojstva niti kakršnegakoli

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 97 13.5.2015 12:44:44 MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 98 13.5.2015 12:44:44 J. TYRRELL • FROM RUBINSTEIN TO REBIKOV ... UDK 78.071.1:929Janáček DOI: 10.4312/mz.51.1.99-118

John Tyrrell Oddelek za glasbo, Univerza v Cardiffu School of Music, Cardiff Uiversity

From Rubinstein to Rebikov: influences of Russian composers on Janáček Od Rubensteina do Rebikova: vplivi ruskih skladateljev na Janáčka

Prejeto: 27. feburar 2015 Received: 27th February 2015 Sprejeto: 31. marec 2015 Accepted: 31st March 2015

Ključne besede: Janáček, Rubinstein, Čajkovski, Keywords: Janáček, Rubinstein, Tchaikovsky, Mu- Musorgski, Rebikov sorgsky, Rebikov

IZVLEČEK ABSTRACT

Članek raziskuje, koliko je Leoš Janáček poznal delo The article examines Leoš Janáček’s knowledge of štirih ruskih skladateljev (Rubinstein, Čajkovski, Mu- the music of four Russian composers (Rubinstein, sorgski, Rebikov) in ocenjuje osnove ter razsežnost Tchaikovsky, Musorgsky and Rebikov) may have mogočih vplivov na njegovo glasbo. influenced him and assesses the basis and extent of any discernible influence.

Always thought to be a strangely original composer, Janáček was nevertheless open to outside influences for much of his working life. Particularly after the refusal in Prague to stage Jenůfa (when he was approaching fifty), he made a point of going to Prague to investigate fashionable foreign operas. Composers such as Puccini, Richard Strauss and Charpentier all made their impact upon him at this period – roughly the decade from 1903 until the First World War. But Russian music was a powerful influence on Janáček almost from the start. A dyed-in-the-wool Russophile, Janáček demonstrated his love of Russia in the names of his two children (Olga and Vladimír) and the first name he adopted for himself, “Lev” (the Moravian “Leoš” was a later development) as well as in his politics. It was also a powerful creative aid: the range of Russian literature

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 99 13.5.2015 12:44:44 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 that inspired his own works begins with the lost melodrama Smrt [Death], JW X/31 (a setting of a Lermontov text, composed when he was twenty-two), and goes right up to his final opera Z mrtvého domu [From the House of the Dead], based on Dostoyevsky. But while French and Italian composers such as Charpentier, Mascagni and Puccini had an impact mostly at specific times on Janáček’s compositional style, the influence of Russian composers and Russian music can be charted throughout his life. References in Janáček’s writings and lectures provide a quick overview of the composers in which he was interested and in the past decade virtually all of his public writings have been made available in the Complete Critical Edition.2 These include writings published both during his lifetime and after, interviews, drafts and lecture notes. The writings relevant to Russian composers crop up in both his Literary Works (LD)3 and Theoretical Works (TD).4 The following chart show the number of references that can be found to individual Russian composers in Janáček’s writings.

Composer LD TD total Alyab’yev 1 0 1 Balakirev 1 1 2 Musorgsky 5 5 10 Rebikov 7* 6 13 Rubinstein 5 6 11 Stravinsky 1 0 1 Tchaikovsky 6 4 10

* = includes one longer passage where discussion of Rebikov is spread over a 16-page section.

Two names here can be immediately discounted: Alyab’yev’s song Solovej [The Nightingale] is mentioned in one of Janáček’s earliest reviews, XV/11 (1875) with a comment only on how it was sung. Stravinsky’s Piano Sonata is briefly mentioned (and briefly dismissed) in Janáček’s account of some of the music he heard at the ISCM Festival in Venice in 1925 (XV/281). The remaining five names make a strange group. The frequency of references to western-orientated composers such as Rubin- stein and Tchaikovsky is striking. One of Janáček’s first musical loves was Rubinstein and for a while he saw himself as Rubinstein’s successor. Tchaikovsky made a huge impact on Janáček during the writing of Jenůfa, as he moved into his middle period. Although Janáček is often seen as a soul-mate of Musorgsky, it is surprising there are not more references to him in Janáček’s writings, as indeed to other members of the Mighty Handful (only two references to Balakirev). The absence of Rimsky-Korsakov

1 JW numbers are from Nigel Simeone, John Tyrrell and Alena Němcová, Janáček’s Works: A Catalogue of the Music and Writings of Leoš Janáček (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997). The catalogue siglum ‘JW’ will be omitted hereafter. 2 Souborné kritické vydání děl Leoše Janáčka [Complete Critical Edition of the Works of Leoš Janáček], published by Supraphon from 1978, but later spread between Bärenreiter (Prague) and Editio Janáček (Brno). 3 Leoš Janáček, Literární dílo (Brno: Editio Janáček, 2003), 2 vols. 4 Leoš Janáček, Teoretické dílo (Brno: Editio Janáček, 2007, 2007-8), 2 vols.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 100 13.5.2015 12:44:44 J. TYRRELL • FROM RUBINSTEIN TO REBIKOV ... is particularly intriguing in view of later commentaries on his potential influence on Janáček’s harmonic style.5 Equally curious is the frequency with which the name of the almost forgotten Rebikov comes up. Janáček’s partiality for Russian music is not a new topic. After Czechoslovakia fell into the Soviet Union’s orbit of influence with the Communist coup of February 1948, it became expedient for established scholars to safeguard both their and Janáček’s fu- tures by the publication of articles drawing attention to Janáček’s love of Russia and Russian music.6 Rubinstein was generally ignored for being not really Russian, but Janáček’s interest in Tchaikovsky was a welcome topic, pursued with vigour, and was less frustrating than Musorgsky on which very little information apart from stylistic affinity could be found. As for Rebikov, his connections with Janáček began to be investi- gated only in the late 1990s when Miloš Štědroň drew attention to him in his book Leoš Janáček a hudba 20. století7 but the degree to which he dominated Janáček’s lectures on opera could not be fully appreciated until Janáček’s lecture notes became available. This article will attempt to chart Janáček’s acquaintance with these four composers through his writings, his knowledge of their music and its possible impact on him.

Anton Grigor’yevich Rubinstein (1829–1894)

Janáček’s first attested encounter with Anton Rubinstein is briefly mentioned in his review (XV/13) of a concert given by the Brno Musikverein on 23 April 1876, where a duet identified merely by the Czech title “V domovině” [In the homeland] was sung. Much more important was the series of Rubinstein’s works that Janáček took part in under the direction of his piano teacher, Amalie Wickenhauser (1834–1890). He conducted the first movement of Rubinstein’s Piano Concerto no. 3 at a concert of the Brno Beseda, the main Czech concert-giving organization in Brno, on 13 May 1876; on 28 October 1877 at another Beseda concert Janáček and Wickenhauser performed Rubinstein’s Fantasia in F minor for two pianos, op. 37. Rubinstein also figured in the chamber music series that Wickenhauser organized: it is not clear whether Janáček performed in Rubinstein’s Piano Trio in F op. 15 no. 1 (given on 6 January 1878), but he was the pianist in Rubinstein’s Piano Quintet in G minor op. 99 on 5 January 1879. Janáček was then in his early twenties beginning to establish himself as a music teacher at the Czech Teachers’ Training College in Brno and as a conductor the Brno Beseda. Wickenhauser’s influence was strong, guiding him towards a comparatively conservative repertoire, of which Rubinstein was emblematic. For Janáček Rubenstein was one of the most famous composers alive. When his original idea to study with him

5 e.g. Paul Wingfield, “Unlocking a Janáček Enigma: The Harmonic Structure of Kudrjáš’s ‘Waiting Song’,” Music and Letters 75 (1994): 561–75. 6 e.g. Jan Racek, “Slovanské prvky v díle Leoše Janáčka: příspěvek k Janáčkovou hudebnímu realismu” [Slavonic elements in the works of Leoš Janáček: a contribution to Janáček’s musical realism], Časopis Matice Moravské 53 (1951): 361–47 and Bohumír Štědroň, “Janáček a Čajkovský” [Janáček and Tchaikovsky], Sborník prací filosofické fakulty brněnské university 2, no. 2–4 (1953): 201–27. 7 Miloš Štědroň, Leoš Janáček and hudba 20. století: paralely, sondy, dokumenty [Janáček and 20th-century Music: Parallels, Soundings, Documents] (Brno, 1998) (Brno: Nadace Universitas Masarykiana; Georgetown; Nauma; Masarykova Univerzita, 1998).

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 101 13.5.2015 12:44:44 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 in St Petersburg came to nothing, it was at Wickenhauser’s suggestion that in October 1879 Janáček continued his studies at Leipzig Conservatoire, an institution haunted by the names of Mendelssohn and Schumann – but also Rubenstein. At his entrance audition for the Conservatoire Janáček played a Rubinstein étude in addition to a Bach prelude. And when Rubinstein turned up at a Gewandhaus rehearsal on 15 October 1879 (to which Janáček, as a registered student at the Conservatoire, had free access) Janáček’s excitement is palpable in the account that he wrote that evening to Zdenka Schulzová, his future fiancée:

But the most interesting thing for me was the presence of Rubinstein. From the beginning he sat in one of the last rows and listened very attentively; I observed him the whole time – during the piano concerto he was restless; I didn’t like the concerto either, too little strength and energy After that he walked through the hall to the orchestra and then the applause rose up like a storm. He’s a big man, with long dark hair, no beard, powerful features – if I knew more already – how I would have run up to him!8

A month later Janáček attended Rubinstein’s piano recital and again wrote to Zden- ka of his impressions:

Should I tell you about Rub[instein]? I’ve not heard a greater artist! Not enormous technique, anyone can learn that, but his conception and rendition of compositions – that’s the real artist in him. He played at least twenty-five pieces, among them great works, naturally by heart. But in my opinion he played his own works [a fugue to open the concert, a galop to end it] the least beautifully – his soul rushes ahead of his body. His pp is wonderfully beautiful, his fpp long-lasting. He played solo from 7 to 9.45 – and the fact that it didn’t tire one is the mark of good playing. I’ll hear him once again on Sunday at the chamber concert.9

Janáček’s “at least twenty-five pieces” was an exaggeration, though the fourteen he did play seems ample enough in a programme ranging from Mozart’s C minor Fantasia K475 to Schumann’s Fantasy with a large group of Chopin in between. The chamber concert that Janáček announced for “Sunday” took place on Friday 22 November and this time was devoted entirely to Rubinstein’s own works: two quintets (for piano and wind in F major op. 55 and for piano and strings in G minor op. 99), in which Rubin- stein himself played the piano, and a string quartet (C minor op. 17 no. 2):

Yes, to be a great artist is beautiful! How I felt today at the concert! When I hear Rubinstein’s compositions I feel extraordinary: my spirit truly melts, it takes wing, becomes free and, at the moment when I listen to it, paints free pictures for itself. I like his compositions so much that it seems to me that some day I should become his heir. This verve, this speaking “to the soul” I find nowhere else but in his compositions. It

8 Leoš Janáček to Zdenka Schulzová, 14–15 October 1879, published in Leoš Janáček, “Intime Briefe” 1879/80 aus Leipzig und Wien, ed. Jakob Knaus (Zürich: Leoš Janáček-Gesellschaft, 1985), 44–46. [hereafter IB] 9 Leoš Janáček to Zdenka Schulzová, 19–20 November 1879; IB, 95–96.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 102 13.5.2015 12:44:44 J. TYRRELL • FROM RUBINSTEIN TO REBIKOV ... is so natural, uncontrived, he reveals himself just as he is, how he feels, he doesn’t go after any musical doctrines, he seizes my innermost depths. And how far I am from his standpoint: I feel the sorry state of my present work – I know that I’m cladding myself with an iron cloak [of technique] – how long will I have to fight to rid myself again of these constraints! [...] At the end of the concert I felt how I would have to weep – but why did this, the very happiest moment, pass so quickly?10

In later years, when he wrote about composers he admired, such as Dvořák or Tchaikovsky, Janáček’s comments more were measured. Here, however, in this letter to Zdenka written straight after the concert, we catch him off guard. In the light of Janáček’s later development it seems extraordinary that such conventional if well- wrought music spoke to him in this way. Most of it was in fact a quarter of a century old by then – only the Piano Quintet op. 99, which Janáček knew from performing it in Brno, was more recent. When Janáček next wrote about Rubinstein he was already beginning to take a more critical stance. This was seven years later when, during his visit to his brother František in St Petersburg, he took a train out of St Petersburg to attend one of the regular orchestral concerts at the Pavlovsk railway station. The programme consisted entirely of works by Rubinstein: his Symphony no. 4, Cello Concerto no. 2, Piano Con- certo no. 2, symphonic poem Ivan the Terrible and some songs. Janáček’s impressions, recorded in one of the three articles that he wrote for the Brno newspaper Lidové noviny about his trip (XV/150), reveal that he found Ivan the Terrible “garrulous” but enjoyed the Russian “folk style” in the third movement of the Cello Concerto, a reflection perhaps of Janáček’s recent engagement with Moravian folk music.11 Whatever his reservations, Janáček made clear in his lectures that together with Brahms and Gounod he considered Rubinstein, the “most significant living composers” (that is until the death of Gounod in 1893 and Rubinstein a year later),12 and he would occasionally refer to Rubinstein in his theoretical writings. In his harmony manual O skladbě souzvukův a jejich zpojův [On the composition of chords and their connections], XV/151 (1896), Janáček quoted three bars from Rubinstein’s Piano Concerto no. 3 in D minor (1877) to exemplify the use of non-harmony notes13 and used the same example a decade later in his unpublished treatise entitled Základy hudebního sčasování [The bases of musical rhythm], XV/317 (1905-6).14 A discussion in 1907 of Wagner’s “drastically fictive” [i.e. deceptive] cadences in Tristan came with the comment that similar things can be found in Smetana and Rubinstein.15 In his final harmony manual (Úplná nauka o harmonii [Complete harmony manual], XV/202, 2nd edition, 1920) he remembered approvingly Rubinstein’s suggestion of determining speed of performance by adding the main tempo note (e.g. a quarter note or a half note) to

10 Leoš Janáček to Zdenka Schulzová, 22–23 November 1879; IB, 99–100. 11 LD, i, 232–33. 12 Jindřiška Bártová, “Leoš Janáček, c.k. učitel hudby” [Leoš Janáček, Imperial and Royal Music Teacher], Opus musicum 30 (1998): 131–39; reference on p.133. 13 LD, i, 330. 14 LD, ii, 80. 15 “Moderní harmonická hudba” [Modern harmonic music], XV/190; LD, i, 352.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 103 13.5.2015 12:44:44 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 modify a tempo word such as Presto.16 Together with Berlioz and Beethoven, Rubin- stein, was one of Janáček’s examples of perfection of structure in his 1921 lectures at the Prague Conservatory.17 As for any influence that Rubinstein may have had on Janáček’s own works, this could only have been in his earliest pieces. It seems possible that the chamber works Janáček wrote in Vienna (where he went in the spring of 1880, after Leipzig) were composed under his spell. Certainly, judging from what he reported to Zdenka about his lessons a few months later at the Vienna Conservatory, Janáček was in the opposite camp from his Wagnerite fellow-students.18 The pieces written in Vienna came in the standard forms of the time: a Violin Sonata (X/16), a song cycle Frülingslieder (X/17) and three movements of a String Quartet (X/18). But none of these early works survive and if they did would probably give very little hint of the future composer. Janáček was still intent on learning “technique”, and very soon his own style would be over- whelmed by the impact of Moravian folk music.

Pyotr Il’ych Tchaikovsky (1840–1893)

The appointment of his favourite brother František to an engineering post in St Petersburg at the end of 1895 made it possible for Janáček to experience Russia at first hand. František Janáček invited Leoš to visit Russia during the summer of 1896, and he came back full of enthusiasm for every aspect of Russian life, an enthusiasm conveyed both in informal comments in his diary and in the three articles that he published about his trip in Lidové noviny (XV/150).19 Soon after his return Janáček helped found the Brno Russian Circle, serving on the committee and initiating several of the club’s musical ventures such as concerts to commemorate Pushkin (1899), Gogol and Zhu- kovsky (1902). A few months before he went to Russia he experienced an equally influential encounter with Russian culture when he saw a performance of Tchaikovsky’s opera Pikovaya dama [The Queen of Spades], writing up his impressions in Lidové noviny (21 January 1896). By then he had stopped reviewing on a regular basis so that the long review he published (XV/149) was exceptional. At the time he was engaged in writing his third opera Jenůfa, initially inspired by Mascagni’s Cavalleria rusticana (which he reviewed enthusiastically on 9 March 1892, XV/137). But while its sheer ver- istic impact may have set Janáček going on his new opera, The Queen of Spades seems to have stopped him in his tracks after completing only the first act. He needed time to absorb and reflect on what he had learnt in order to apply it to the less folkloristic and more psychologically demanding Act 2. Janáček did no further work on Jenůfa until late 1902 and instead, in the moments that he could spare for composition, he composed in other genres. Soon after his return from Russia he embarked on a large- scale work, his cantata Amarus, III/6. This makes no attempt to sound Russian (as one

16 TD, i, 640. 17 TD, ii, 338, 346. 18 John Tyrrell, Janáček: Years of a Life, i: The Lonely Blackbird (London: Faber and Faber, 2006), 174–75. 19 For more details see Tyrrell, Janáček: Years of a Life, i, 426–33.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 104 13.5.2015 12:44:44 J. TYRRELL • FROM RUBINSTEIN TO REBIKOV ... might argue for his earlier Hospodine!, III/5), but it is the first finished piece in which the future composer had emerged. Almost every piece he wrote thereafter, took him to a new level as a composer in whom a distinct voice was becoming more and more audible. One can argue that Janáček’s interest in Russia and Russian music began to release something new in him. Tchaikovsky’s Queen of Spades was not the first work by Tchaikovsky that Janáček had heard. His earliest recorded contact with his music was in 1882, when at a Brno Beseda concert on 30 May he conducted Tchaikovsky’s Serenade for Strings, op. 48, a work published and premiered only a few months earlier. More extensive exposure came on 19 February 1888, when he attended a big Tchaikovsky concert in Prague, given by the Umělecká beseda with the composer himself conducting the augmented orchestra of the Prague National Theatre. This was an event that generated considerable interest among Czech musicians (at last a Slavonic composer of orchestral works that could measure up to German domination of the field) and is presumably the reason why Janáček made a special effort to get to the concert. All the main works at the concert (Piano Concerto no. 1, the Violin Concerto and two overtures, Romeo and Juliet and 1812) were receiving their Czech premie`res apart from the Romeo and Ju- liet overture. In the light of Janáček’s later enthusiasm, his long review of the concert (XV/87)20 was surprisingly cool. The few positive comments are distinctly odd: “an outstanding contrapuntalist – of Berlioz’s school, and excellently versed in existing forms”. While the Romeo and Juliet overture and the Piano Concerto were “impos- ing”, the 1812 overture was barely unified, “almost rhapsodic”. What seems to have disconcerted Janáček was the lack of obvious Slavonic credentials: he detected “Sla- vonic materials” only in the third movement of the Piano Concerto and in individual motifs in 1812.21 Apart from these pieces, Janáček knew little of Tchaikovsky’s purely orchestral music. He thought sufficiently well of the Serenade for Strings to include it at the first concert he conducted with the Czech National Orchestra, on 20 March 1898. He seems to have been fond of the Violin Concerto, attending at least four performances in Prague from the Tchaikovsky concert in February 1888 to a concert on 1 January 1920. Janáček knew two of Tchaikovsky’s ballets. Swan Lake (which together with The Queen of Spades and Eugene Onegin became staple repertory the Prague National Theatre) he saw twice in Prague (25 December 1907 and 23 December 1913). When Brno got round to performing The Nutcracker a few years later (premie`re, 31 May 1922) Janáček was sufficiently interested to buy himself a piano score.22 There is not a single mark in it, but it would have been surprising if he hadn’t gone along to one of the Brno performances. He was composing The Cunning Little Vixen at the time and one can see a connection between Janáček’s splendid three-horn peroration added before the final scene to help with the scene change and Tchaikovsky’s similar use of three horns in the “Valse des fleurs”.

20 LD, i 163–65. 21 Janáček remember the overture much later, in his article “Obrátit!” [Turn back!], XV/205 (1912), when, in a discussion of instrumental motifs he declared that a speech melody without its proper context would be as meaningless as a performance of the overture without its title (and thus its programme). 22 P. Tschaikowsky, Der Nussknacker (Casse-Noisette), Ballet-Féerie in Zwei Akten (Leipzig: D. Rahter; Moskau, P. Jürgenson). Janáček acquired his copy from Barvič a Novotný, the date suggested by a date stamp on the inside cover of 20 April 1922.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 105 13.5.2015 12:44:44 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 The great success of Tchaikovsky’s visit to Prague led to the Prague premie`re of Eu- gene Onegin in December 1888 but Janáček heard it only on 21 February 1891 when it was given in the Czech theatre in Brno. At the time Janáček usually dealt with opera reviews in a single paragraph. But for Eugene Onegin (XV/114)23 he wrote a scene- by-scene account of the whole opera, drawing attention to particularly memorable passages. His attempts to summarize the style of the opera included comments on the clear diatonic harmony, standard musical forms, its “good, striking tunes” and Tchaiko- vsky’s understanding and use of Russian folk music. Two other comments stand out. There were no leitmotifs, he declared (this misleading statement was presumably intended as a compliment since Janáček, disapproved of them at the time). He was also struck by the fact that the “rhythm of the tunes is strikingly similar to the rhythm of everyday speech”. This sounds like a precursor of one of Janáček’s major in preoccupa- tions (from 1897) but from his criticisms it would appear that “everyday speech” here means something different from the “everyday speech’ in Janáček’s speech melodies. These two Tchaikovsky operas that had attracted Janáček’s attention were very different. Eugene Onegin is an early work (1877–78), written in his late twenties, and his first successful opera, whereas The Queen of Spades (1890) came thirteen years and five operas later, towards the end of his career. Although attractive to Janáček in many ways, Eugene Onegin, with its set numbers (arias, duets, dances, choruses) and even a fully-fledged concertato–stretto finale at the end of Act 1 taught him little in terms of operatic conventions that he didn’t already know from the French and Italian operas staged at the Brno Provisional Theatre. While in The Queen of Spades Tchaikovsky did not avoid concerted voices, he restricted them to genre scenes such as the opening chorus, the next scene with the songs for Paulina, Liza and the women’s choruses, or the eighteenth-century pastiches in Act 2. In the light of the increasing prevalence of naturalistic operatic conventions of the time Tchaikovsky avoided conventional concertato in The Queen of Spades and instead attempted a more realistic simultaneous musing of the characters such as the ensemble bringing together Liza, her fiancé, the Countess, Gherman and others with all the characters lost in their own thoughts and singing as if to themselves. What is conspicuously absent from the opera is simultaneous duet. The tenor and soprano, Gherman and Liza, have four encounters. In three of them they do not sing together, apart from single bars of high-note endings. In their final scene they sing together for thirty bars, less than a quarter of the entire number. This is the convention that informs later Janáček operas. Act 1 of Jenůfa was written before he had heard The Queen of Spades and contains a large-scale concertato ensemble (for four soloists and chorus), and a trio for Jenůfa, Števa and Grandmother Buryjovka but the later acts are much more restrained in their combination of solo voices. By the time of Káťa Kabanová, almost twenty years later, the combination of solo voices is rare, incidental and fleeting, and generally has a “realistic” justification (characters butting in on one another, speaking over one another, etc.). To see the immediate impact of The Queen of Spades on Jenůfa one needs only to look at the basically “melodic” nature of many of the sung passages in Act 1 and

23 LD, i, 1911, 93.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 106 13.5.2015 12:44:44 J. TYRRELL • FROM RUBINSTEIN TO REBIKOV ... compare them with what happens in Act 2, written after Janáček’s encounter with The Queen of Spades. In Act 1 the music divides sharply into what could loosely be called “recitative” (Janáček does not hesitate to employ this term occasionally in this opera) and “aria”. In a passage such as Jenůfa’s opening solo one can omit the orchestral accompaniment and still retain the musical thread. This is equally true of the “aria” passages later in the act, for instance Laca’s following outburst, or, after the concertato ensemble, Jenůfa’s separate confrontations with Števa and Laca. In Act 1 the musical dramaturgy is slow (much of the time the characters sing melodic paragraphs rather than sentences) and those unaware that Janáček was writing to a prose libretto might be surprised to learn this fact, given the structured nature of the vocal “arias”. Although there are still some set-piece arias in Act 2 such as Jenůfa’s Prayer to the Virgin, the general character of the voice parts is noticeably less melodic and more declamatory, with the orchestra playing a more important structural role. The impact of the two Tchaikovsky operas that Janáček knew can also be observed in the choice of characters and voice types. In both operas there is a pair of women soloists, the chief one serious and a soprano (Tatyana, Liza), the subsidiary one cheerful and a mezzo (Olga, Paulina), a scheme directly imitated in Káťa Kabanová (serious Káťa, a soprano; cheerful Varvara, a mezzo). Tchaikovsky’s strongly drawn character of the old and imperious Countess in The Queen of Spades was similarly influential: in Osud [Fate] (Míla’s mother) and in Káťa Kabanová (Kabanicha). When he came to Věc Makropulos The Makropulos Affair] and was looking for a model of an old woman with a mysterious and glamorous past, Janáček might well have thought back to the Countess, her supernatural knowledge of three cards paralleled by Marty’s knowledge of her alchemist father’s elixir for eternal youth. As far a male characters, Gherman in The Queen of Spades left his mark on Janáček’s later vocal writing as a type of craggy, quasi-Heldentenor, reflected in Laca in Jenůfa, (contrasted with the light lyric tenor of Števa) and the self-obsessed tenor protagonists of later Janáček operas such as Živný in Fate, Gregor in The Makropulos Affair and Luka in From the House of the Dead. The Queen of Spades opens on a public park with different groups of people enjoying themselves and provides a contrasting backdrop of normality against which the main characters stand out. Although he did not mention The Queen of Spades in his instructions to his librettist Fedora Bartošová, this is the sort of opening that Janáček encouraged her to write for him at the beginning of Fate.24 In both operas the curtain goes up with a paean of praise to the sun by the chorus in differenti- ated groups and provide a cheerful contrast to the human drama that unfolds against them: Gherman’s brooding, or the unexpected meeting of former lovers, Živný and Míla in Fate. But of all aspects it was Tchaikovsky’s handling of the orchestra that most fired Janáček’s imagination. The central scene of The Queen of Spades when the Countess returns from the ball and is confronted by Gherman, who has been laying in wait for her, is conceived symphonically. It opens,with a gnawing little ostinato on the violas

24 John Tyrrell, Janáček’s Operas: A Documentary Account (London: Faber and Faber, 1992), OS11.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 107 13.5.2015 12:44:44 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 that Tchaikovsky uses both for orchestral foreground and as background to the voices. In his description of the opera, surely with this scene in mind, Janáček wrote:

Jerky, fragmentary, it lacks tightly linked big tunes. The orchestra simply throws up random piercing notes in all directions. And yet the composer’s highly developed musical thought weaves all these tiny particles into such a magnificent whole, with such an overwhelming effect, seldom achieved in all of musical literature.25

The description fits much of Janáček’s later operatic music, none better than the end of Act 1 in Káťa Kabanová, where the “tiny particles” that have been building up during the previous scene are thrillingly brought together in one of Janáček’s most compelling act endings. The structural importance of the orchestra in The Queen of Spades is seen especially in the strong act endings dominated by the orchestra: in particular the superb ending of Act 2 with its transformation of the Gherman theme set against a striding bass, or the brassy conclusion of the canal scene with Liza’s suicide. Janáček learnt from this. The orchestral endings of Acts 2 and 3 in Jenůfa are wonderfully effective and in his later operas there are splendid orchestral perorations where the full burden of winding up the act to a strong conclusion is left entirely to the orchestra: the Act 1 endings of Káťa Kabanová, The Makropulos Affair and From the House of the Dead all belong to this category. Tchaikovsky was occasionally invoked in Janáček’s lectures, for instance in a discussion of programmatic references in music where “the rhythm of ‘a troika trip’ (Tchaiko- vsky)” is given as one of several such examples.26 The lectures, thought to date between 1919 and 1921, i.e. at the time of the composition of Káťa Kabanová, rather suggests that he was thinking of his own depiction of the troika, both in the overture and towards the end of Act 1, a reference to Tichon’s crucial journey that sets the tragic action in motion. A more substantial topic is the survey of harmony manuals in his lectures where he devotes a couple of paragraphs to Tchaikovsky’s Rukovodstvo k praktich- eskomu izucheniyu garmoniy [Guide to the practical study of harmony] (Moscow: 1872), which Janáček knew in its fourth edition (1891). He confines his comments to nomenclature, handling of dissonance, modulation (“well-handled”), etc. and appears disapointed that Tchaikovsky “does not go into psychological depths”.27

Modest Petrovich Musorgsky (1839–1881)

The strangest aspect of Janáček’s fascination with Tchaikovsky is that he, together with his earlier enthusiasm, Rubinstein, offers what for us is an odd perspective on Rus- sian nineteenth-century music: western-orientated and without any members of the “Mighty Handful” that dominates today’s view of the most characteristically Russian

25 LD, i, 226. 26 TD, ii, 172. 27 TD, ii, 418.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 108 13.5.2015 12:44:44 J. TYRRELL • FROM RUBINSTEIN TO REBIKOV ... music of the nineteenth century. Surely, one might think, Janáček would be trying to get away from the Russian westernizers and instead seeking out the “real” musical Rus- sia in composers such as Rimsky-Korsakov, Borodin, Balakirev and Musorgsky? Mu- sorgsky, in particular, has always seemed an obvious parallel to Janáček in his interest in something that can almost be interpreted as “speech melody” and in the individu- alistic, forging-one’s-own-path approach to composition that dominates Musorgsky’s approach. Commentators from Max Brod onwards have tried their best to establish links of influence between Janáček and Musorgsky and have failed. The most thorough-going attempt in this line was by Russian musicologist Abram Gozenpud, though even his painstaking examination of this subject only goes to show how little concrete evidence there is to go on.28 The actual contacts that can be traced between Janáček and Musorgsky are remark- ably few. Janáček’s lecture notes of 1909 have survived in a shorthand transcription by his pupil Mirko Hanák and contain this sentence: “From mensural music onwards the text was always put into verse. In opera there used to be only knights. Ordinary life was too small for opera. There was no real life in opera. This began only in Charpentier’s Louise. Musorgsky’s Boris Godunov is another example of this.”29 This tiny, unspecific comment thrown in to what is principally a discussion of Lou- ise would appear to be based only on what Janáček may have read. The next year he included Musorgsky’s Detskaya [The Nursery] in one of his “Sonata Hours” concerts at the Organ School (4 December 1910); a week later he made an ambiguous comment about the composer in a letter to his Prague friend, Artuš Rektorys: “Through the rippling of the rhythm, harmonic conception changes its colour so many times – and these gentlemen see only the earliest stage of how a composer forces it into his own style, into his own picture – a picture not found in Musorgsky – and confuse it with Smetana, equally unclear and misty.30 It is sad that this, his longest recorded comment on Musorgsky, is similarly “unclear and misty”. At the time the Prague press was full of discussion of Musorgsky’s opera Boris Godu- nov, about to receive its premie`re at the Prague National Theatre, and Rektorys urged Janáček to see it. Although this was a period when Janáček frequently got to Prague to see operatic novelties, he did not attend. Thereafter, however, Boris Godunov crops up in Janáček’s surviving lecture notes. A lecture entitled Objectivní hodnota hudební díla [The objective value of a musical work], XV/362 (after 1915), contains what became a familiar trope in later lectures, the names of Boris Godunov, Louise and Janáček’s Jenůfa linked together, essentially because of their use of prose rather than verse in their librettos.31 How- ever it should be pointed out that apart from the general comment relating to all three works, and providing a (completely wrong) composition date for Boris32 Janáček says nothing more, and certainly nothing that would demonstrate any personal acquaintance

28 A. Gozenpud, “Janáček a Musorgskij” [Janáček and Musorgsky], Opus musicum 12, no. 4 (1980): 101–109;12, no. 5, supplement (1980): I–V, VII–VII. 29 TD, ii, 408. 30 Korespondence Leoše Janáčka s Artušem Rektorysem, Janáčkův archiv, iv (Prague: Hudební matice, 1949), 145. 31 LD, ii, 71. 32 Janáček states that it was composed in 1876; the original seven-scene version was written in 1868-69, the expanded version in 1871–72.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 109 13.5.2015 12:44:44 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 with the opera. In contrast, for instance, he quotes a three-bar extract from Madama But- terfly, together with a brief commentary. There are similar references to Boris (or just Mu- sorgsky) in later lecture notes (dating from 1917, 1919, 1920, 1921).33 None are any more specific and all stick to the same point (the use of prose or informal speech), and are usually linked with Louise and Jenůfa. Just one comment is different: in his lectures on opera (dated approximately 1915–1919), in addition to mentioning the three works yet again he suddenly remembers Musorgsky’s The Nursery (performed at the Organ School in 1910) and comments that it is “nice to compose even on children’s babble”.34 According to Jan Racek, Janáček is said to have possessed a piano-vocal score of Boris Godunov and made markings in the score, including a ‘negative’ appraisal of the Kromy forest scene,35 but this score has disappeared. The only music by Musorgsky that has survived in Janáček’s personal library is an edition of his Kartinki s vïstavki [Pictures from an Exhibition]. He took the opportunity of seeing Boris when František Neumann introduced it in Brno on 22 August 1923, but made no specific mention in his correspondence of this production at the time. In his 1924 interview with Olin Downes for the New York Times (XV/254)36 Janáček mentioned he had seen the Brno production a year earlier “for the first time” and he was reported to have “admired the opera very much”, but did not elaborate. In his article on the subject Gozenpud spent much time contemplating Janáček’s initial lack of interest in Musorgsky and explained it in two ways: that Musorgsky was by no means universally acclaimed in his native Russia; and that the regular, hostile comments by M. Ivanov in Novoye vremya, a newspaper Janáček subscribed to, could have coloured his attitude before hearing a note of the music. Another possible problem for Janáček was that Boris was a historical opera, set several centuries earlier and focussed on an historical character. By contrast, Charpentier’s Louise was completely up to date – something Janáček mimicked in his Fate. Although the conventions that Musorgsky espoused were not notably different from those in Janáček operas (i.e. an emphasis on monologue, dialogue, some diegetic “songs”, and choruses) the fact is that Janáček seems not to have known Boris before his operatic conventions had been set in place and formulated – on the basis of his acquaintance with The Queen of Spades and Louise. What one also needs to remember is that for all his oddity Janáček was, unlike Mu- sorgsky, a well-trained musician, versed in a range of musical theory. His deep interest in the subject is demonstrated by his large output of harmony manuals and theoretical articles and by the fact for most of his adult life he headed an academic teaching institution, the Brno Organ School, which he himself founded in 1882. Finally Musorgsky, as indeed all of the “Mighty Handful”, was a latecomer on the Czech musical scene. Earlier Russian composers such as Glinka were cultivated at the Czech Provisional Theatre, boosted by the visit of Balakirev in 1867 to conduct Ruslan and Ludmila. Tchaikovsky’s visit in 1888 was similarly important in increasing awareness of another Russian composer, but members of the “Mighty Handful” had to wait their turn in Prague and Brno

33 LD, ii, 91, 107, 135, 534; TD, ii, 232, 234, 237, 305. 34 LD, ii, 354. 35 Gozenpud, “Janáček a Musorgskij”, 109. No further source is offered for this other than Racek’s “testimony”. 36 LD, i, 540–42.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 110 13.5.2015 12:44:44 J. TYRRELL • FROM RUBINSTEIN TO REBIKOV ... almost until the twentieth century.37 Janáček’s ideas on speech melody were developed independently (years before he perhaps even heard of Musorgsky), despite the parallels that many commentators have seen between them and Musorgsky’s writings. And any stylistic similarities in the music of the two composers simply reflects two composers pursuing similar paths rather than a matter of direct influence.

Vladimir Ivanovich Rebikov (1866–1920)

On 30 December 1906 Janáček’s ex-pupil and keen promoter of his music Jan Kunc wrote a letter apologizing that he had not been able to see him during a brief visit to Brno. After mentioning that he had written a review of Janáček’s Four Moravian Male- voice Choruses, IV/28,38 he went on to discuss a new discovery:

I also wanted to write a feuilleton about Rebikov. He is an extremely interesting fellow, not so much in Yolka [The Christmas Tree], which really doesn’t amount to much since it is neither a drama nor a story but simply one scene, but in the psychological drama Tea [Tea: bogina (Thea: the Goddess)], whose piano score Prof. Saska39 lent me. I’ve never found so many harmonic novelties as there. He regards elevenths and thirteenths as simple chords, he isn’t scared to take a whole string of them in semitones, one after the other, etc. And it doesn’t seem to me something contrived, but something grown out of the needs of his harmonic thought, which is very complicated, though at the same time logical. It is strongly individual.40

Rebikov41 was forty when Janáček heard about him from Kunc. His early years were spent in his native Russia, teaching at music schools in Moscow, Kiev and Odessa and later in Kishinev (now Chișinău, Moldava) but from 1906 he had been moving around the capitals of Europe, promoting himself with concerts of his own works. Piano works form a substantial and on-going part of his output and through them one can see his development from an accomplished provider of piano miniatures influenced by Grieg and Tchaikovsky (Rêveries d’automne, op. 8, 1897; Scénes bucoliques, op. 28, 1904) to a composer beginning to explore the more adventurous harmonic palette, described by Kunc above. Rebikov’s first appearance in Prague was on 2 May 1906 when in collaboration with Adolf Mikeš’s Music Institute he gave a concert of his works including piano pieces (including duets), solo songs, women’s choruses and melodramas; it went well enough to be repeated in a shortened form a week later.42 On 27 November 1906 the Prague National Theatre staged The Christmas Tree (1900; premie`re Moscow 1903) in a Czech

37 Gozenpud, “Janáček a Musorgskij”, 104–105. 38 Published in Lidové noviny (17 December 1906). 39 Robert Saska (1853–1924), music critic, teacher at the German Realgymnasium in Brno. 40 Štědroň, “Leoš Janáček a hudba 20. století”, 75. 41 Biographical material on Rebikov used in this article comes mostly from Manfred Füllsack, “Versagte oder fatale Selbsüberschätzung? Zu Leben under Werk des russischen Komponisten Vladimir Ivanovič Rebikov”, Acta Musicologica 70, no. 1 (1998): 1–21. 42 Füllsack, “Versagte oder fatale Selbsüberschätzung?” 8; Dr J. Pihert, “Vladimír Ivanovič Rebikov”, Smetana, 1 (1906), 158–59.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 111 13.5.2015 12:44:44 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 version (Vánoční stromek),43 and a month later it was given in Brno (19 December 1906). Kunc’s review of the Brno production in the thrice-weekly newspaper Moravský kraj (8 January 1907), focussed on the substandard performance but ended by undertaking to write more about the composer later. The promised feuilleton (entitled “V. Rebikov”) appeared in the same paper in two instalments (17 and 22 January 1907).44 Kunc’s feuilleton is essentially a comparison between Janáček and Rebikov based initially on his impression that Rebikov’s piano pieces reminded him of Janáček’s Po zarostlém chodníčku [On the Overgrown Path], VIII/17.45 Kunc noted that The Christ- mas Tree aroused considerable debate when it was performed in Prague, not so much because of any extraordinary success but because of the composer’s opinions: “Rebik- ov declares that his aim is the principle of truthfulness in music, that he wants simplicity of means, strength of expression and a condensation of mood.” People seemed as- tonished by this statement, Kunc wrote, but these were surely “the views of every self- aware and progressive composer. For years these had also been Janáček’s beliefs.”46 The much vaunted whole-tone progressions in Rebikov were something that could be found in Jenůfa but with Rebikov, Kunc contended, it had become a hobbyhorse, a cheap way of characterizing dreams and the supernatural. Where the two composers deviated was in their differing attitudes. Kunc characterized Rebikov by his essential pessimism, “fleeing from the world, from life, gloomy and wounded, into the realm of sweet dreams [...], where there is peace, contentment and comfort”. Living only through illusions, his art is “bloodless, pale and somambulistic – a cold dream of dead beauty.” But Janáček, in Kunc’s view, “believes in the possibility of beauty in life and seeks it out, [...] his music burns with the greedy fire of blood and passion.” Janáček presumably read Kunc’s comments since this feuilleton survives among his cuttings (Janáček subscribed to a cuttings service). And if he was curious to find out more, he would have ample opportunity to read about him in the Czech music- periodical press. The Prague concert on 2 May 1906 had been trailed by a leading music critic, Emanuel Chvála, in his column in Politik, and his informative description, characterizing him as a “modernist in the spirit of the French impressionists, but with an expressly Russian colour”, was extensively quoted in an unsigned review printed in the musical periodical Dalibor.47 The Dalibor critic was unimpressed by the concert, finding the music mannered, colourless and monotonous, and feared for the future of modern music, if this was anything to go by. Much more enthusiastic was a 700-word review-article48 of the concert by Dr Jindřich Pihert, a young lawyer with a musical background whose reviews appeared in leading

43 Füllsack, “Versagte oder fatale Selbsüberschätzung”, 8, gives a premie`re date two months earlier and states that it was performed eighteen times in the first month and thereafter became a standard item of the repertory. In fact it was performed a total of eight times including its final performance on 23 December 1907 (Soupis repertoáru Národního divadla v Praze, 1881-1983, ii (Prague: Národní divadlo, 1983), 249). 44 Kunc’s review and feuilleton can be found in Janáček’s collection of cuttings (Vystřížky) in the Janáček Archive in the Music Division of the Moravian Museum. 45 At the time only five of the ten pieces that make up the first series of On the Overgrown Path existed, published in the harmonium series, Slovanské melodie in 1901 and 1902. 46 “Hudba pravdy” [The Music of Truth] was Janáček’s eloquent title for an article (XV/143) published in 1893. 47 Dalibor 29 (1907): 93–94. 48 Pihert, “Vladimír Ivanovič Rebikov”, 158–59.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 112 13.5.2015 12:44:44 J. TYRRELL • FROM RUBINSTEIN TO REBIKOV ... journals and newspapers. Pihert regarded Rebikov’s piano works as the most successful, their harmonic harshnesses concealing a “healthy core”. Composers such as Grieg, Schumann and Tchaikovsky had indeed left their traces but Pihert detected an individual voice, in the “interesting succession of chords, refined melody, saturated in Russian characteristics, and apt tone-painting” (for instance in his depiction of the wandering village musicians, a shepherd playing on his pipe, and a lame witch walking through the forest).49 Esclavage et liberté, op. 22 (1902), a single movement lasting almost twenty minutes, sounded to Pihert like a piano arrangement of an orchestral piece (perhaps on account of the extended use of tremolo and Liszt-like rhetorical gestures), but its genre description (“tableau musical-psychologique”) points the way to Rebikov’s later stage works. The Christmas Tree, Rebikov’s most popular stage work (it was played in many thea- tres in Russia as well as Berlin and Ljubljana), was performed in Prague later in the year and Pihert again provided a favourable review.50 Partly based on Hans Christian Andersen’s story The Little Match Girl, this one-act opera was essentially a fairy-story for children, its simple action filled out as the girl, dying of hunger and cold, peers enviously through the window of a rich house where Christmas is in full flood with food, presents, dancing, and a Christmas tree decked with candles. It climaxes in a tear-jerking apotheosis as the girl’s (dead) mother leads her to heaven. Despite the fully-fledged divertissement ballet, Pihert regarded it as something more than mere Christmas entertainment since its music faithfully represented the emotions and feelings of the two soloists, often singing without any accompaniment. An unsigned review of the same event in Dalibor51 provides a contemporary impression of the nature of Rebikov’s art, emphasizing that above all Rebikov was “a composer of moods”, which, despite the composer’s deliberate primitivism had an effect quite out of proportion to the simplicity of means. Rebikov underlines these moods with his consistent use of the whole-tone scale and “modern chromatics”. For all the orchestral colour it was in the vocal aspects of his work that the composer went furthest in exploring “modern recitative”. As with most Czech accounts of Rebikov, the review quoted extensively from Rebikov’s own statements about his aims: Rebikov seems to have been considered a new voice in music in the Czech lands not so much because of his music itself, but because of his theories. Rebikov himself described these in a journal article in 1909:

I regard music as a medium for awakening the feelings and moods I desire in my listeners.

I record my feelings in the way that they take shape in my soul. I write, so to speak, as my heart dictates. I could say that I follow a path that is musical-psychological.

My ideal would be a musical-psychological drama that would force the listeners to feel and live in themselves the feelings that the characters experience as the drama

49 These pieces are all from Silhouettes, “tableaux enfantins”, op. 31, published by Jürgenson in 1906. 50 Dr. Pihert,“Národní divadlo v Praze”, Smetana 1 (1906): 293–94. 51 “Národní divadlo”, Dalibor 29 (1907): 92–93.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 113 13.5.2015 12:44:44 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 progresses. I would like to convey the feelings in sound in such a way that the listeners forget that they are in a theatre and that they are watching artists performing, so that the listeners entered deeply into the spirit of the drama.

Noting that the singing of a performer awakens in the listener a sense of pleasure, and that this feeling of pleasure, filling the listener’s heart, becomes mingled with all the other sensations that must move the heart of the listener as the drama progresses, which often have nothing whatsoever in common with pleasure, I substitute singing for musical speech – something very close to ordinary conversation.

[...]

As regards the instrumental aspect of the drama, I regard the orchestra as a means for conveying a feeling and awakening it in the listeners. The orchestra conveys the interior state of that person in the drama who is at its centre at any given moment. If it is the feelings of two or three persons, it is all the same – then the orchestra will convey their common feeling. But if their feelings are different, then the orchestra must reflect the feelings of that person who is concentrated at the focus of the drama.52

In the same article Rebikov proclaimed “Starting with opus 10 my motto was ‘Music is the language of feelings’”. This, Rebikov wrote, gave rise to basic questions about form, tonality and chords, leading to his exploration of this seventh and ninth chords and in particular the whole-tone scale, which he found “appropriate for conveying fan- tastical, other-worldly scenes.” This is a topic that Rebikov took further in a later article:

In order to seek this inner force of music I had to write using all possible sound combinations forbidden by authority, all parallel movements, all whole-tone chords and so on, but these original features were not my aim; all these combinations happened by themselves, I did not seek them out and did not make them up.

I notated them solely because, it seemed to me, these combinations faithfully conveyed feeling, because the feeling itself was contained within these chords.

Sounds for the sake of sounds were not my objective.

My objective was one and only: to find a combination of sounds that would communicate feeling.53 As for programme music, of which he said he was a “ great supporter”, he noted two ways in which sounds can be used for “vivid depictions”:

52 V.I. Rebikov, “Rebikov o sebe” [Rebikov about himself], Russkaya muzïkal’naya gazeta, (1909), no. 43: 945–51. English translations of Rebikov articles here are by Robin Thomson. 53 V.I. Rebikov, “Muzïkal’nïya zapisi chuvstva” [The musical notation of feeling], Russkaya muzïkal’naya gazeta (1913), no. 48:1097–99.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 114 13.5.2015 12:44:44 J. TYRRELL • FROM RUBINSTEIN TO REBIKOV ... Either sounds that imitate various noises and sounds of nature, birdsong, etc., cause similar ideas to arise in the mind of the listener.

Or sounds awaken in the listener the same feelings that the composer felt when he saw or imagined a given scene or action.

In musical-psychological scenes I wanted to convey and awaken in the listeners the feeling I desired to evoke. In order to direct the performers I would write in the moods or feelings with which each given section was to be performed.54

That Janáček was aware of Rebikov is evident not only from Kunc’s letter and feuilleton but from the occasional mention that can be found in his writings. In a short final paragraph of his theoretical article “Moderní harmonická hudba” [Modern harmonic music], XV/190, published in January 1907, i.e. soon after he heard about Rebikov from Kunc, he concluded his discussion of the different types of harmonic mannerisms he found in Reger and Richard Strauss with the comment: “About the harmonic novelties of Mr Rebikov one must say that they already existed here but he wasn’t aware of them. After all the scale itself doesn’t matter but what comes out of it.”55 In a lecture taken down by one of his students in 1909, Janáček included a reference to Rebik- ov in a section on opera that included a section on Wagner’s reforms. After stressing the “inanimate nature” of Wagner’s motives he added: “Rebikov does not show fully the innermost core of a person, but only what the person says”.56 The next year in an introduction to the Organ School’s public concerts printed in Dalibor, “Váha reál- ných motivů” [The weight of real motifs], XV/197, he made a passing reference to the “new scales of Rebikov and his followers”.57 With their brevity and lack of detail (not even titles offered) none of these references demonstrate any personal knowledge of Rebikov’s work nor indeed of Rebikov himself. Although Rebikov seems to have met Czech composers such as Novák and Suk58 there is no evidence that he met Janáček.59 It seems more likely that Janáček had picked up some of the buzz around this new composer and inserted occasional comments showing awareness of two aspects of Rebikov’s work: that his music included “harmonic novelties”, in particular the use of the whole-tone scale, and that his music attempted to depict innermost feeling. During this period Rebikov had continued his peregrinations in western Europe: spending time in Paris, Lucerne, Prague again (1908 and 1909), Munich, Florence and Vienna, but in the autumn of 1909 he returned to Russia for good, settling in Yalta, where he died in 1920, a disappointed man, and largely forgotten, having been earlier

54 V.I. Rebikov, “Rebikov o sebe”, 950. 55 TD, i, 359. 56 TD, ii, 410. 57 TD, i, 431. 58 Füllsack, “Versagte oder fatale Selbsüberschätzung”, 8. 59 The statement in Larry Sitsky, ed., Music of the Twentieth Century Avante-garde: A Biocritical Sourcebook (Westport, Conn., 2002), 23, that Rebikov was one of several avant-garde composers that Janáček met has no foundation, and appears to be a misreading of a comment in Štědroň, Leoš Janáček a hudba 20. století, 75. Gozenpud’s assertion that Janáček “completely certainly” met Rebikov in Brno (Gozenpud, “Janáček a Musorgskij”, 12 (1980), no. 5, I) is undermined by the fact that Rebikov did not go to Brno.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 115 13.5.2015 12:44:44 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 proclaimed as the “father of Russian modernism”.60 And with Rebikov out of the news, there are no more references by Janáček to Rebikov after 1910 for five years. But in 1915 Janáček began mentioning Rebikov again and this time in more detail.61 By far the most substantial of these references comes in his notes for lectures on musical form that Janáček prepared in the period 1915–19.62 The final section is on opera, where Janáček provides a comparison of three operas, rather unlikely bedfellows: Wagner’s Tristan und Isolde, Smetana’s Prodaná nevěsta [The Bartered Bride] and Rebikov’s Al’fa i Omega. Alpha and Omega is one of Rebikov’s “musico-psychological dramas”. He wrote the text in November 1905 and composed the music on his return to Russia in Yalta, in January 1911. It was published as op. 42 by Jürgenson in Moscow (no date given), in a piano-vocal score with dual Russian and German texts. What follows from this is that by1915 Janáček had somehow had access to a piano- vocal score of this work – the only Rebikov work that he seems to have known, unless he got to one of the four performances of The Christmas Tree in Brno. The score is not in his library and from the fact that the texts quoted are from a Czech singing translation with note values adjusted accordingly, suggests that he borrowed the score from a theatre that was considering mounting a production for which a Czech translation had been made and written into the piano-vocal score. The action is simple: Scene 1 takes place in a forest at the beginning of the world: Lucifer (bass) persuades Man (baritone) to follow him, Woman (soprano) follows Man. Scene 2 is set the end of the world, in the desert, with the Sphinx in the background; it is very cold. Man dies of cold and despair, there is no sign of Woman; Lucifer triumphs; Life (soprano), Death (mezzo-soprano) and Mankind (tenor) comment. Most of the music for the orchestra comes in slow chords, often based on the whole-tone scale with much parallel movement. The voice part entirely non-melismatic and in this sense speech-like; no voices are heard together. There is no chorus. In his lecture on opera Janáček, however, was not interested in the story of the opera, or in its conventions. He comments briefly on the use of whole-tone scale (providing a 22-bar example from the beginning of Scene 2) and goes on to deride its use on the basis that tonality becomes uncertain and that there is no possibility of modulation. His chief point, however, is in the relationship between motif and stage action as reflected in the words. His reason for including Smetana in this strange trio of composers was to give an example of an opera using “song forms” (generally ABA forms), where returning to the “A” in the final section creates a sense of ending and thereby, Janáček contends, lowers the emotional temperature. Wagner and Rebikov are examples of a more recent trend of continuous composition that moves to a conclusion only at the end of an act. Wagner achieves this on the basis of leitmotifs: four main ones in Act 1 of Tristan, all exemplified in the lecture (Liebesglüth; Trankgiftmotiv; Sühne; “true, pure love”). This technique, Janáček maintains, cannot reflect the stage

60 Füllsack, “Versagte oder fatale Selbsüberschätzung”, 11. 61 “Typy české mluvy” [Types of Czech speech], XV/326 (1915), LD, ii, 63; “Okolo Pastorkyně” [Around Jenůfa], XV/209 (1916), LD, i, 428; “Píseň a její vztah k hudbě” [Song and its relation to music], XV/328 (1916), LD, ii, 76; “Opera”, XV/377 (1917), LD, ii, 90–91; “Vědomí a skladba” [Consciousness and composition], XV/368 (1919–23), TD, ii, 212, 236, 242; “Fonetika II”, XV/370 (1920), LD, ii, 135; Úplná nauka o harmonii, XV/202 (1920), TD, i, 568; “[Naturalismus]”, XV/340 (1924), LD, ii, 178. 62 “Formace hudební” [Musical forms], XV/363 (1918–19); LD, ii, 343–55, passim.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 116 13.5.2015 12:44:45 J. TYRRELL • FROM RUBINSTEIN TO REBIKOV ... action bar-by-bar but only in a more generalized way – which he appears to deplore, preferring the greater freedom of the remaining acts that respond more closely to the changing moods. Rebikov’s Alpha and Omega takes less than thirty pages in piano-vocal score. The brevity, according to Janáček, is because the composer does not repeat motifs but instead the different music in every bar reflects the words that are being sung. To illustrate this Janáček provides examples of what the orchestra plays when Lucifer sings of the ocean’s “bottomless depths” and in the next bar when he sings of the “boundless ocean”. Janáček has not dug particularly hard when considering Alpha and Omega. While he gives examples of his Tristan leitmotifs extending to p 74 of the piano-vocal score, the Rebikov examples are confined to the first two pages of Scene 1 and the first page of Scene 2. The point that he makes about Rebikov is fair, however. There is no attempt, musically, to create a unified work, but more to provide an appropriate background to the sung text. Much of the text is sung without accompaniment, with no substantial orchestral interludes (six bars at the most) apart from the beginnings and ends of the two scenes. Where this is all going is revealed towards the end of the lecture when Janáček summarizes Wagner’s method (“the singing arises from the leitmotif (the harmonic basis)”), and Rebikov’s (“the singing arises from the held chords”). “The word has no musical soul in either of these. [...] Only three composers did not compose on verse but on natural human speech: Musorgsky; Boris Godunov; Charpentier: Louise; Janáček: Jenůfa.” There is no indication in the lecture that Rebikov was for him anything more than an extreme example of a particular trend in opera, rather than a composer who had any impact on what he wrote. Janáček looked briefly at a score he had borrowed, made a few obvious stylistic points and left it at that. Gerald Abraham has suggested that Janáček’s Zapisník zmizelého [The Diary of One who Disappeared], V/12 (1917–20) was “probably suggested by Rebikov’s ‘musico-psychological tales’ which had interested him”.63 In a earlier essay specifically mentioning Janáček’s opera lecture, Abraham wrote that “Rebikov’s harmony tends to be schematic, as does Janáček’s in his later works”.64 It should be noted, however, that the design of The Diary of One who Disap- peared is a natural progression from the expansions into mini-dramas of Janáček’s male voice choruses such as Maryčka Magdónova, IV/35 (1907) and 70,000, IV/36 (1909), composed years before Janáček knew Alpha and Omega. And if Janáček noticed Rebikov’s “schematic harmony” he did not say so in his lecture, confining himself to discussing the motivic construction and its relationship to text as a whole. Apart from a brief reference in a draft essay on naturalism in 1924, any mention of Rebikov by Janáček disappears after 1921. At first sight it may be thought that there is some affinity between Janáček’s concept of speech melody and Rebikov’s emotion- based attitude towards setting words but there is an essential difference between the two. Janáček believed that the contours and rhythms of people’s speech betrayed their underlying emotion and he tried to emulate this in the voice parts in his operas.

63 The Concise History of Music (London: Oxford University Press, 1979), 838. 64 Gerald Abraham, ‘Realism in Janáček’s Operas, in Gerald Abraham, Slavonic and Romantic Music (London: Faber 1968), 83–98; quotation from p. 94.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 117 13.5.2015 12:44:45 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 Rebikov believed that the expression of emotion was the most important thing in music and this should be achieved above all by the accompaniment, especially in harmonic vocabulary. A shared emphasis on “truth” was, as Kunc noted in his feuilleton, anticipated by Janáček many years before Rebikov burst on to the musical scene. In the end it would seem that only Tchaikovsky among Russian composers had any discernible impact on Janáček’s own music.

POVZETEK Čeprav so razlagalci našli stične točke med Janáč- kom in Musorgskim, se zdi, da so te naključne: Janáček je poznal Rubinsteinovo glasbo preko svoje Janáčkovo poznavanje glasbe Musorgskega je bilo učiteljice klavirja, Amalie Wickenhauser, spoznal pa zanemarljivo in prepozno, da bi lahko štelo kot ga je tudi v času študija v Leipzigu (1879). O njego- vpliv. Janáček je poznal Rebikova preko svojega vem strastnem navdušenju pričajo vrstice v pismih učenca Jana Kunca in preko češke časopisne o Rubinsteinovih leipziških koncertih. Vsakršen glasbene kritike iz leta 1906 in 1907. Janáčkovo vpliv na njegovo glasbo bi bil bržkone razviden v predavanje o operi (po letu 1915) je vključevalo delih, ki jih je napisal v obdobju po tem letu, a so Rebikovo »glasbeno-psihološko dramo« Alfa in vsa izgubljena. Ruski skladatelj, ki je na Janáčka omega z deli Wagnerja in Smétane. Rebikova je najbolj vplival, je bil Čajkovski, zlasti z delom Pikova dojemal kot skladatelja, ki je poosebljal neko dama (uprizorjena v Brnu). Vpliv je bil tako silen, skrajnost v operi, ne pa kot nekoga, od kogar bi da je Janáček opustil pisanje svoje tedanje opere se lahko učil. Kaže, da sta od ruskih skladateljev (Jenůfa) in se k njej vrnil šele čez pet let, ko je vsrkal zgolj zahodnjaško usmerjena opazno vplivala na številne poteze, še posebej pomembnost orkestra njegovo glasbo. pri strukturiranju dela.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 118 13.5.2015 12:44:45 L. SPURNÝ • PAVEL HAAS ... UDK 78.071.1:929Haas DOI: 10.4312/mz.51.1.119-125

Lubomír Spurný Inštitut za muzikologijo Masarykove univerze, Brno Institute of Musicology at Masaryk University, Brno

Pavel Haas: “Janáček’s Most Talented Student” Pavel Haas: »najbolj nadarjeni Janáčkov učenec«

Prejeto: 5. februar 2015 Received: 5th February 2015 Sprejeto: 31. marec 2015 Accepted: 31st March 2015

Ključne besede: Pavel Haas, Leoš Janáček češka Keywords: Pavel Haas, Leoš Janáček Czech music, glasba, Brno Brno

IZVLEČEK ABSTRACT

V dvajsetih in tridesetih letih dvajsetega stoletja si In the course of the 1920s and 30s Pavel Haas je Pavel Haas (1899–1944) v širši kulturni zavesti (1899–1944) earned a reputation for himself in priboril sloves izvirnega skladatelja in Janáčkov- broader cultural consciousness as an original com- ega »najbolj nadarjenega učenca«. V specifičnem poser and Janáček’s “most talented student”. In the kontekstu češke glasbe prav tako slovi kot inovator, specific context of Czech music he likewise has the čeravno je hkrati globoko ukoreninjen v tradiciji. reputation of an innovator but is considered to have been strongly rooted in tradition as well.

The exhibition, Janáček’s Most Talented Student, which opened on 18 November 2014 in Brno, served to commemorate the 70th anniversary of the death of the Czech composer Pavel Haas. Although this was not a completely new idea, one should nevertheless begin by recalling the tradition which the exhibition concerns. Haas’ personal and professional life is almost exclusively linked with Brno. This city which was supposed to become the second musical centre in Bohemia and Moravia after Prague, developed like the capital city on the basis of a division of two nationali- ties. This situation is not surprising of course. It can actually be viewed as one of the characteristic features of the national situation in the Austrian Monarchy in the last third of the 19th century. This was also expressed in an emphasis on the political role of

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 119 13.5.2015 12:44:45 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 both language and art. This state of affairs lasted, with varying changes, up to the year 1945. While German composers, who tended to identify with the wider German and Austrian context, came from a tradition involving traditional approaches, the Czech modern music consisted of a specific style. This was represented, first and foremost, by Pavel Křížkovský (1820–1885) and Leoš Janáček (1854–1928) up to the year 1918. After this date, the musical scene was profoundly influenced by Janáček and his students. The Moravian composition school was professionally institutionalized for the first time in connection with Janáček’s teaching activity at the Brno Organ School1 and later with the masterclass at the Prague Conservatory. Janáček was crucial for the emergence of both institutions which served the need for professional educational institutions. A similar role had been played much earlier in Prague with the Prague Organ school or conservatory. A group of authors also arose out of the circle of Janáček’s students and founded the Club of Moravian Composers [Klub moravských skladatelů] in the year 1922 with Pavel Haas also being an active contributer. Along with the Czech Association for Modern Music [Spolek pro moderní hudbu] and the German Literary-Artistic Associa- tion [Literarisch-künstlerischer Verein], the Club of Moravian Composers made up the Czechoslovak section of the International Society for Contemporary Music (ISCM) as of the year 1923.2 Janáček’s students inherited the difficult task of developing the tradition of Moravian music, building upon the distinct expressive language of their teacher while at the same time seeking out their own paths. Apart from compositional skill in terms of the craft, a distinctness of style also speaks of the quality of the composer. The period canon of expressiveness viewed distinctness as a definite advantage. Janáček’s influence, however, only fully made itself apparent with the generation of composers whose work is linked with the 1950s and 1960s, where a life parallel can also be seen with the work of Pavel Haas. References to the valuable influence of Janáček as a model teacher can be seen in period concert reviews as well as in specialized music literature. Domestic critics make reference to Haas in connection with Janáček’s compositional school from as early as the 1920s. When, somewhat later, Vladimír Helfert in Czech Modern Music (1936) speaks of Haas’ orientation on Stravinsky and Honegger, he also points out an inspiration connected with the influence of Janáček involving “a remarkable individu- alization of the compositional method leading in the direction of a courageous con- structivism and insightful sound ingenuity”.3 He did not neglect to critically mention in this connection that many of his pieces sounded like experiments (Fata morgana 1923, string quartet, Op. 7, entitled “From the Monkey Mountains 1925), Introduction and Psalm XXIX. 1931”.4

1 The Organ School [Varhanická škola] was founded by means of the Union for Celebrating Church Music in Moravia which emerged at the instigation of Janáček in the year 1881. The instruction at the Organ School was begun a year later in the year 1882. 2 The Club of Moravian Composers was part of ISCM up to the year 1933. Spain (a Madrid section and a Catalan section) and Sweden (a Stockholm section and Southern Sweden section, this being the historical province Scania which broke away from Denmark and became part of Sweden at the end of the 17th century) also had doubled sections. 3 Helfert,Vladimír: Czech Modern Music: A study of Czech musical creativity [Česká moderní hudba. Studie o české hudební tvořivosti] (Olomouc: Index, 1936), 147. 4 Ibid., pp. 147–48.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 120 13.5.2015 12:44:45 L. SPURNÝ • PAVEL HAAS ... A comparison between Janáček and Haas also became an easily comprehended parallel for Lubomír Peduzzi, Haas’ student and the author of the monograph Pavel Haas: Life and Work of a Composer (1993). He speaks of Haas as a remarkable figure, who although not ranking among the most interesting or most popular, nevertheless inherited the style of Janáček’s music in a singular fashion. He is not, however, Janáček’s mere copier, but instead his successor.5 The entry “Czech Republic” in the Grove Music dictionary celebrates Haas over the rest of Janáček’s students: “Only Haas and Harašta, who explored a method of modal composition and the rhythmic layering of structures, productively assimilated Janáček’s compositional technique.”6 Who was this greatly talent student of Janáček’s who we are talking about? Pavel Haas was born 12 June 1899 in Brno in the family of the tradesman Zikmund Lipmann Haas (1871–1944) and Olga Epstein (1874–1933) the attractive daughter of a Russian clerk in a steamship company from Odessa. The above-mentioned book by Lubomír Peduzzi relates that Haas’ father owned a prosperous shoe shop named “Obuv českého průmyslu U Zajíce”, that they spoke Czech at home and that Pavel’s interest in music began to appear at an early age. His musical expression and talent was apparent and became his future calling. Music was his only genuine interest allowing him to overcome his struggles with irregular school attendance. His interest in music brought him to the Brno Association Music School in the academic year 1913/14. Here he began to study harmony, later counterpoint and additional music theory subjects. These were taught by Janáček’s student and close cooperator Jan Kunc (1883–1976). Haas’ first preserved musical pieces date back to this period. A chamber song from texts by German authors has been preserved. Two incomplete orchestral sheet music on Old Testament themes Jonah (1914) and The Exodus of Israel from Egypt (1915) are of particular interest amongst his juvenalia. Haas, along with his brother Hugo, entered the newly established Brno conservatory in the year 1919 where he was once again a student under Jan Kunc. Haas completed his first compositions marked with opus numbers under his supervision. They have maintained their quality up until the present with String Quartet No. 1 in C♯ minor op. 3, indicating the remarkable talent of the future composer. The composition achieved its final form, however, after adaptations in Janáček’s masterclass. He began his studies with Leoš Janáček in September 1920. Janáček not only introduced his students to the methods of his own composition work, but also with the specific poetics of folk music and finally with current compositional approaches and theoretical starting-points. Under the supervision of the successful composer and experienced instructor, Haas obtained the needed skill required for coming to terms with the musical material in the current musical development which was emerging at the time. He obtained a rhythmic structure and the principles of instrumental figuration from Janáček which served to make up not only the character of

5 Peduzzi, Lubomír, Pavel Haas: Life and Work of a Composer [Pavel Haas. Život a dílo skladatele] (Brno: Muzejní a vlastivědná společnost v Brně, 1993). 6 Pukl, Oldřich, Smaczny, Jan, Czechoslovakia 1918–45, in Czech Republic, in Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online [cited 10.5.2010] Available from: .

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 121 13.5.2015 12:44:45 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 the melodic treatment, but also the macro-structural consequences involving a linking of the varying in terms of tempo sections into a smooth flow. Although Janáček at this time only acknowledged his own defined style, he allowed Haas to fully develop his own distinct creative potential. Under Janáček’s supervision, Haas composed Chinese Songs for a medium voice and piano op. 4 (words by Kao Shi, Tsui Hao, Thu Fu, 1921) or Scherzo triste for orchestra op. 5 (1921). In this song cycle, the composer made use of his experience with the piano styliza- tions of Moravian folk songs and attempted a distinct Impressionistic colourful expression of texts by ancient Chinese poets. Despite an attempt at spontaneity, used in order to overcome a range of technical deficiencies in the compositional work, the artistic value of the cycle is low. The second named composition, however, exceeds in terms of importance mere school work. He graduated from the masterclass, however, with the older piece String Quartet No. 1, op. 3. If we are interested in explaining the principle of qualitative transformations in the acquired compositional habits and inspirations within Haas’ biography, we have to make mention of a point wherein this aspect began to be cultivated and developed. In a paradoxical fashion this took place at a time when the conditions for ongoing compositional work were actually limited by a marked change in his life conditions, upon completion of the masterclass school.7 Haas attempted to find work as an occasional performer, composer and instructor, but met with little success in these areas. His attempts at finding employment in the branch of music brought him to Saar- brücken for the position of répétiteur in a local theatre. He left the job due to financial troubles after only a few months and returned back to Brno where he became a partner with his father in the shoe company for more than ten years. He did not, however, stop composing at this time. This need for financial stability did contribute to his par- tial exclusion from the profession of a composer. The musical work from this period came about slowly and without the ease apparent in the work of other composers. The preserved documents, however, testify to the numerous creative ideas. Orchestral sheet music and opera plans with mere skeleton structures have nevertheless been preserved. He completed and had performed only four chamber compositions and one male choral piece over the years 1923–1930. If certain aspects of his style are later overemphasized as being typical, they have their basis in this period. Also of essence is the fact that from this period Haas often composed with a view to the concrete possibilities of performance. The fates of his works were additionally linked with selected performers and troupes. (Along with the Moravian Quartet or PSMU, this also involved the newly established Moravian Brass Quintet). The first independently completed composition was Fata morgana, a piano quintet for tenor, 2 violins, viola, cello and piano op. 6 (words by Rabindranath Tagore, 1923). This was followed by a String quartet No. 2, op. 7, entitled “From the Monkey Mountains”. This work met with marked confusion upon its premiere. Apart from ono- matopoeic puns and an excessive suggestiveness, period critics objected to the inclusion of a group of percussion instruments into the final movement which apparently

7 His diploma from the masterclass school is dated 28 June 1922. The signatures by teachers include Leoš Janáček and the chancellor Vítězslav Novák.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 122 13.5.2015 12:44:45 L. SPURNÝ • PAVEL HAAS ... insensitively affected the stylistic purity of the chamber music. Haas immediately abandoned the percussion instruments after the premiere either due to the criticism or for operational reasons.8 The song cycle The Chosen One op. 8 for tenor, flute, horn, violin and piano (1927) with the texts of the poet Jiří Wolker followed with a long time gap. This was succeeded by the small chorus Carnival op. 9 with the text from the Brno poet Dalibor Chalupa (1928/29). He also completed at the same time Wind Quintet, op. 10 for flute, oboe, clarinet, horn and bassoon (1929). The first movement contains a melodic turn which makes reference to Jewish synagogue singing. These motifs will begin to enter into his work in an increased fashion at the end of the 1930s. In all probability as a commission from the composer’s close friend and Janáček’s student Břetislav Bakala, Haas composed Overture for Radio, op. 11 for small orchestra and small voices (1930/31) Along with his brother Hugo Haas (the author of the texts) he created here a short work designated for a small orchestra, a male vocal quartet and reciters, which is akin to a cantata in terms of genre. The cooperation between the two brothers had already manifested itself in theatre work when Haas at his brother’s request had worked on the music for several theatre plays. The successfully developing acting career of his brother gave opportunity for Haas to compose music for films in the 1930s: Life Is a Dog [Život je pes] (1933), The Little Pet [Mazlíček] (1934) and Mother-Hen [Kvočna] (1937). During travels around Germany carried out by the composer immediately after the premiere of Overture for Radio in the summer of 1931, a sketch for a planned organ concert came into being. One of the preserved sketches is connected with this composition where, modeled upon Janáček, he depicts the peal of the bells of the cathedral in Cologne. The author’s original intentions were later changed and the work was completed under the name Psalm XXIX, op. 12 (1931/32). The composition designated for a baritone, female chorus and a chamber orchestra with an organ, puts in its second part the text of the 29th Psalm from the Kralice Bible to music. The Suite for piano, op. 13 came about in the year 1935 for the Brno pianist Bernard Kaff. The brilliant and effective stylization for listeners guaranteed a positive response for this work as early as its first performance in a concert abroad of the Club of Moravian Composers on 10 February 1936 in Vienna. Haas was already working at this time on the composition of a tragic-comic opera in three acts (seven scenes) The Charlatan, op. 14 (1936). Haas took the basis for the actual libretto from the novel Doctor Eisenbart by Josef Winckler (1881–1966), which was based on the life of the traveling surgeon Johann Andreas Eisenbarth. During the work on the opera the six movement orchestral Suite op. 14 came about which was supposed to draw attention to the opera under preparation. After the composition of his most ambitious work, Haas selected the charlatan theme which was popular amongst the domestic artistic avant-garde as far back as the 1920s (E. F. Burian). An analysis of the style reveals the definite inspiration of Janáček along with, however, an attempt at a stylistic blending. In contrast to Janáček, who chose the theme of a full

8 It did not meet with a very positive response in the Brno premiere by the Moravian Quartet on 16 March 1926 and the troupe only kept the quartet version of the composition in its repertoire.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 123 13.5.2015 12:44:45 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 temperament and passion for his crowning opera which he consequently set to music in a realistic manner, Haas conceived his opera as a theatrical genre with the primary emphasis on play and with the stylization making more of a reference to Igor Stravin- sky. Haas kept the name of the author of the original piece a secret for political reasons, since cooperation between a German writer, living additionally in a mixed marriage with a Jewess, and a Jewish composer was problematic in the Germany of the 1930s. He removed everything from the libretto which made reference to a German environment and Czechified all of the characters. Haas composed further compositions in quick succession at the end of the 1930s: String Quartet No. 3 op. 15 (1938), a series of Moravian Slovak songs From Evening to Morning, op. 16 (1938), Suite for oboe and piano, op. 17 (1939), 7 Songs in Folk Style op. 18 (1940). Several key events came about in Haas’ personal life in the 1930s. He met the Rus- sian physician Soňa Jakobsonová (maiden name Feldman), the wife of the linguist Ro- man Jakobson who was teaching at the time at Masaryk University in Brno, in the year 1932. This acquaintance later grew into a love affair and after her divorce in the year 1935, Soňa and Pavel Haas married. Their daughter Olga was born in the year 1937. Im- mediately after their marriage, his wife Soňa took over a significant part of the material worries concerning the family and Haas was able to focus full-time on composition and private instruction of music theory.9 The war was, however, the final stage which brought a tragic end to his life and work. Haas shared the tragic collective fate of the Jews along with Erwin Schulhoff (1894–1942), Viktor Ullmann (1898–1944), Gideon Klein (1919–1945), Karel Rein- er (1910–1979), Hans Krása (1899–1944), etc. Haas was transported among the first groups to Theresienstadt in the year 1941. After a period of initial depression, he involved himself in the cultural life of the concentration camp with certain compositions for Theresienstadt musicians and troupes. Apart from certain documented works which have not been found as yet or which have remained in mere fragmentary form, the male choir piece Al s’fod [Do Not Lament] (1942), Study for string orchestra (1943) and 4 Songs on Chinese Poetry for bass (or baritone) and piano (1944) have survived. Haas was deported to Auschwitz in the autumn of 1944 and perished on the day of his arrival 17th October. At the end of this overview of the life pilgrimage of Haas, we can ponder on the composer’s place within the context of domestic musical culture. Haas’ example is in a sense a kind of boundary line and serves to demonstrate Janáček’s direct influence on his students. Haas was viewed as one of the most interesting and at the same time most faithful of Janáček’s students both during his life and after his death. Despite this statement it should not be forgotten that Haas held a critical position in relation to his teacher. Haas only accepted certain compositional approaches of his teacher and attempted to carry out a synthesis of period styles. Haas was a type of composer, who more than Janáček’s other students, reacted to impulses which found their way into Czech music from abroad, these being first and foremost from the French Modern.

9 His students included Karel Horký (1909–1988), Richard Kozderka (1908–1994) and Lubomír Peduzzi (1918–2008).

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 124 13.5.2015 12:44:45 L. SPURNÝ • PAVEL HAAS ... This is reminiscent of to a certain extent the focus of other Czech composers (Martinů, etc.). Despite these minor syntheses, Haas did not actually create his own unmistak- able style. An essential aspect of Haas’ type of composition is also the fact that he only contributed in more of a tangential fashion to the future development of domestic music. The reasons for this can be varied. A number of them are mere practical reasons. Haas did not compose music in a systematic manner and his teaching activity was also limited in scope. Knowledge of the music of Haas was limited to only several chamber compositions long after the war.

POVZETEK našli pot v češko glasbo od zunaj – zlasti iz franco- ske moderne. To do določene mere spominja na to, Po koncu pregleda Haasovega življenjskega ro- na kar so se osredinjali tudi drugi češki skladatelji manja lahko premislimo o skladateljevem mestu (Martinů idr.). Navkljub tem manjšim sintezam znotraj konteksta nacionalne glasbene kulture. Haas ni uspel ustvariti lastnega nezamenljivega Haasov primer na nek način kot tudi za prikaz sloga. Ključni vidik Haasovega tipa kompozicije je Janáčkovega neposrednega vpliva na svoje učence. prav tako dejstvo, da je k nadaljnjemu razvoju na- Haasa se dojema kot enega najbolj zanimivih in cionalne glasbe prispeval zgolj v tangencionalnem hkrati najzvestejših Janáčkovih učencev. Kljub tej smislu. Razlogi za to so mnogoteri. Številni od teh navedbi ne smemo pozabiti, da je Haas do svojega pa so praktične narave. Haas glasbe ni komponiral učitelja ohranjal tudi kritično držo. Haas je sprejel sistematično in njegovo pedagoško delovanje je od mentorja zgolj določene kompozicijske prijeme bilo prav tako omejeno. Poznavanje Haasove glasbe in želel uresničiti sintezo periodičnih slogov. Haas je bilo še dolgo po vojni omejeno na zgolj nekaj je tiste vrste skladatelj, ki se je bolj kot katerikoli komornih skladb. drugi Janáčkov učenec odzval na impulze, ki so

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 125 13.5.2015 12:44:45 MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 126 13.5.2015 12:44:45 N. O’LOUGHLIN • CHARACTERIZATION IN THE OPERAS ... UDK 782.07Penderecki DOI: 10.4312/mz.51.1.127-137

Niall O’Loughlin Univerza v Loughboroughu Loughborough University

Characterization in the Operas of Penderecki Karekterizacija v operah Pendereckega

Prejeto: 8. januar 2015 Received: 8th January 2015 Sprejeto: 31. marec 2015 Accepted: 31st March 2015

Ključne besede: Penderecki, opera, karakterizacija, Keywords: Penderecki, opera, characterization, Huxley, Whiting, Milton, Hauptmann, Jarry Huxley, Whiting, Milton, Hauptmann, Jarry

IZVLEČEK ABSTRACT

Karakterizacija v štirih operah Pendereckega je Characterization in the four operas of Krzystof dobro razvita. Vključuje specifične melodične in- Penderecki is well developed. It includes specified tervale za junake, popačene vokalne linije, uporabo melodic intervals for characters, distorted vocal koloraturnega petja in različne oblike cerkvenega lines, the use of coloratura singing and various petja ter govorjenja. forms of chanting and speaking.

Introduction

Characterization in dramatic works is a complicated issue. In the first instance it concerns the words chosen and what form of emphasis has been adopted by the writer. The sequence of events in a drama will also have much to do with how the character is allowed to develop, and in particular how each character responds to the new situations that arise. In addition, the actual performance by the actors in a spoken drama can add a new dimension to the definition of the character in a spoken play. When making the transfer to an operatic scenario, the words obviously are still of the first importance, but now the way that the words are set to music (if at all) and the level at which the words can be understood by the audience are now particularly relevant. When setting the words of a play for an opera we can expect that, to keep the amount of the sung words to a reasonable size, considerable reduction in the amount of text used is necessary. Typically, an operatic composer may use less than a third of the

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 127 13.5.2015 12:44:45 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 words of the original script. It is quite normal for a composer together with the librettist as well as making a reduction in the size of the text may feel the need to recast the work in order to accommodate the change of medium. An opera tends to work best if the issues are kept uncomplicated as the audience will need to pay attention to a number of things at once and might otherwise become confused. Operas like Berg’s Wozzeck and Debussy’s Pelléas et Mélisande are effective in many ways because they concentrate on specific character definition in individual scenes in the early stages and let the drama develop out of these cameos in the later acts. To some extent this has been carried over from the original plays, but the musical reinforcement of these scenes makes an elaborate operatic text unnecessary. The protagonists in Penderecki’s four operas have many striking features: none can be seen to be “ordinary.” Penderecki’s job as composer and that of his librettist (sometimes himself) was to distil the essence of these characters and focus on the most important features, even if there was some risk of oversimplification. In the first instance characterization is partly a question of identity, partly a question of interaction and partly a question of development. A good way to investigate the process of transformation from book and/or play to opera is to examine the texts to determine some of the features of the original and then look to the words that Penderecki has chosen to set and how he has set them to music. This is one of the most important means by which the composer is able to influence the characterization of his performers. Because there has been a certain amount of criticism of Penderecki’s operatic characterization in early reports on the operas, it is also a purpose of the present essay to address some of the issues raised.

The Devils of Loudun

The time of the action of Penderecki’s first opera, The Devils of Loudun, is the 1630s. The work is based on the extensive and elaborate book of the same title by Aldous Huxley and the play derived from it, The Devils of 1961 by John Whiting.1 Pen- derecki made his own libretto in German, basing it on the translation by Erich Fried of Whiting’s play, calling the opera Die Teufel von Loudun.2 Huxley’s book is full of long excursions into philosophy, but also has some elaborate characterization of the protagonists, Urbain Grandier and Sœur Jeanne and the subsidiary characters, especially Adam and Mannoury, who did so much to engineer Grandier’s downfall, and it is here that we will start. Grandier is described by Huxley as “a man in the prime of youth, tall, athletic, with an air of grave authority, even … of majesty.”3 However, “The new parson, it was only too obvious, took an interest in

1 Aldous Huxley, The Devils of Loudun (London: Chatto & Windus, 1952); John Whiting, The Devils (London: Heinemann, 1961). 2 The published score (Mainz: Schott, 1969) also includes the alternative English title used here and an English singing version adapted by Desmond Clayton from Whiting’s play. Penderecki’s revisions of 1972 and 1975 do not affect any of the points made in this study. 3 Huxley, The Devils of Loudun, 6.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 128 13.5.2015 12:44:45 N. O’LOUGHLIN • CHARACTERIZATION IN THE OPERAS ... his female parishioners that was more than merely pastoral.”4 Huxley summarises his sexual morality in relation to his vows as a priest in the following way: “A promise to perform the impossible is not binding. For the young male continence is impossible. Therefore no vow involving such continence is binding.”5 In his professional capacity he had “along with solid talents, the most dazzling of gifts, and the most dangerous – eloquence,”6 but is clear that his lifestyle, including his outspoken language as well as his sexual proclivities, helped him to make many enemies, including the chemist Adam and the surgeon Mannoury. By noting the stocks of contemporary medicines, Huxley deduced that Adam’s establishment was a middle-ranking pharmacy, but also that his position in the community gave him access to much confidential information as well as opportunities to influence people with whom he came in contact and generally to manipulate public opinion.7 Although he is in fact referring to Grandier, Huxley’s words can equally apply to others who schemed the demise of Grandier, especially to the evil machinations of Adam: “For a clever man, nothing is easier than to find argu- ments that will convince him that he is doing right when he is doing what he wants to do.”8 This leads us to the visions of Sœur Jeanne which involved Grandier in alleged acts in what she thought were those of demonic possession. Sœur Jeanne was de- formed and unattractive, with “a chronic resentment which made it impossible for her either to feel affection or to permit herself to be loved.”9 At various points it is hinted that the catalyst for her alleged possession was Grandier’s rejection of her proposition to become director of the local order. The contemporary chronicler Jean-Joseph Surin noted her laugh which made him find it difficult to take her seriously, and which Hux- ley describes as “of derision or of cynicism.”10 The hint is that she is not of completely sound mind is made repeatedly, a feature that is clearly indicated by the techniques that Penderecki uses in setting her words. John Whiting’s transformation of these characteristics into his play, The Devils, is very illuminating in the way that it distils the essence of Huxley’s study. The characters take on many of the features given in detail by Huxley, but do it in a subtle way. Be- cause Penderecki’s setting is principally based on the play, the way that Whiting and Penderecki treat the different people is clearly linked. As the leading character in the play, Grandier commands our attention first of all. In the opening act of the play and the opera he appears in various contexts. In the first scene of the opera he appears as an image in a vision of Sœur Jeanne as she receives his rejection of her offer of the post of spiritual adviser to her convent. His presence is almost incidental to the nun’s incredibly vivid visionary singing which is characterized by short phrases of repeated notes followed by large leaps of a minor ninth both upward and downward indicating her visionary mood or even her allegedly demented state.11

4 Ibid., 7. 5 Ibid., 15. 6 Ibid., 20. 7 Ibid., 47. 8 Ibid., 51. 9 Ibid., 110. 10 Ibid., 110–111. 11 Krzystof Penderecki, Die Teufel von Loudun – The Devils of Loudun, score (Mainz: Schott, 1969), 3–7.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 129 13.5.2015 12:44:45 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 Later in scene six her lines become even more distorted.12 In the second scene Grandier is mentioned in passing by Adam and Mannoury, the chemist and surgeon respectively. Again Grandier is not present but the dialogue by the two has a character of its own with its disjointed phrases suggesting something of the nature of busybodies plotting and scheming.13 Robert Hatten pertinently remarked: “The characters Adam, a chemist, and Mannoury, a surgeon, call to mind the Captain and the Doctor in Wozzeck, and they share a kind of comic/grotesque music with disjunctive vocal lines and minimal instrumental commentary.”14 Finally in the third scene Grandier appears in a bathtub with the widow Ninon. While there are still some ninths in the vocal lines, the melodic movement is mostly by semitones, thirds and fifths. Groups of repeated notes are common, but the tone of the dialogue is fairly restrained and comforting.15 It is in the next scene where Grandier is confronted by Adam and Mannoury that the dialogue character becomes more complex and we can begin to see the way that Penderecki separates his characters by means of differing intervals in the melodic lines. Adam and Mannoury sing the words “Pretend indiff’rence” (‘Gleichgultig spielen’) on a falling tritone, but then adopt a more conciliatory tone with rising and falling semitones. Another device that Penderecki frequently uses for Grandier’s priestly actions is the spoken or chanted word. Clearly this reflects the sound of the priest in church in a way that nothing else can do. There is the risk, however, that this generalized or generic characterization might seem like an easy option for the composer, especially if it is used frequently. Arnold Whittall makes this point in a review of the work: “Yet there’s an air of the perfunctory in the way Penderecki so often falls back on normal or heightened speech, even at such crucial moments as the pronouncing of the death sentence on the wayward yet honourable priest, Grandier, and his response.”16 The different layers that are created by Penderecki not just in the dialogue between Grandier and Adam and Mannoury, but also in other parts of the opera bring into play an effective means of characterization. Robert Hatten noted this point very clearly when he said: “… by alternating musical styles, Penderecki also sets up several planes of expressive characterization.”17 The most significant passages of this nature occur in Act 3. In scene 1 the action is taking place in three sections of the stage. In one section Grandier is alone lying on the straw of his cell, in the second are S œur Jeanne and Mignon and in the third Mannoury, the surgeon. The split-level opera- tion is presented simply. Bontemps the jailer reports that the people are waiting for Grandier’s execution even before there has been a trial. The ironic juxtaposition of Grandier’s fears for his fate and Mignon’s urge to go to sleep are marked by a clash of pitches.18 The irony is even stronger in the interweaving of the words of Jeanne and Grandier in this scene.19

12 Ibid., 33–34. 13 Ibid., 22–23. 14 Robert S. Hatten, “Penderecki’s Operas in the Context of Twentieth-century Opera”, in Teresa Malecka (ed), Krzysztof Pend- erecki’s Music in the Context of 20th-century Theatre (Kraków, 1998), 19. 15 Krzystof Penderecki, Die Teufel von Loudun …, 22–23. 16 Arnold Whittall in Gramophone, June 1996, 95–96. 17 Hatten, “Penderecki’s Operas in …”, 19. 18 See Penderecki, Die Teufel von Loudun …, 135. 19 Ibid., 135–139.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 130 13.5.2015 12:44:45 N. O’LOUGHLIN • CHARACTERIZATION IN THE OPERAS ... In addition to the personal identity of the characters, Adrian Thomas put forward the idea that the composer may not have been really been aiming for characterization of the dramatis personae, but rather the action: “Musical as opposed to dramatic characterization of the principals is not Penderecki’s primary compositional focus. This lies in the contrasts of pace and of vocal and instrumental textures, all of which are particularly effective in the interlocking structure of Act 1.”20 The same point is made by Robert Hatten in his survey of Penderecki’s operas: “… In striking opposition, sound- mass techniques are used to convey the mysteries of religious obsession and unholy possession that swirl around Jeanne, the prioress of the Ursuline order, and Grandier when he enters the church to pray for salvation.”21 Overall the thirteen short scenes of Act 1 present a range of character sketches that make the development of the rest of the drama clear by its presentation of musical features. “The alternation between styles and length of scenes creates effective characterization and pacing in this act.”22 It is not really a question of musical as opposed to dramatic characterization – the characterization shown in the vocal lines is completely unambiguous in its meaning, while the overall dramatic pacing is achieved in part by the skilful manipulation of textures. The examples noted above indicate that Penderecki has aimed at personal characterization, one which comes across in performance. However, the ideas that Thomas and Hatten put forward show that the composer is also maintaining a strong dramatic and structural sense.

Paradise Lost

For his second opera Penderecki chose a much less dramatic subject and, unlike his other three operas, it is not based on a stage play. By selecting the story of Milton’s Paradise Lost, he inevitably made the plot less full of violent or dramatic incident than The Devils of Loudun, yet its moral tone was just as explicit. The libretto was fashioned from Milton’s epic poem by Christopher Fry, but its generally low-key tone is still maintained in the operatic libretto. It is true that Penderecki did not call the work an opera, but thought of it as a sacra rappresentazione, that is according to the Renaissance idea of a sacred performance rather than a Romantic opera. Fry added the figure of John Milton himself as a narrator, a fact which made the work even less like an opera, but more like an oratorio, for example, Stravinsky’s Oedipus Rex. All this has obvious implications for any characterization in the work. The main characters that appear in the work are Milton himself, Adam and Eve, Satan and God. Penderecki’s treatment of their music is distinctive and makes a clear differentiation between them. As mentioned above, the poet Milton as narrator is a spoken part, totally detached from the action, as obviously he would take no part in the creation story, but the composer does ensure that there is a musical characterization underlying his words. For example, when Milton opens with the words: “Hail, holy

20 Adrian Thomas in Stanley Sadie, ed., The New Grove Dictionary of Opera (London: Macmillan, 1992) vol.1, p.1147. 21 Hatten, “Penderecki’s Operas in …”, 19–20. 22 Ibid.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 131 13.5.2015 12:44:45 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 Light! Before the Sun, before the Heavens thou went. May I express thee? But thou revisited not those eyes that roll in vain to find thy piercing ray,”23 Penderecki sustains a dyad of B flat/D flat while the clarinets and some of the strings play three descending semitones. It is no coincidence that the music that has preceded this consists almost exclusively of rising and falling semitones with occasional leaps of the diminished fifth. This material is used to produce a complex texture in which the intervals have a certain “sameness” in which it is difficult to find dramatic contrast. It is this very point that was made by Harold Blumenfeld when writing about the first performance: “Penderecki’s three-hour score is laden with disappointments … it lacks contour and contrast, and embodies insufficient musical characterization of the clash of forces and events.”24 The character of Milton with his spoken part is neutral, but the textural saturation of the orchestral parts is almost overwhelming, creating a characterization not in the notes of the vocal part, but in the accompanying sounds. It is a strangely amorphous texture that he uses. Adrian Thomas recognised this problem when he said: “If Para- dise Lost falls short, it is largely because the musical language is severely restricted by Penderecki’s obvious reliance on sequences of semitones and tritones.”25 Adam, Eve and Satan, however, make their own characters evident by the use of intervals in a way that makes it possible to recognise them on a conscious or at the very least an unconscious level. For example Satan’s line often uses the augmented fourth, the tritone or, very appropriately, the diabolus in musica.26 Eve who is being tempted by Satan has a much more smoothly set out melodic line including intervals not found in Satan’s music, especially the minor third,27 but when Satan enters, her lines now take on some of the tritones.28 At the moment that Eve tastes the forbidden fruit we have a series of semitones linked by minor thirds.29 Adam’s vocal lines tend to have both the minor third and tritone, something that the composer uses to exploit some form of ambivalence in the character. We can see this in his recitative just after he (man) was created and when he meets Eve in the Garden of Eden.30 The intervals that the composer uses here are a mixture of Satan’s and Eve’s. The voice of God is like Milton’s, a spoken part, and, like the accompaniment to the poet’s words, is supported by sustained octaves. Finally there is some use of instruments to identify the protagonists, as identified by Wolfgang Schwinger: “The principal characters are also associated with particular instrumental timbres, Adam chiefly with strings, Eve with woodwind, Satan with brass, Sin with cor anglais and bass clarinet, while Death has castanets which combine with his countertenor voice to produce an eerie unreal effect.”31 Overall, then, Penderecki concentrates his musical characterization in the vocal lines, with a distinct variety of intervals used and a clearly noticeable interaction of the

23 Krzystof Penderecki, Paradise Lost, full score (Mainz: Schott, 1978), 4. 24 The Musical Times, February 1979, p.146. 25 In Stanley Sadie, ed., The New Grove Dictionary of Opera (London: Macmillan, 1992) vol.3, p.942. 26 Krzystof Penderecki, Paradise Lost, full score (Mainz: Schott, 1978), 4–5, 20–21, 30–31. 27 Ibid., 14–15. 28 Ibid., 16–17, 20–21. 29 Ibid., 25. 30 Ibid., 8–9. 31 Wolfgang Schwinger, Krzysztof Penderecki: his life and work (London: Schott, 1989), 263.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 132 13.5.2015 12:44:45 N. O’LOUGHLIN • CHARACTERIZATION IN THE OPERAS ... intervals used by the different characters. While the textures have a certain uniformity, this only enhances the effect of the intervals chosen to represent the protagonists.

Die schwarze Maske

For his third opera Penderecki selected a drama by the German playwright, Gerhart Hauptmann (1862-1946), who over his long career wrote many plays that continue to hold the attention in German-speaking countries, but have less durability in English- speaking countries than, say, Bertolt Brecht or Frank Wedekind. His early works included a number of novellas (extended short stories) of which the most famous is Bahnwärter Thiel (‘Lineman Thiel’) of 1887, a masterpiece of characterization. The story of a working-class railway lineman or flagman whose aggressive second wife contrasts very strongly with his more gentle late first wife provides material for deep psychological study. It works on two levels, the ordinary realistic domestic situation in which Thiel is subjected to his wife’s harassment, and on the other hand the fantasy-world that he creates while actually doing his job. The novella is portrayed as a good example of German “Naturalism,” the conflict between living by nature and adjusting to the newer technical and technological means. The detailed characterization is often presented in a clear but very matter-of-fact way. From this early story with its precise but low-key characterization, Hauptmann moved into a wide range of strongly dramatic works covering many aspects of Ger- man society, including the philosophy of naturalism. By the middle of the first decade of the 20th century, the element of fantasy which had first appeared tentatively in Bahnwärter Thiel took on a more prominent position in his work. This appears strongly in what is described as “a German fairytale drama,” Die versunkene Glocke (‘The Sunken Bell’) and Hanneles Himmelfahrt (‘Hannele’s Journey to Heaven’). It is particularly evident in a play that some consider his masterpiece, Und Pippa tanzt! of 1905, subtitled Ein Glashüttenmärchen (‘A Glassworks Fairy Tale’).32 For our purposes, the most important fact is that Hauptmann is now dealing with a fairly large number of characters whose interactions are complex and not always logical. Coupled with this is a considerable degree of fantasy which has been interpreted as symbolic or even mystical. This has invited certain criticism, for example, from Mar- garet Sinden: “Even a symbolic or mystical work, moreover, must have a coherence of its own kind, and critics with the best will in the world have been unable to make sense, on any level, of the details of Hauptmann’s characters and action. … Pippa is a completely eclectic work; it contains everything from contemporary jargon to reflections from the worlds of fairy-tale and legend, of Maeterlinck and Boecklin, of Plato and Goethe’s Wilhelm Meister.”33

32 Incidentally, it was this play that Alban Berg had selected for the text of his second opera. However, as he was unable to reach a satisfactory financial arrangement with Hauptmann and his publishers, Berg abandoned this plan and substituted the Lulu plays by Frank Wedekind. What may well have appealed to Berg is that there is implied or explicit musical activity within the play, something that was also contained in Wedekind’s Lulu plays. 33 Margaret Sinden, Gerhart Hauptmann: The Prose Plays (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1957), 101–102.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 133 13.5.2015 12:44:45 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 Taking the opposite view, it is precisely the way that illogicality and incoherence characterizes many aspects of human life that makes the play so compelling. The interactions of the main character, Pippa, with her different admirers, is the main point of the play and these are enacted by situations which are believable if somewhat strange. She is also a skilful dancer and it is in her dancing that she meets her ultimate fate. To sum up, Und Pippa tanzt! has the interaction of a number of characters, it has a fantasy- world, and it has the “dance of death,” three features which it has in common with the plot of his one-act play Die schwarze Maske (‘The Black Mask’) of 1929,34 which Pend- erecki chose to set for his third opera. While Penderecki and his librettist, Harry Kupfer, recast the structure of Die schwarze Maske for the opera and altered a number of the details of the action, the essence of the play remains: the exposure of a hidden past by the most dramatic and fearful means; the assembly of a wide variety of human characters each of whose sur- vivals depends on that of the others; and most importantly a metaphor for the fragility of the human condition in both its independent and its interdependent nature. In the words of Regina Chłopicka: “… the centre of gravity has been moved from the action to internally-tense situations, which precede the approaching catastrophe.”35 Without this action, this feature obviously puts a heavy responsibility on the composer to make his music reinforce the interaction of the characters in a meaningful way and it is this that Penderecki does with some considerable conviction. It parallels the madness of Hauptmann’s Thiel or even more strikingly Sœur Jeanne from The Devils of Loudun together with the frenzied and ultimately fatal dancing of Pippa in a dance of death that recalls the final dance of the heroine in Richard Strauss’s Salome or a few years later in his Elektra. The wide range of people that are to be found at the dinner party of the mayor of Bolkenhain in Die schwarze Maske are characterized very subtly but carefully. These characters are presented singly and in duets before a number of short and longer ensembles are used. The interval structure which Penderecki used in his previous operas is still present, but in the ensembles the individual characters are not so clear-cut and it is the dramatic action that is more important. One can compare these profitably with some of the ensembles in Alban Berg’s Lulu. In the present drama, however, the chief character, Benigna, is given the most important part of all in two scenes, the first for her confession and the second for her madness. The former gives all the details of her past in Amsterdam in a much extended monologue,36 preparing us for the dramatic events to follow when her former lover, Johnson, reappears, first as the Black Mask, and then in his own identity. In the scene of Benigna’s madness37 her vocal lines become very distorted and angular, as did those of Sœur Jeanne in The Devils of Loudun. This leads to the final catastrophe in which all of the characters with the exception of one, the Jew Löwe, meet their end. This development is something which has puzzled

34 Gerhart Hauptmann, Spuk: Die schwarze maske, Schauspiel; Hexenritt, ein Satyrspiel (Berlin: S. Fischer, 1930). 35 Regina Chłopicka, “The Black Mask: A Contemporary Expressionistic Vision of danse macabre,” in Teresa Malecka, ed., Krzysztof Penderecki’s Music in the Context of 20th-century Theatre (Kraków, 1998), 193. 36 Krzystof Penderecki, Die schwarze Maske, vocal score (Mainz: Schott, 1986), 240–244. 37 Ibid., 365–371.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 134 13.5.2015 12:44:45 N. O’LOUGHLIN • CHARACTERIZATION IN THE OPERAS ... many commentators, including the normally perceptive Richard Morrison who thinks that: “the action seems entirely without motive or logic,”38 what has frequently been called danse macabre. Penderecki takes this interpretation literally with a huge dance supported by intense drumming, as vividly described by Paul Griffiths at the first performance in Salzburg:

The irruption of Africa into the score is potent: there is a stark contrast between the fierce drumming that enters about a third of the way through this 100-minute single act and the sometimes skittish, sometimes relentless, perpetual motion of the main substance. And the most effective moment in the whole opera comes at the very end when the slave beats his tattoo for a danse macabre executed by nearly all the cast; only the Jewish merchant, excellently acted and sung by Gunter Reich, is left as observer of the tragedy.39

But even this characterization does not completely convince, as Paul Griffiths said in the same article: “Such characterization, though, owes a lot to the cast: the people do not live in what Penderecki has written for them, nor does the opera.”40 Somehow the actors/singers have brought the drama to life which is obviously how things should be. The important point is that Penderecki has given them the means to do so, and one cannot say that about every opera.

Ubu Rex

During Penderecki’s composing career there have been various promises about a setting of Alfred Jarry’s Ubu roi.41 The translation into an opera of this grotesque satire on the misuse of power, set “somewhere in Poland,” only materialised in 1990, after the bulk of the abuse, especially in Poland, that was the indirect target of Penderecki’s treatment, became a fact of history. Of the composer’s four operatic topics, it is in many ways the scherzo. Unlike Die schwarze Maske and Paradise Lost, but like The Devils of Loudun, the opera was set in translation, in this case from the original French to the German text of Jerzy Jarocki and the composer. To turn Jarry’s discursive play with its colloquial French into a concise opera in Ger- man presented some problems. The large number of scenes (33) and acts (5) needed to be rationalized: Penderecki and Jarocki settled for two acts with five scenes each, together with a prologue and epilogue. While this made the structure and the dramatic plot clearer, it tended to put the main focus on the principal characters. The two protagonists in Jarry’s play and Penderecki’s opera are Father Ubu and his wife, Mother Ubu. He is vulgar, shallow and impulsive, doing the first thing that comes into his head, but constantly having his mind changed by someone else, usually his wife.

38 Richard Morrison, “Rum evening at the dinner-table,” in The Times (London), May 17, 1990. 39 Paul Griffiths, “Expressionism crudely debased,” The Times (London), August 19, 1986. 40 Ibid.. 41 The full text is printed in, Jarry, Ubu (Paris: Gallimard, 1978), 27–132.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 135 13.5.2015 12:44:45 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 His vacillations take place all the time. Underneath she is cold and calculating, using Father Ubu as a tool for her own advancement; superficially, however, she goes along with all the manners and vulgarity of her husband, and encourages him when he follows her suggestions, but actively discourages him from his usual stance of idleness and lack of concentration when it does not suit her purposes. She constantly plays to his empty vanity when he sees the trappings of power in front of him and the abuses in which he can then indulge. The musical characterization of Father and Mother Ubu in Penderecki’s opera makes a very intriguing study. Clearly Father Ubu has an unstable personality, a feature reflected in his constantly moving from singing to speech. His sung vocal lines are full of large leaps of a seventh or ninth with more than a passing similarity with those of Wozzeck in Alban Berg’s opera. The rhythms are very irregular and unpredictable. Sometimes there is an extraneous fussy counterpoint to suggest an underlying unstable character. For example in the first scene Ubu’s speaking is accompanied by erratic phrases from the bass clarinet and bassoon42 and his singing overlaid by aim- less scurrying from the violins.43 Mother Ubu, on the other hand, is completely stable. When she is scheming, her melodic lines are fairly regular, often moving by step, with only the occasional controlled leaps. Her part often includes coloratura writing, in line with the operatic tradition of dominant women. A good example of this is found when she presents to Father Ubu the final piece of persuasion to carry out the murderous assassination of the King.44 A humorous passage in which Father Ubu tries to imitate Mother Ubu’s coloratura gives us an example of Mother Ubu’s persuasive powers over Ubu himself.45 These examples should give a clear indication of how Penderecki has defined his characters: their musical and dramatic personalities are completely consistent. It is perhaps not surprising that the depth of character is not immediately obvious, because the knockabout nature of the drama of Ubu Rex is very clear and in- stantly appreciated. Stephen Pettit felt that the former point applied: “There’s no deep characterization,”46 while Nick Kimberley did respond to the superficial clowning that must surround any version of the Ubu story: “Penderecki’s music, more an imitation of knockabout than the real thing, had little chance to develop beyond burlesque bel canto, but the singers did what they could to inject character.”47

Conclusion

While there have been various criticisms of aspects of Penderecki’s music and his lack of proper character definition, this broad and necessarily selective examination points to the fact that the composer has taken seriously the idea of making his characters clear to the audience. Some of the adverse comments have simply been the result

42 Krzystof Penderecki, Ubu Rex, full score (Mainz: Schott, 1991), 30. 43 Ibid., 31–32. 44 Ibid., 33. 45 Ibid., 23–24. 46 The Sunday Times, May 2, 2004, Culture Section, 31. 47 The Evening Standard (London), April 26, 2004, 47.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 136 13.5.2015 12:44:45 N. O’LOUGHLIN • CHARACTERIZATION IN THE OPERAS ... only of a superficial acquaintance with the music, while others have shown a disliking for the techniques that Penderecki was using. In the case of The Devils of Loudun, the avant-garde techniques found in the opera were likened to the kind of sound effects found in second rate films. The criticism is easy to make and difficult to disprove, as it is only with better acquaintance with the music can one understand the more subtle aspects of the composer’s manipulation of character. Because Paradise Lost has a much slower action and fairly limited number of intervals used, its reflective nature did not appeal to some of the early critics. On better acquaintance, one can appreciate the more subtle nature of Penderecki’s characterization of the protagonists. The story embraced in Gerhart Hauptmann’s play Die schwarze Maske is clearly a fantastic one that invites some measure of incredulity, but Penderecki was able to draw from it many musical features that he could develop into the great climax of the dance. Like Haupt- mann’s earlier play Und Pippa tanzt! which Alban Berg wanted to set, it blends realism with fantasy in a fable that positively demands musical treatment. That Benigna’s outburst has a very strong coloratura nature is something that is taken up with even more attention in the part for Mother Ubu in Ubu Rex. In fact it acts as a parable for many facets of the human condition, something that is not obvious if the opera is taken literally. Penderecki’s fourth opera tightens up the structure of Jarry’s original play, Ubu roi, and at the same time makes the satire on power much more explicit, losing some of the informality and raciness of the original French play. This is a loss that the composer compensates for with his wide range of musical humour, something that emerges in countless ways as the music becomes more familiar. Even if some of the earlier critics felt that the humour was not subtle enough, the opera is convincing proof that it is still possible to create a modern comedy opera. Of course, like all of the subjects that Pen- derecki has chosen for his operas, it has a much deeper message, something that his various forms of characterization emphasize.

POVZETEK dramski igri Gerharta Hauptmanna, razsvetljuje bizarni svet opere, v kateri je blaznost glavne Pendereckijeva karakterizacija v njegovih štirih junakinje prikazana s popačenimi vokalnimi lini- operah je precej raznolika in vključuje številne jami, koloraturnim petjem in mrtvaškim plesom. tehnike. V Hudičih iz Louduna (The Devils of Pendereckijeva četrta opera, Ubu Rex, ki temelji Loudun), ki temeljijo na knjigi Aldousa Huxleyja na fantazijski drami Ubu roi Alfreda Jarryja, se in na dramski igri Hudiči (The Devils) Johna osredinja na karakterizacijo kralja Ubuja in njegove Whitinga, skladatelj uporablja za definicijo oseb žene. Kralj je vulgaren, plehek in srborit, medtem melodične intervale, raznovrstne ritme in kom- ko je žena hladna in preračunljiva. V Ubujevih pétih binacijo govorjenja in cerkvenega petja v silovito linijah je polno velikih skokov z zelo neobičajnimi dramatičnem kontekstu. Izgubljeni raj (Paradise in nepredvidljivimi ritmi. Melodične linije kraljeve Lost), z libretom Christopherja Fryja, ki temelji žene so pravilne, pogosto se premikajo korak za na epski pesnitvi Johna Miltona, je veliko bolj korakom, ki jih le včasih prekinejo kontrolirani umirjen, vendar se za označevanje oseb opira na skoki in dokaj pogosto koloraturno petje – v skladu intervale in instrumentalni kolorit. Črna maska z operno tradicijo dominantnih žensk. (Die schwarze Maske), ki temelji na istoimenski

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 137 13.5.2015 12:44:45 MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 138 13.5.2015 12:44:45 T. MARKOVIĆ • NARRATIONS OF A NATION ... UDK 782(497.16) “18” DOI: 10.4312/mz.51.1.139-148

Tatjana Marković Inštitut za teorijo, analizo in zgodovino glasbe, Univerza za glasbo in upodobljajočo umetnost Dunaj Institut für Analyse, Theorie und Geschichte der Musik, Universität für Musik und darstellende Kunst Wien

Narrations of a nation: Montenegrin self-representation through (re) construction of cultural memory Naracija naroda: črnogorska samoreprezentacija skozi (re)konstrukcijo kulturnega spomina

Prejeto: 15. feburar 2015 Received: 15th February 2015 Sprejeto: 31. marec 2015 Accepted: 31st March 2015

Ključne besede: Črna gora, narodna samorepre- Keywords: Montenegro, national self-representa- zentacija, kulturni spomin, opera, Balkanska carica, tion, cultural memory, opera, Balkanska carica Nikola I. Petrović Njegoš, Dionisio de Sarno-San (Balkan Empress), Nikola I Petrović Njegoš, Dioni- Giorgio sio de Sarno-San Giorgio

IZVLEČEK ABSTRACT

Članek preučuje večplasten proces konstrukcije in The paper considers a multi-levelled process of rekonstrukcije črnogorskega kulturnega spomina construction and reconstruction of Montenegrin skozi srednjeveško narodno zgodovino, ki so jo oži- cultural memory through the medieval national vile gledališka igra Balkanska carica (1884) Nikole history revived in the 19 th century theatre play I. Petrovića Njegoša, princa in prvega črnogorskega Balkanska carica (Balkan empress, 1884) by the kralja, istoimenska opera Dionisia de Sarna-San Prince and the first Montenegrin king Nikola I Giorgia (1891) in prva uprizoritev opere leta 2006 Petrović Njegoš, the opera with the same name by – glede na dane politične in kulturne okoliščine. Dionisio de Sarno-San Giorgio (1891) and then one more time in 2006, when the opera was premiered, in the given political and cultural contexts.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 139 13.5.2015 12:44:45 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 Nations are signified by their narrations, based on the constructed cultural memory. The first Montenegrin national play Balkanska carica (Balkan Empress) by the Montenegrin Prince Nikola I Petrović Njegoš (1884), later (1891) set as an opera by Dionisio de Sarno-San Giorgio (1856–1937),1 embodies discourse of heroism through a medieval battle between Montenegro (Zeta) and the Ottomans from the end of the fifteenth century, symbolysing contemporary, nineteenth-century political program as a signifier of the Serbian-Montenegrin cultural memory. Montenegro was internationally renowned due to the bravery of her soldiers, capable to resist to the much more powerful Ottomans and keep the autonomy. In 1858 Montenegrin army of about 7,500 soldiers led by Grand Duke Mirko Petrović (elder brother of Nikola I’s predecessor Danilo II Petrović Njegoš, r. 1851–1860) won a victory over twice as large Ottoman army at the Battle of Grahovac.

Montenegro, to speak figuratively, is the Robin Hood of Europe, a dauntless champion of liberty that, with Freedom’s clarion-cry ever on the lips, has for hundreds of years stood facing fearful odds, fearless of men, fearing God alone. Meanwhile her valiant sons, with all the fierceness of their nature, have fought for their very lives, the might of the most powerful armies in the world failing to quench their matchless courage, or to break down their unwearied defence. Montenegro is hemmed in by Albania (Turkey), Novi Pazar (Turkey), Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Dalmatia; some of these are hard names to remember, but then this is a hard land, inhabited by a hardy people. Only a very little of Montenegro fringes the sea, for both Turkey and Austria are extremely jealous of this tiny kingdom, and, if they could, they would shut her in altogether. Imagine, if you can, a land consisting almost entirely of naked rock, of enormous waves of jagged mountains stretching as far as eye can reach, and composed of grey limestone, here and there broken by vast valleys. 2

Montenegro was during the Middle Ages divided in three parts and one of them, Zeta, was governed by the noble family Crnojević until 1499, when it became a part of the Ottoman sanjak (administrative region) of Schkodër. As early as 1514, Mon- tenegro established an autonomous sanjak for next fourteen years, refusing to accept Ottoman rule. After numerous uprisings and battles, which concluded the Great Turkish War in the second half of the seventeenth century, and a defeat of the Otto- mans, Montenegro became a theocracy governed by prince-bishops from the family Petrović-Njegoš.

1 Dionisio de Sarno San-Giorgio was an Italian diplomat in Montenegro and Serbia, as well as composer and organizer of musical life. After his studies in Naples and Florance, he came to Kotor in 1886. In the next six years he contributed very much to the development of musical life in Montenegro. But, since his efforts did not have significant results, unsatisfied with the circumstances in Montenegro, he moved to Belgrade (1893–1932), where he was also active as a diplomat, as well as consul of Spain. He donated scores of about four hundred his compositions to the Archive in Kotor, where he spent his last years of retirement. Unfortunately, the manuscripts of his two other operas, also in the Serbian language, Gorde and Dane, are lost. 2 Roy Trevor, Montenegro: A land of warriors, with twelve full-page illustrations in colour by Allan Stewart (London: Adam and Charles Black,1913).

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The House of Petrović-Njegoš (1696–1918) Prince-Bishop Danilo I Šćepčev Petrović-Njegoš 1696–1735 Prince-Bishop Sava II Petrović-Njegoš 1735–1781 Prince-Bishop Vasilije III Petrović-Njegoš (joint ruler with Sava II) 1750–1766 Prince-Bishop Petar I Petrović-Njegoš (Saint Peter of Cetinje, Sveti Petar 1782–1830 Cetinjski) Prince-Bishop Petar II Petrović-Njegoš 1830–1851 Prince-Bishop Danilo II Petrović-Njegoš (restyled himself as Knjaz or 1851–1852 Prince 1852) Prince 1852–1860 Prince Nikola I Petrović-Njegoš (restyled himself as Kralj or King 1910) 1860–1910 King 1910–1918

During the reign of Nikola Petrović Njegoš I the Principality was significantly en- larged due to the combined outcome of wars against Turks and diplomatic activities. At the Berlin Congress Montenegro won the status of independent country in 1878. By that time, the Prince Nikola I has already established diplomatic relations with the main powers. Due to the extensive diplomatic contacts with the European powers, the royal capital, a very small town of Cetinje, was a center of diplomacy, with Austro- Hungarian, Belgian, Bulgarian, English, German, Italian, French, Ottoman, Russian and Serbian mission.3 The international relations of Montenegro were successful for one more specific reason: the Prince Nikola and the Princess Milena Petrović had twelve children, and five of their nine daughters were married to European royalty. For this reason, the Montenegrin King was known as “the father-in-law of Europe”:

Princess Ljubica, known as Zorka (1864–1890) married Petar Karađorđević (who after her death would become King Peter I, King of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, which became Yugoslavia, including Montenegro); − Princess Milica (1866–1951) was married to Grand Duke Pëtr Nikolaevič Roma- nov of Russia, brother of Grand Duke Nikolaj Nikolaevič; − Princess Anastasija-Stana (1868–1935) was married first with George, Duke of Leuchtenberg and then, after divorce, to the World War I general Grand Duke Nikolaj Nikolaevič of Russia Jr. (both were grandsons of Emperor Nikolaj I); − Princess Jelena (1873–1952) became Queen Elena of Italy, wife of Vittorio Ema- nuele III, the King of Italy (1900–1946) and the King of Albania (1939–1943); − Princess Ana (1874–1971), married Prince Franz Joseph of Battenberg.

In 1910 Montenegro was recognised as the Kingdom and Nikola Petrović Njegoš I was its first and the only king, since Montenegro joined in 1918 the Kingdom of Serbs, Croatians, Slovenes, later on the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.

3 Cf., accessed on 9 December, 2014, http://www.itinereri.org/itinereri/grad/cetinje/.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 141 13.5.2015 12:44:46 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 Military successes of Montenegro, both independent and in alliance with Serbia and other Balkan countries or with the powers such as Russia, sometimes the Habs- burg Monarchy and others, provided a peculiar image of Montenegrins.

Tiny Montenegro was an especially favoured destination for both Western Slavs and Russians travelling in the Balkans. Western Romantics discovering ‚these least civilised people in Europe’ in the nineteenth century saw Montenegro as a bastion of liberty and heroic Christianity holding out against ‚the Turk’... For the Slav-inspired pilgrim, however, Montenegro had a larger and more personal significance. Not only was it the only self-governed Slav state beside Russia, but its heroism, patriarchal way of life and egalitarianism (as well as the integration of church and state under the rule of the prince-bishops) seemed to preserve a pre-modern way of life that could be claimed as quintessentially Slavic.4

The core of the national self-representation and the national identity was accordingly built on the basis of military glory in numerous art works, especially in literature – in epics and heroic poems (the most popular until today has been the practice of declamation of heroic epics with the gusle accompaniment). The play Balkanska carica is based on the nineteenth-century (author’s) perspective of the heroic mythical medieval time. Nikola Petrović Njegoš I tended to promote a restoration of medieval Serbian Empire. It is worth mentioning the message of the Prince and future King of Montenegro, Nikola I Petrović Njegoš to the Montenegrins in Herzegovina, in 1876, during the Balkan crisis: “Under Murad I Serbian Empire was destroyed [this is a reference to the Kosovo Battle in 1389 – T. M.]. Under Murad V it has to rise again. This is my wish and wish of all of us as well as the wish of almighty God.”5 With his theatre play, the author also aimd to stress the continuity of the Montenegrin statehood, which resulted in identity narratives on a Golden Age and a Heroic Age.

The Montenegrin identity narrative appears as a story of a Golden Age, followed by a Heroic Age. ...the Golden Age was identical with pre-Ottoman, medieval period, The Golden Age was conceptuylized as a time of numerous political and cultural achievement on the part of the Serb nation. [...] It was especially the ‚Serbian empire’ of the Nemanjić dinasty that was conceptualized as the most glorious period of Serb history, a ready-made blueprint for a modern version of a Serb nation-state. [...] After the battle of Kosovo... remnants of the medieval Serbian empire quickly disintegrated and all Serb lands were gradually conquered by the Turks. However, Ivan Crnojević, ruler of the last remaining Serb land of Zeta, refused to give up. Together with his people, including members of the aristocracy and Orthodox clergy, he retreated to the inaccessible and inhospitable highlands under Mount Lovćen. [...] Unlike the

4 Wendy Bracewell, “Travels throught the Slav world”, in Under Eastern eyes. A comparative introduction to East European travel writing on Europe, Wendy Bracewell and Alex Drace-Francis, eds. (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2008), 166–167. 5 Murad I was the sultan of the Ottoman Empire from 1362 to 1389, when he was assassinated during the Kosovo Battle against Serbian army. Murad V was the sultan only between 30 May and 31 August 1876.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 142 13.5.2015 12:44:46 T. MARKOVIĆ • NARRATIONS OF A NATION ... previous era, which was ‚Golden’ for all the Serbs, the Heroic Age concerns only a fraction of them – those who had the courage, strength, and luck to become Monte- negrins, ready to sacrifice their material possessions, advantages, and pleasures in order to remain free from the proverbial Turkish yoke and its multiple degenerative effects. The Heroic Age of Montenegrin history represented a long period of armed resistance against the incomparably mightier enemy.6

The Prince Nikola I gave a great contribution to the culture of his land too. Intending to achieve the Central European forms of cultural life, which was a rather demanding task, he himself wrote the first national theatre play, along with poetry. Since the Monte- negrin environment, however, expressed resistance to everything that was not directly related to the discourse of heroism, the Prince had to develop a cunny strategy to establish theatre life. During the writing of the drama (1881–1884), he was reading daily its newly written parts to a chosen circle of friends. This led to a lively discussion about the possibilities of the future course of dramatic action in entire Cetinje, and soon the citizens of the capital recited parts of the play by heart. As this was the first Montenegrin national drama, intellectuals around the Prince took care of its performance, so that the Dobrovoljno diletantsko društvo Cetinjske čitaonice (Voluntary amateurs’ society of the Cetinje Reading room) was established.7 This was actually a komad s pevanjem (theatre play with music). Due to the patriotic subject, glorious heroes, brave Montenegrin women, and also due to the communicativeness of music numbers, the theatre play was popular very soon and it was recorded that “there were not similar excitement ever”.8 Nikola Petrović has chosen an episode from the fifteenth-century history of Zeta, then governed by Ivan Crnojević (r. 1465–1490), and finished his theatre play precisely on the 400th anniversary of the monastery dedicated to this medieval Montenegrin ruler. The family Crnojević is famous not only because of their military successes against the Ottoman army and diplomacy with Venice, but also because they established the first printing office in Southeast Europe in Cetinje in 1493. They also built the Ortho- dox monastery in Cetinje, around which the capital would later emerge. In the drama and hence in the opera, the historical facts were not strictl followed: instead of three sons of Ivan Crnojević (Đurađ, Stefan and Staniša),9 only two are mentioned (Đorđe

6 František Šístek, “Regimes of historicity, identity, and temporality in Motenegro, 1905–45”, in: Diana Mishkova, Balázs Trencsényi and Marja Jalava, eds., Regimes of historicity in Southeastern and Northern Europe, 1890–1945. Discourses of identity and temporality (London and New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2014), 83–84. 7 A detailed study on the establishing theatre life in Montenegro in: Vesna Ivanović, Muzički život Podgorice i Crne Gore u doba Nikole I Petrovića Njegoša (Podgorica: Muzički centar Crne Gore, 2012), 67. 8 Ivana Antović, “Opera ‘Balkanska carica’ Dionizija de Sarna San Djordja nastala u Kotoru 1890. godine”, in Boka: Zbornik radova iz nauke, kulture i umjetnosti, 27, 2007, 292. The writer Simo Matavulj, who was also an actor when the theatre play was performed, witnessed the birth of the work as well as its life on the stage: Simo Matavulj, Bilješke jednog pisca (Beograd: Nolit, 1988). 9 As for historica facts: “Ivan’s oldest son, Djuradj, succeeded him and ruled Montenegro from 1490 to 1496. Being unable to resist growing pressure from the Ottomans, Djuradj left Montenegro and settled in Venice in 1496. […] He was succeeded by his brother Stefan, who nominally ruled Montenegro until 1499, when the region became part of the newly established Ottoman administrative unit, Sanjak of Scutari. Meanwhile, Ivan’s youngest son, Staniša. Disillusioned by the impossibility of succeeding his father, went to Istanbul and converted to Islam. As a loyal servant of the Ottoman sultan, Staniša Crnojević (who adopted the name Skender…) was appointed in 1513 as the Sanjak-Bey in charge of Montenegro and neighboring Albanian tribes.” Cf. Srdja Pavlović, Balkan Anschluss: of Monenegro and the creation of the common South Slavic state (West Lafayette: Purdue University Press, 2008), 31–32.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 143 13.5.2015 12:44:46 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 and Stanko). The younger brother Stanko from the theatre play was depicted in the drama (actually historical Staniša) neglected and frustrated, without any prospective to become a ruler in future, so that the sultan Murad’s representative, Ibraim-aga, succeeded to convince him to join the Ottoman troupes in an exchange for the position of the future Balkan emperor (Staniša went to Istanbul and converted to Islam, becoming later the Shkodrian Sanjak Bey). Judging from the libretto, the main reason for Stanko’s joining the Ottoman camp was to overcome the obstacles to marry Danica, what he was not able to do in Zeta because of her modest origin. Unable to accept his betrayal of the fatherland and his offer to become some day the Balkan Empress, Danica com- mits suicide. With such development of the action San-Giorgio shifted the focus of the opera from the wide patriotic and political context to the more personal love story. The image of heroic Montenegro, called Serbian Sparta, is emphasized in the libret- to by the references concerning the states asking for help of Montenegrin warriors, like Albania, as they needed a protection because of the threat from Ottoman conquerors. The next-to-last scene called “The Battlefield” is an image of the battle between Monte- negrin and Ottoman armies. In spite of the overwhelming power of Ottoman soldiers, Ivan Crnojević and his soldiers won the victory due to their fearless fights. Consequently, the theatre play/libretto is signified by the identification topics of Serbs from Montenegro, and these are: 1) the epic narrative of history, 2) both men and women are heroes and warriors in the name of patriotism, and 3) the Orthodox faith.

The Ottomans are referred to as the enemies, butchers, merciless wolves and the Islamic threat to Christianity.10 Maria Todorova touches upon such images: “The enormous output of anti-Turkish propaganda obviously created a stereotyped image of the Ottoman as savage, bloody, and inhuman, and produced a demonized antagonist epitomizing the hereditary enemy of Christendom”.11 In spite of such negative characteristics of the Other, the Montenegrin heroes respect the most important qualities in their own hierarchy of values: the heroism of the Ottoman warriors, who used “swords which cut well” and “lances which fly straight” and, consequently, their power. It is precisely this power that is a fatal temptation for Stanko Crnojević. Unable to accept such a development, and his offer to become the Balkan empress some day, Danica committed suicide, proving that patriotism and honour are the most important aspects in the life of a true Montenegrin woman. The Prince’s theater play inspired the Italian diplomat and composer Dionisio de Sarno San-Giorgio (1856–1937) to write the opera Balkanska carica (‘Balkan Em- press’) as his political dedication to Nikola Petrović Njegoš. The composer was aware of the shortcomings in its dramaturgy and he did not even have expectations to see

10 Danica: “Naša je vjera lijepa, prava, / a turska nije no zla, krvava” (Our [Orthodox, T.M.] faith is beautiful, true / and Turkish is evil, bloody); Nikola I Petrović Njegoš, Balkanska carica, drama u tri radnje, ed. by Zdravko Gojković (Beograd: Zenit, 1989), 143. Cf. Tatjana Marković, “The Ottoman past in the Romantic opera’s present: The Ottoman Other in Serbian, Croatian and Montenegrin operas”, in. Risto Pekka Pennanen, Panagiotis C. Poulos, Aspasia Theodosious, eds., Ottoman intimacies, Balkan music realities (Helsinki: Suomen Ateenan-instiuutin säätiö, 2013), 71–86. 11 Maria Todorova, Imagining the Balkans (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 86.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 144 13.5.2015 12:44:46 T. MARKOVIĆ • NARRATIONS OF A NATION ... his work performed. There was no a specific libretto for this opera, that is, San-Giorgio only chose determined parts from the drama and set them to music, as he explained in the preface to the vocal score:

[E]verywhere in the Slavic literary world, this celebrated and famous theatre play is regarded as the most beautiful flower in the glorious wreath of the Prince-Poet for its wonderful verse as well as its great content. The play has not been intended to be set to music. But since I found in it many places of wonderful lyrical beauty, and also several choruses similar to the ones from classical Greek dramas and the dramas by the Italian Metastasio, I decided to set some parts of the drama to music. [...] I took as much from the drama, as it was allowed in order to evade too long an action. Yet, this work could not be performed on the stage, partly because it lacks continuity needed for musical drama, partly because of its length and many a solo characters; and if it would be necessary to stage it, many numbers would need to be shorten in order to reduce the singers’ efforts, especially the Tenor’s.12

San Giorgio made apparent that he wrote this opera primarily as his (political) dedication to the prince (1860–1910), and afterwards the king (1910–1918) of Montenegro, Nikola Petrović Njegoš I in whose country he served as a diplomat, and whose drama was the basis of the libretto. “The most beautiful award for my work would be if I am lucky to receive His Excellency Prince Nikola The First’s graceful acceptation and respect for it. I am proud of his highest permissi on to write my name at the end of this modest work.”13 For this reason, the composer named his opera as Balkan Empress, drama in three acts by Nikola I the Prince of Montenegro. By choosing the lines almost exclusively from the roles of the two main characters in the drama, Stanko Crnojević and Danica, with the supporting roles of Ivan Crnojević, Uglješa and Marta, the composer did not shed enough light on the plot, and therefore the libretto itself does not provide a sufficiently clear idea about the connections between events, the motivations of characters as to why they act in a certain manner, or the wider late fifteenth-century political context. The Balkanska carica is modelled mainly upon the Italian Romantic opera, and some national elements are introduced through genre-scenes, mostly dances. In numerous operas from the Balkans, the Other is understandably embodied through the Ottoman characters.14 In addition, different layers of the Orientalism are also recognizable in all the operatic texts. Although it is embodied through certain stereotypes and “fabricated constructs” in the relationship between East and West – “the Orient arouses anxieties and fears in almost equal measure with both imperialism itself and the social and intellectual conflicts of home”15 – we cannot say that the Romantics from

12 Dionisio de Sarno san Giorgio, “Opaska”, Balkanska carica. Drama u tru radnje Nikole I. knjaza crnogorskog i.t.d. (Trieste, Bologna: Edition C. Schmidl & Co.; Agram: Kugli & Deutsch; Petersburg: A. Büttner, s.a.), 1. 13 Idem. 14 Western and Central Europe had “two main sources of influence: the Ottoman Empire, both its Turkish heartland and the Levant, and the ‘Moorish’ lands of the West”. John M. MacKenzie, Orientalism: History, theory and the arts (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1995), 144. 15 Ibid., 31.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 145 13.5.2015 12:44:46 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 Southeastern Europe – “had highly individualized responses to their visions of the East, each a projection of their own fantasy worlds” like Byron and Shelley, for instance.16 In opposition to this, the Romantics’ Other was part of their reality, their own political and cultural context. Characteristic of the opera is that “the ‘cultural work’ that is done by the arts when they evoke another society […] is not necessarily as repressive and regrettable. [...] It should not, that is, be assumed that the worldview that musical and other cultural texts of this sort support is necessarily pro-imperialist.”17 Due to omitting all scenes where the Ottomans participate in the stage action, de Sarno-San Giorgio stressed his focus on national self-representation, so that the three acts contain a sequence of arias by Stanko, Danica and other characters of Montenegrins. The central scene of the opera is a genre scene or the khorovod with a significant role to equal the self-representation with the national self-celebration: it contains folk songs performed by a choir and kolo circle dances. The entire Scene 3 is a kolo consisting of eight parts (A-H), based on eight stanzas of the folk song U Ivana gospodara, celebrating beauty and heroism of Montenegrin women. The song is about a ruler Ivan and his two sons, for whom the father wants to find suitable wives. Every part of the varied strophic form includes two main themes, in accordance to two verses, which are repetead four times. Every verse is set to two- measures phrases in the range of a fifth or sixth without leaps, resulting with a mono- tone movement, typical for epic poetry, which is in turn one of the signifiers of Mon- tenegrin identity. The instrumental accompaniment is simple, based on the movement tonic-dominant. What produces contrast is first of all the tonal plan, and also harmony, melody and texture, while melody remains almost the same. In other words, entire scene is organised in a form of Glinka’s variations.

Kolo A: G-minor – G-major Kolo B: C-major Kolo C: F-major Kolo D: C-major Kolo E: A flat-major Kolo F: E flat-major Kolo G: C-major – F-major Kolo H: C-major

As the prophet hinted in advance, at the beginning of the opera, Montenegrins will win and avenge Kosovo. Danica helps the wounded on the battlefield. This is where occurs Danica’s and Stanko’s final meeting: she condemns him as a traitor, but confess- es that she still loves him. Seeing no other way out from this situation, Danica jumped into the Morača river. Opera ends with a winning celebration of the victory over the Ot- toman army, the liberated Montenegro, and celebrating the act of Danica as an example of patriotism associated with Montenegrin women. In the patriarchal Montenegrin

16 Idem. 17 Ralph P. Locke, “Cutthroats and Casbah dancers, muezzins and timeless sands: Musical images of the Middle East”, in. Jonathan Bellman, ed., The Exotic in Western music (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998), 106–107.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 146 13.5.2015 12:44:46 T. MARKOVIĆ • NARRATIONS OF A NATION ... society, in whose hierarchy heroism occupied the highest place, status of women is specific, what is also confirmed by an example of Danica in this opera.

Although a Montenegrin himself does not respect his wife highly, anybody else is not allowed to least offend her, for he would pay it by his life; additionally, it is shameful to attack a weaker one. For that reason, the women are free to go anywhere even during the biggest wars of Montenegrins, and the men send their wives everywhere, where they are not dare to go. The women follow their husbands when they go to a military mission, walking for two or three days without a break and carry food on their shoulders, wash the wounded men’s faces, give them wine and brandy, and heal their wounds. Along to this, they support and encourage the combatants to the battle by their own presence, yes! And if any of the fighters dares to escape, then the women… mock them and, by ridiculing them, the women are able to get them back them to the fight. Montenegrin women are also diligent at home: they spin and knit; they carry water, firewood, and [...] help their husband... in ny kind of work. This hard work make them healthy and virtuous.18

Interestingly enough, the opera Balkanska carica was for the first time integrally performed only in 2008, two years after the declaration of an independent state of Montenegro. The Federal Yugoslavia ceased to exist in 1991, when Slovenia, Croatia, and later Macedonia declared their independences, followed by Bosnia and Herze- govina in 1992. After that, Serbia and Montenegro proclaimed the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and they finally achieved their own independece in 2006. Montenegro’s secession would end what has become an increasingly fractious federation with Ser- bia, kept together by pressure from the European Union.19 It was claimed by the pro- independence politicians that it is a great day for the citizens of Montenegro to regain independence after 88 years, referring to 1918, when was established the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, later becoming the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The process of reconstructing cultural memory included the construction of a new so-called Monte- negrin language, Montenegrin Academy of Sciences, along with attempts of the declaration of the independent Montenegrin Orthodox church. The concerts and other events take place in several Montenegrin cities to mark the anniversary on the same day, including also visits to the monument of the country’s most famous nineteenth- century poet, Petar Petrović Njegoš, on the top of mountain Lovćen, under the auspices of the new government led by Milo Djukanović. Since 2006, a comprehensive reconstruction of the glorious past, spanning from the time of Zeta to the nineteenth-century Montenegrin Principality and Kingdom led

18 Dimitrie Milaković, ed., Grlica, kalendar crnogorski za godinu 1835. Mladeži crnogorskoj najvećoj nadeždi unapredašneg štita slobode otečestva posvećen (Crna Gora: Mitropolitska pečatnja, s.a.), 54–54. The last word of the citation, translated here by me as „virtuous“ (meaning also „of high moral standards“), is „celomudren“. It is taken from the Bible to express a person who is moral, without any vices and whose body and mind is clean. 19 Under rules negotiated with the European Union, Montenegro's government agreed that it would have to win at least 55 percent of the vote for independence to be internationally recognized. In a referendum held on May 21 2006, 55.5 per cent of citizens voted for independence. Cf. Nicholas Wood, “Pro-independence movement leads in Montenegro”, New York Times, May 22, 2006, http://www.nytimes.com/2006/05/22/world/europe/22montenegro.html?pagewanted=print&_r=0.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 147 13.5.2015 12:44:46 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 by the members of the family Petrović Njegoš took place in the state cultural policy. Since cultural memory is defined as the way a society ensures cultural continuity by preserving its collective knowledge – with the help of cultural mnemonics – from one generation to the next, rendering it possible for later generations to reconstruct their cultural identity. Precisely the drama Balkanska carica re-entered the repertoire of the national theaters, and also numerous gusle players. This was followed by the first performance of de Sarno-San Giorgio’s opera in 2008, as a spectacle reviewed more in political than cultural and artistic narrative, confirming the re-inventing of national cultural memory. The opera Balkanska carica was performed in a rather new form, rear- ranged, significantly shortened, with added musical numbers and new orchestration, Even its end was changed and it became unrecognizable. Consequently, references to the past reassure the members of a society of their collective identity and supply them with an awareness of their unity and singularity in time and space—i.e. an historical consciousness, as Ian Assmann pointed out, by creating a shared past.20

POVZETEK prvo narodno opero z enakim naslovom (1891). Opero je kot politično posvetilo Nikoli I. Petroviću Članek preučuje večplasten proces konstrukcije in Njegošu napisal skladatelj in italijanski ambasador rekonstrukcije črnogorskega kulturnega spomina. v Črni gori Dionisio de Sarno-San Giorgio. V celoti Z namenom propagiranja svojega političnega je bila prvič uprizorjena šele leta 2006, ko je Črna programa je Nikola I. Petrović Njegoš, princ in prvi gora dobila status samostojne države. Novo vodstvo črnogorski kralj, leta 1884 napisal prvo narodno je rekonstruiralo kulturni spomin, da bi s srednje- gledališko igro Balkanska carica. Igra temelji na veško Zeto in kraljestvom v 19. stoletju poudarilo dogodkih iz srednjeveške zgodovine Zete, ki jo je stalnost črnogorske nacionalnosti. To je hkrati vodil Ivan Čarnojević, in je hkrati tudi podlaga za pomenilo tudi popolno predelavo opere.

20 Ian Assmann, Das kulturelle Gedächtnis. Schrift, Erinnerung und politische Identität in frühen Hochkulturen (München: Beck, 1992), 30–34.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 148 13.5.2015 12:44:46 M. MILIN • CULTURAL ISOLATION OF YUGOSLAVIA ... UDK 78(497.11)“1944/1960“ DOI: 10.4312/mz.51.1.149-161

Melita Milin Muzikološki inštitut Srbske akademije znanosti in umetnosti, Beograd Institute of Musicology of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Belgrade

Cultural isolation of Yugoslavia 1944–1960 and its impact on the sphere of music: the case of Serbia1* Kulturna izolacija Jugoslavije med letoma 1944 in 1960 ter njen vpliv na področje glasbe: primer Srbije2**

Prejeto: 17. januar 2015 Received: 17th January 2015 Sprejeto: 31. marec 2015 Accepted: 31st March 2015

Ključne besede: kulturna izolacija, srbska glasba, Keywords: Cultural isolation, Serbian music, Yugo- Jugoslavija, socialistični realizem, hladna vojna slavia, socialist realism, Cold war

IZVLEČEK ABSTRACT

V desetletjih po koncu druge svetovne vojne in In the decades after the end of WW2 and the estab- vzpostavitvi komunističnega režima v Jugoslaviji lishment of the communist regime in Yugoslavia, je kulturna osamitev Srbijo prizadela na podoben cultural isolation affected Serbia in more or less the način kot preostalih pet federativnih republik. Čla- same way as the other five federal republics. This nek raziskuje značilne vidike tega obdobja, kot so article examines aspects typical of that period, such stopnja glasbene izmenjave s tujim, t. i. zahodnim as the level of musical exchange with the foreign, svetom, ustvarjalne odzive srbskih skladateljev i.e. Western world; the creative responses of Serbian vseh generacij na povojna avantgardna gibanja, composers of all generations to post-war avant- gostujoče koncerte tujih glasbenikov in ansamblov garde movements; guest concerts of foreign musi- v Srbiji ter mednarodne turneje srbskih glasbeni- cians and ensembles in Serbia and the international kov, koncertne repertoarje in operne programe ter tours of Serbian musicians; repertoires on concert zapuščino tega obdobja. and opera programs; and the legacy of the period.

* This article was written as part of the project Serbian Identities within Local and Global Frameworks: Traditions, Changes, Challenges (no 177004), funded by the Ministry of Education and Science of Republic of Serbia. ** Članek je bil napisan v okviru projekta številka 177004, Srbske identitete znotraj lokalnih in globalnih okvirjev: Tradicije, spremembe in izzivi (Serbian Identities within Local and Global Frameworks: Traditions, Changes, Challenges), ki ga je financiralo Ministrstvo za šolstvo, znanost in tehnološki razvoj Republike Srbije.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 149 13.5.2015 12:44:46 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 Among the worst aspects of the Cold War was the very low circulation intensity of people, goods, and ideas in the sphere of culture, that being an effect of radical restriction of different forms of communication between countries of the confronting blocs. In order to stop massive migration, the authorities of the Eastern bloc imposed extremely hard conditions for their citizens to travel to the West, as well as similar difficulties for those who wished to visit them from abroad. Many people risked their lives attempting to escape to the West and many were killed in those attempts. Cultural goods, including books and journals, also had to surmount great obstacles in crossing the borders. The freedom of artistic creation, already damaged by the enforcement of socialist realism, was additionally threatened by the absence of information and normal circulation (import) of newly produced works, musical and others. The situation was not the same in all countries East of the Iron Curtain. In the field of new music, Poland made an astonishing breakthrough with the “Warsaw Autumn“ festival, held for the first time in 1956 (10-20 October), only four months after the work- ers’ insurrection in Poznań, started because of economic hardship, and followed by unrest in some other towns, like Bydgoszcz. The first Warsaw festival finished only three days before the bloody demonstrations exploded on the streets of Budapest (23 October-14 November), those events having been decisive for György Ligeti to leave Hungary after less than two months. The first fifteen post-war years in Yugoslavia were marked by different conflicts between the newly established communist regime and its many adversaries. Those were hard times in many respects, but thanks to the political leaders’ positioning Yu- goslavia as belonging neither to the Eastern nor to the Western bloc, the complicated internal problems, such as those linked to economics and nationalisms, managed to be kept under control, at least temporarily. So, taking advantage of Cold War polari- sations, and creating tolerable political relations with both communist and capitalist countries, Yugoslavia became a special case among the communist states. During the first three or four post- WW2 years Yugoslavia was a typical communist country, busy building the new state according to the political, social and cultural model of USSR. After the 1948 Stalin–Tito split over the level of autonomous actions allowed to the satellite communist countries, the situation in the country first deteriorated seriously, so that even the troops of the Eastern bloc threatened to invade the country. Then after a certain time relations with the West began to improve, bringing a certain relaxa- tion of the overall tensions, staying that way for some additional time after the Soviet leader’s death in 1953. In those years that brought rapprochement with the Western countries, there was also a renewal of relations with the Soviet Union after 1955, so that the revolutionary strivings and excesses were calmed a little, leading to a longer period of balance aiming at achieving and keeping an equidistance in relations with the two powerful blocs of countries. The period under consideration in this article – between 1944 and 1960 – was marked by the cultural (and political) isolation of Yugoslavia, especially during the first years, typical of dictatorial regimes wishing to keep control over all political, economic, social and cultural processes in the country, especially in times of inner and international fragility and efforts towards consolidation. The isolation however, as will

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 150 13.5.2015 12:44:46 M. MILIN • CULTURAL ISOLATION OF YUGOSLAVIA ... be seen, was not as strict and impermeable as was that in most communist countries at the time. The year 1960 is given as symbolically marking the end of the period of cultural isolation, at least in its strict form, because already in the next year an event took place that proved to be of decisive importance for the improvement of cultural exchange with the outer world: the first Biennale of contemporary music, an international festival that exists to this day, was organised in Zagreb, capital of the republic of Croatia, opening many doors to the most recent developments going on both in the West and in the East. Its founder, the Croatian composer Milko Kelemen, living in Germany, proved to be very capable and certainly audacious in his undertaking. After having spent several years in Western countries, where he studied with Olivier Messi- aen (1954) and became associated with the Darmstadt courses, he found that Croatian (and Yugoslav) music was very much behind the modern processes, which motivated him to create something similar to the “Warsaw Autumn“ festival. It is necessary first to define in concrete terms what is understood by “cultural isolation“ in the case of Serbia, bearing in mind that the situation was more or less the same in the other federal republics of the then Yugoslavia. Discussed aspects include the chances for composers and musicians to be informed about the most recent developments in the area of art music; their creative responses and opinions on post-war avant- garde; the possibility for musicians and composers to travel abroad, complete their education and have their music performed; the importance of guest concerts by foreign musicians and larger ensembles, performing both standard and new repertoires.

Creating in (not so splendid) isolation

During the whole period under discussion it was very difficult to travel abroad, to get passports and visas, especially for those who were not members of the Communist party and those who were regarded as enemies of the regime because of their political views, including known family or friendly relations with individuals from emigrant communities abroad. Very few young or not-so-young musicians who wished to complete their studies in other countries or attend special festivals, were able to accomplish that because the ruling policy was to allow as little contact with the foreign world as possible, out of fear of anti-regime activities. It was true indeed that after the Informbu- ro crisis (1948) the country was threatened by invasion from the USSR and its allies and there was also a serious conflict over Trieste and the surrounding area. It is understand- able that the government had too modest means for funding study travels and award- ing financial aid for scholarship for students and other young musicians and composers. The situation was especially challenging for composers who had a natural curiosity for most recent developments in the outer (Western) world, including of course the avant-garde. It was almost impossible for them to know anything about contemporary trends, especially in the first post-war years, since only performing musicians had the chance to go on (rare) tours abroad at the time. So, in the period 1944-1950, when some young musicians in Cologne, Paris or Milano were busy studying mainly the works of pre-war “Modern Classics” – Stravinsky, Hindemith, Honegger and Bartók, some other

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 151 13.5.2015 12:44:46 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 young people there being more intrigued by the possibilities of Schoenberg’s and We- bern’s dodecaphony, Serbian composers who started their careers in the first post- war years (Vasilije Mokranjac, Enriko Josif, Vlastimir Peričić, Aleksandar Obradović, Dušan Radić, Dejan Despić, Vladan Radovanović) were mostly exposed to 18th- and 19th-century music, with the exception of the relatively frequently played music of Ser- gei Prokofiev. Bartók’s and Stravinsky’s works were neither performed at concerts nor heard on radio at that time, but scores of some of their compositions were, however, to be found in private possession and in certain bookshops. The then middle generation, composers who were in their thirties and forties at that time (Mihovil Logar, Mihailo Vukdragović, Dragutin Čolić, Ljubica Marić, Stanojlo Rajičić, Milan Ristić) had had the chance to study in Prague and other important European music centres before the war, so that they knew a lot about pre-war musical modernism and had also contributed to it with their works performed at international festivals and concerts during the interwar period. Their radicalism had begun to loosen even before the war and after 1944 that process, influenced decisively by the imposition of Socialist Realism, resulted in their renouncing any kind of progressive musical thinking. Later, during the 1950s, they re-introduced some elements of their earlier bold styles based in Expressionism into their works and some of them managed to create a successful personal synthesis of old and new. After the war the oldest generation of Serbian composers, those born in the last decades of the 19th century (Petar Konjović, Stevan Hristić, Josip Slavenski who was a Croat living in Belgrade) did not trouble themselves with introducing anything novel into their works and they enjoyed high esteem of their contemporaries, mostly due to their earlier works. As could be expected, the position of the youngest composers, some of them still students, was the most delicate of all. Two among them, Dušan Radić and Vladan Radovanović, were very much inclined to novelties, the former finding affinity with Stravinskian Neoclassicism, whereas the latter explored different paths, including dodecaphony and Neoclassicism. Both were students of Milenko Živković at the Music Academy, enjoying his open, though not too liberal, attitude towards new trends. Živković and his Croatian colleague Natko Devčić, were probably the first composers from Yugoslavia to attend a festival of modern music after WW2 – the ISCM festival held in Brussels in June 1950. It is very informative to read Živković’s lengthy report about the music he heard there. 3 The tone of the report is educational, so that it contains plenty of information on Schoenberg, Stravinsky and Bartók, who are “considered at the West as the three true founders of modern music” 4, and also on a number of other relevant contemporary composers, so that a vast panorama of music of the three previous decades is presented. The text also gives an extensive survey of the pieces played at the festival with a part devoted to the relations between the ISCM and its Yugoslav section, which is particularly interesting because it throws light on the sense of exclusion felt by Serbian and Yugoslav composers during those years.

3 Milenko Živković, “Pogled na savremenu muziku Zapada – povodom XXIV festivala Međunarodnog društva za savremenu muziku u Briselu” [Glance at contemporary music of the West – a propos the XXIV Festival of the International Society for Contemporary Music in Brussels], Muzika 5 (1951): 153–70. 4 Ibid.,155.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 152 13.5.2015 12:44:46 M. MILIN • CULTURAL ISOLATION OF YUGOSLAVIA ... Namely, the composers’ societies of Serbia, Croatia and Slovenia (three among the six Yugoslav republics) had sent some works for the festivals in 1946 and 1948, but not one piece was accepted for public performance. In the paper he read during the festival, Živković posed the question of whether the works from Yugoslavia had been rejected because they were regarded by the jury as not belonging to contemporary music, at least in its wider meaning, and he concluded that, according to the officially proclaimed aims of ISCM, there should be no attempts at privileging one specific music direction over the others.5 The number of musicians who managed to travel abroad started to rise little by little after 1950 and it seems that they all felt it was their duty to write reviews and their impressions about the concerts, operas, and ballet performances they had attended, as a way of filling the gaps in the knowledge of their fellow countrymen who were not lucky enough to get opportunities for similar experiences. Oskar Danon, a prominent figure as a conductor, but also one of the leading communist ideologues, was the first to have been given the chance to attend important festivals abroad. In the season 1949/50 he heard several concerts in England, Austria and Italy, telling later about his impressions during the meetings in the Union of Com- posers of Serbia.6 Nikola Hercigonja wrote about the 1953 Salzburg music festival, publishing six texts in as many consecutive issues of the journal Savremeni akordi [Con- temporary Chords].7 Two years later the promising young composer and musicologist Dragutin Gostuški also wrote about the Salzburg festival, in his characteristically witty way.8 Other writers reported about the 1955 Edinburgh festival, musical life in London, Vienna and the United States9. Writers of those articles usually made comments on the modern music they heard abroad, contributing thereby to debates on the issue of mod- ernization of Serbian music. Dodecaphony was seen as one of the greatest challenges, since that method, which was observed negatively or at least with reserve by the great majority of Serbian composers of all generations, was seen as a symbol of new and too radical musical trends. Writing about concert life in Paris in 1953/54, Dragutin Čolić, the pre-war avant-gardist, noted down (without comment) that Schoenberg’s 12- tone music seemed to have taken deep roots on French soil, whereas in the pre-war times it was not widespread there at all.10 The need to understand dodecaphony better is seen in the decision of the editors of the main musical journal Zvuk to publish a translated article about the opinions of young French composers on that method.11 Milutin Radenković, who was in his mid-thirties at the time, had had the chance to

5 Iibid., 167. 6 Roksanda Pejović, Istorijski pregled razvoja Udruženja kompozitora Srbije [Historical development of the Union of Composers of Serbia], (Belgrade: Udruženje kompozitora Srbije, 1965), 23. 7 Nikola Hercigonja, “Salcburške impresije” [Salzburg impressions] I, Savremeni akordi 1 (1. March 1954): 8; II, SA 2 (1 April 1954):12–13; III, SA 3 (15 April 1954): 26–27; IV, SA 4 (1 May 1954): 40; V, SA 5 (15 May 1954): 52; VI, SA 6 (1 June 1954): 66–67. 8 Dragutin Gostuški, “Međunarodni sajam muzičke industrije. Utisci sa Salzburškog festivala 1955” [The international fair of musical industry. Impressions from Salzburg festival 1955], Zvuk 4-5 (1955): 183-86. 9 Đura Jakšić, „Festival u Edinburgu“, Zvuk 4-5 (1955): 187; Jelica Popović, “Muzički život Londona” [Musical life in London], same issue: 202; Vlastimir Peričić, “Iz muzičkog života Beča” [From the musical life of Vienna], Zvuk 6 (1956): 247; Stanojlo Rajičić, “Muzički život Amerike” [The musical life of America], Zvuk 7–8 (1956): 322–29. 10 Dragutin Čolić, “Koncertni život Pariza” [Concert life in Paris ], Savremeni akordi 4 (1 May 1954): 32–3. 11 An, “Mladi francuski kompozitori o dodekafoniji” [Young French composers on dodecaphony], Zvuk 2–3 (1955): 113.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 153 13.5.2015 12:44:46 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 enjoy a three-month stay in Paris in 1955/56 and was able to listen to concerts given at the International rostrum of composers. He was far from attracted by the novelties he could hear in Three Little Liturgies by Olivier Messiaen which he found “outland- ish and incomprehensible” and Henri Pousseur’s dodecaphonic Quintet dedicated to Anton Webern was for him “almost unbearable to listen to; too fragmented and harsh sounding, it did not compensate those defects by Webernian wit and subtlety”.12 On the other hand, Stana Đurić-Klajn, a musicologist who had been among the promoters of Socialist Realism in the first post-war years, and was around 50 when she came to the first “Warsaw Autumn” festival in 1956, reacted positively to many radical novelties that could be heard at those concerts:

If we came to that festival convinced that we would listen to works composed according to a uniform recipe as was prescribed in the countries behind the eastern border, even fearing that mass songs would be an important part of the program, then we were very, very pleasantly surprised not only by the progressiveness and originality in every aspect of Polish music, but also by the basic idea of the festival. I asked some composers how they were able to create such works under the conditions existing until then in their country. I received an almost unanimous answer that they worked and wrote according to their own views, inclinations and inner artistic impulses, independently from outside factors.13

In the same issue of Zvuk, an article on the 11th Summer course in Darmstadt was published, informing readers about the presence of two young composers from Bel- grade and Zagreb – Vlastimir Peričić, who was neither then nor later inclined to serialism, and Milko Kelemen, who would found the Music biennale of contemporary music in Zagreb five years later.14 It is a pity that Enriko Josif, who had the possibility to attend the festival of the ISCM held in Rome in 1959, did not write an article about what he had heard there, but we know that he gave a lecture on the concerts and played some music recorded on tapes he had brought home. The authors of those works were Pierre Boulez, Yoritsune Matsudaira, B.A Zimmermann, Petrassi, Henze, Messiaen15, who were representative enough for the main musical currents of the times, so that that presentation was very useful for the Serbian composers. Of course, it would have been much better if they had had the possibility to see and study the scores, but it was still quite difficult then to have them even abroad, as not many new works were published. On rare occasions the Union of Composers of Serbia had the opportunity to host composers from abroad, which certainly contributed to improving contacts with the outside world. Germaine Tailleferre gave a lecture on contemporary French music (1953/54), Karel Salomon on Israeli music (1956), music critic Allen Hughes on Ameri- can music (1957), and Zbigniew Wiśniewski from Poland on his own electronic works (1958). Everett Helm, an American composer and musicologist who was appointed

12 Milutin Radenković,“Tri meseca u muzičkom Parizu” [Three months in musical Paris], Zvuk 7–8 (1956): 333. 13 Stana Đurić-Klajn,“Dani muzike u Warszawi” [Music days in Warsaw], Zvuk 9–10 (1957): 403. 14 Janko Grilc, “Nova muzika u Darmstadtu” [New music in Darmstadt], Zvuk 9–10 (1957): 411–16. 15 Pejović, Istorijski pregled, 26.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 154 13.5.2015 12:44:46 M. MILIN • CULTURAL ISOLATION OF YUGOSLAVIA ... Music Officer for the Music and Theater Branch of the U.S. Military Government in occupied Germany in 1948, came to Yugoslavia in 1959 and later, giving lectures and getting to know Yugoslav music. He published some articles on Yugoslav music in domestic and foreign periodicals.16

Changing views on modern music

Awareness that radical new events were occurring in the field of post-war avant- garde music grew steadily among Serbian composers during the 1950s, but scarce and selective information coming from abroad was not sufficient, of course. How unpre- pared the music professionals still were around the middle of that decade can be shown in the example of the reception of the chamber piece Spisak [The List], 1954, by Dušan Radić, then student of composition in the class of Milenko Živković. Stylistically close to pre-war Stravinskian Neoclassicism, the piece was first excessively praised for its bold- ness and freshness of expression, then sharply criticized in the musical press for its aggressive modernism. Luckily, all that eventually had a positive effect on the young composer’s career and that same piece of his was selected by the Union of Serbian composers to be played at the 1956 ISCM festival in Stockholm. It is interesting that later Radić did not feel inclined towards adopting post-war avant-garde techniques, such as serialism or sound mass, although he had the opportunity to study with Mil- haud and Messiaen in Paris in 1957/58 and to be in direct contact with the then most recent trends. Until the early 1960s, with the exception of Vladan Radovanović, three years Radić’s junior, there were no Serbian composers ready to join the most radical movements within the avant-garde. Radovanović was a multi-talented young composer (b. 1932), passionately striving to contribute to new music, and certainly most severely handicapped by being isolated from contemporary developments in the world of music. Even before beginning his music studies at the Belgrade Music Academy, he wrote a String Quartet (1950) with one freely dodecaphonic movement. Later he produced works that resonated strangely, even coincided with the works of some famous composers abroad, about whose music he could only have had vague information. It cannot be denied that Radovanović could have heard colleagues’ impressions about music they heard on their travels abroad, but nevertheless information like that cannot be a substitute for thorough knowledge about a technique or method. Two among his works demonstrate how his way of musical thinking was close to those in avant-garde circles. In 1955-56 he wrote Chorals, extremely short pieces for unspecified instruments, which demonstrate a radical minimalist reduction, and in 1960 he started to compose a complex radiophonic work Sphaeroőn (finishing it in 1964), based on a serial method of his own which he had developed in the late 1950s. The auditive effect of that work is similar to that of sound mass music composed in those same years by Ligeti, Lutosławski, and Penderecki among others, but the methods of obtaining those results differ in certain

16 Everett Helm, “Yugoslavia, new musical world”, Musical America (February 1960): 32, 172; E. Helm, “Yugoslavia meets the Moderns”, Daily Telegraph (3 June 1961). Dragutin Gostuški wrote a short text involving Helm in: “Neposluženi gost” [The unserved guest], Zvuk 30 (1959): 527–28.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 155 13.5.2015 12:44:46 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 important points.17 So, we could only imagine what course Radovanović’s career would have taken if he had been able to have his music performed in Darmstadt or Paris during the 1950s. It is true that the foreign musicians could hear his works at the Zagreb biennale, starting from the early 1960s, but the situation was already different then and many other composers had by then produced various sound mass works. Radovanović‘s strivings towards novel thinking not only in the field of music, but also in literature, visual arts and multimedia, were regarded as bizarre during his beginnings in the 1950s and he had very few possibilities to have his music performed. Composers who were several years older, such as Dragutin Gostuški and Dušan Kostić, well-known also as music critics, always wrote negatively and/or ironically about the new tendencies.18 In a typical text of that kind Gostuški stated that

dodecaphony is beginning to appear in our country, either as a natural aspiration towards enrichment of musical expression (as some think) or as an attempt towards forced solving of inner creative crisis (as I think). Be it as it is, electronic (or concrete) music in our country is indirectly forbidden because practically there are no conditions for its creating. If dodecaphony is one step towards the contemporary, electronic music is at least two steps, and it seems so, it has bigger perspectives and more useful applications. If music has to be mechanised, it is really better then that it becomes mechanical at once. […] Better on time, as long as there is still time.19

The modernity level of Serbian, as well as of that of Yugoslav music as a whole, was debated on a number of occasions during the 1950s. It should not surprise us that around 1955 there were still composers who tried to avoid any real confrontation with modern or avant-garde currents and who were strictly opposed to introducing new techniques. Basically, they believed that tonal music still offered many possibilities to be explored. In those years one could still hear calls for continuing the production of “mass songs“ (sung on many occasions) because “not all means for making them become popular, which is very much in demand nowadays, have been tried.“20 Although modernising music was seen as a positive aim, warnings could still be heard that “the technically new“ should not become “an aim for itself“21, meaning that “technique”, i.e. dodecaphony, serialism, composing with clusters, etc. ought to be combined with traditional techniques, in order to preserve “human content“. In an account of the creative results in the field of composition at the end of the first post-war decade, the composer Mihovil Logar and his former student Aleksandar Obradović praised the freedom of artistic creation, reminding readers however that the new tendencies “can sometimes contain germs of its negation“.22Argumentation of those who opted for

17 See more in: Melita Milin, “Vokalnoinstrumentalna muzika Vladana Radovanovića” [Vladan Radovanović’s vocal-instrumental music], in Stvaralaštvo Vladana Radovanovića, ed. Vladan Radovanović (Belgrade: Univerzitet umetnosti, 2013), 11–22. 18 See for instance: Dragutin Gostuški, “Šta sam video u Poljskoj” [What I saw in Poland], Zvuk 21–23 (1958): 51–62. 19 Dragutin Gostuški,“Zašto da nemamo?” [Why not to have it?], Zvuk 26–27 (1959): 297–8. 20 “Posleratno muzičko stvaralaštvo u Jugoslaviji. Materijal sa Konferencije Saveza kompozitora Jugoslavije, održane na Bledu 26- 28 decembra 1956” [The post-war music in Yugoslavia. Papers from the Conference of the Union of composers of Yugoslavia, held in Bled 26-28 December 1956 ], Zvuk 11–12 (1957): 3. 21 Ibid., 13. 22 Ibid.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 156 13.5.2015 12:44:46 M. MILIN • CULTURAL ISOLATION OF YUGOSLAVIA ... modernisation was based on observation on the “invisible stimulating value of avant- garde as a whole“23, and on the necessity of building relations with the music of other countries “because our country is not an isolated one that could create something completely of its own, organically unrelated to music of other countries [... ]”.24 Voices could also be heard that drew attention to the fact that the repertoires of symphonic and chamber music in Serbia, for instance, were not large enough, and that under such circumstances it was more important for our musical culture to promote works that were technically well written, that were composed professionally in all aspects, no matter how modern they were: according to those musicians, quality was to be valued higher than language, i.e. style.25 The issue of dilettantism was indeed something that still demanded discussion and it did throw a different light on the debates on modernisation of Serbian music. It was a fact, however, that there were several young composers, born around 1930, who were very gifted, excellent professionals and curious to explore new spaces of sound, and it was them who after 1960 managed to achieve a level of modernity equal to that in the West. Although one could assume that by 1960 spirits had calmed down concerning the use of dodecaphony and different serial methods, it was not really the case, at least in the circles of traditionally oriented composers. Dodecaphony was thus the central and most vehemently discussed issue at the II meeting of the Union of composers of Yugo- slavia, held on 24-26 June 1960 in Belgrade. Those who like M. Vukdragović opposed dodecaphony claimed that it had become unavoidable when our music is discussed in the Western context – a dogma really.26 At the same meeting Milko Kelemen, who by that time had certainly got permission to organise the Zagreb Biennale of contemporary music (which was to be held less than a year later), gave a passionate speech in favour of dodecaphony and serialism. According to him, our (i.e.Yugoslav) composers had too many prejudices concerning dodecaphony and fear that their works based on that method would not get to be performed. 27 It should be accepted, Kelemen also claimed, that the appearance of dodecaphony was as necessary from the historical and dialectical point of view, as had been the transition from Slavery to Feudalism. He also thought it useful to stress that although many were convinced that there were no specific national features in serial works, it was his strong belief that there were such characteristics in the works such as Luigi Nono’s Canto sospeso and Stockhausen’s Gruppen.28

Repertoires and cultural exchange

In the first post-war years, until the break with the Soviet Union, an important place on concert and opera repertoires was held by Russian and Soviet music, and to a lesser

23 Ibid., 82 (words of Enriko Josif during the discussion). 24 Ibid., 80 (words of Dragotin Cvetko during the discussion). 25 Ibid., 88–89 (words of Stanojlo Rajičić). 26 “Sa II diskusionog sastanka Saveza kompozitora Jugoslavije. Kompozitori o stvaralačkim problemima“ [From the II meeting of the Union of composers of Yugoslavia. Composers on creative problems], Zvuk 39–40 (1960): 469. 27 Ibid., 470. 28 Ibid., 471.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 157 13.5.2015 12:44:46 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 degree by works of composers from other East-European countries. That orientation having been discontinued rather abruptly after 1948, concert programmes acquired features of standard type, with a strong prevalence of 19th-century works, and rare performances of works composed after WW1. Guest concerts and opera performances from other Yugoslav cities, Zagreb and Ljubljana, added diversity to the musical life of Belgrade, but the pieces that were brought also belonged mostly to standard repertoires. For that reason it is worth mentioning at least a few of those that were composed in more recent times and that could be seen and heard in those years, such as the opera The Consul by Gian Carlo Menotti (repertoire of the National Theatre Belgrade, premiered in 1953), Stravinsky’s ballet Orpheus (NTB, 1953), and Bartók’s ballet The Miraculous Mandarin (NTB, 1957). The situation was similar with the other genres: works such as Paul Hindemith’s Canticle of Hope (Belgrade Philharmonic, 1954) and Arthur Honegger’s King David (Belgrade Philharmonic, 1954) and Jeanne d’Arc au bucher (Belgrade Philharmonic, 1956), Stravinsky’s Wedding (Radio Belgrade chamber orchestra and choir, 1957) were the most modern works performed before 1960. It should be born in mind that the reasons for the absence of more modern music at concerts and on opera stages was not only to be found in the dominant conservative taste of the cultural officials and their fear of extravagant novelties coming from the West, but probably also in the high prices required for hiring the score materials. It could be probably assumed that the domestic concert public was not particularly interested in most modern music, so that it seems that there were no special pressure put on the organizers of musical life to provide such works. It was different with the composers, at least some of them, which has already been discussed. As if to counterbalance such scarcity of contemporary and novel music in concert halls and opera houses, the organizers of musical life in Belgrade did their best to get outstanding international musicians as guests. Among these great personalities were the cellist Enrico Mainardi (1949), the pianist Paul Baumgartner (1950); the violinist Váša Příhoda (1952), the pianist Nikolai Orlov (1952); the cellist Pierre Fournier (1953), chamber orchestra Virtuosi di Roma (1955); the pianist Aldo Ciccolini (1955); the vio- linists Yehudi Menuhin and Henryk Szeryng, the pianist Claudio Arrau, the tenor Peter Pears with Benjamin Britten at the piano (1956); the violinist David Oistrakh (1958)... Among the most memorable guest events was the performance of Gershwin’s Por- gy and Bess in Belgrade (also in Zagreb) in 1954. The three-month tour of the Blevin Davis and Robert Breen production, with Leontyne Price and Wiliam Warfield, projected as a tool of cultural diplomacy, under the auspices of Eisenhower’s Emergency Fund, took the performance also to Egypt, Israel, Italy, Greece, Morocco and Spain. 29 According to writers such as Frances Stonor Saunders, guest concerts by Afro-Ameri- cans, including jazz musicians, were organised with the main aim of proving that they were a respected part of the American culture. “The great black folk opera“ Porgy and Bess made long tours that lasted more than a decade.30 It could be added here that jazz

29 Naima Prevots, “Dance and the Cold War Exports to Latin America”, ReVista, Harvard Review of Latin America, Fall 2007. http:// revista.drclas.harvard.edu/book/dance-and-cold-war 30 Frances Stonor Saunders, Hladni rat u kulturi. CIA u svetu umetnosti i književnosti [Frances Stonor Saunders, Who Paid the Piper? The CIA and the Cultural Cold War, New York: Granta 1999], (Belgrade: Dosije Studio 2013), 248–49.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 158 13.5.2015 12:44:46 M. MILIN • CULTURAL ISOLATION OF YUGOSLAVIA ... music had been very popular in Serbia since pre-war times and that the communist cultural politicians were very negative towards it, but decided eventually to tolerate it. Jazz music was given relatively much time on Radio programs, which was observed with surprise by the CIA.31 There were crowds at the concert of the Glenn Miller orchestra in Belgrade in 1957 and the same happened at all following jazz concerts. Among especially important musical events of those years should be mentioned the concert of the New York Philharmonic, conducted by Leonard Bernstein. It took place in the largest hall in Belgrade at the time, Dom sindikata, on 23 September 1959. Three American works were performed in the first part of the concert -- Samuel Bar- ber’s Second Essay for orchestra, Charles Ives’ Unanswered question, and Bernstein’s Second Symphony for piano and orchestra (“The Age of Anxiety“), and after the break fragments from Berlioz’s Romeo and Juliet.32 The concert was a part of a big Euro- pean tour that included the USSR, Finland, Germany, France, Italy, Great Britain and some other countries. The tour had great success and certainly contributed to spreading American influence in that part of the world. It is a known fact today that after the success of the Porgy and Bess international tour in 1952, the American president Eisen- hower initiated the Emergency Fund for International Affairs, which provided great amounts of money to support similar tours for around sixty individuals and musical ensembles, the New York Philharmonic with Leonard Bernstein being one of them.33 If we turn our eyes to Serbian musical ensembles and individual musicians going on tours abroad during those same years, we shall notice that before 1950 those tours were very rare and, with few exceptions, held only in East-European countries. Apart from the tour of the Radio Belgrade Choir in Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary (1947) and some tours of folklore ensembles, all the other performers were individual musicians, singers, conductors and instrumentalists.34 Both the quantity and quality of the performers began to rise later, the quantity never to achieve a really significant number. The first post-war tour of the Belgrade Ballet (belonging to the National Theatre) took place as early as in May 1946. Together with the Choir and Folk sections of the Yu- goslav Army Ensemble, it gave performances in France, Belgium and Switzerland. The ballet dancer Vera Kostić recalls that the program consisted of folk dances and probably also stylised folk dance numbers in the opera Ero s onoga svijeta by the Croatian composer Jakov Gotovac.35 Although there were – of course -- people accompanying the ensembles who were responsible for discipline, good behaviour and preventing the artists from staying in the West, two young colleagues managed to escape: Nada Aranđelović and Milorad Mišković, who later made a very successful career in France.36

31 Momčilo Pavlović, ed., Dokumenta CIA o Jugoslaviji 1948-1983 [CIA Documents about Yugoslavia 1948–1983], (Belgrade: Institut za savremenu istoriju, Fakultet bezbednosti and Službeni glasnik, 2009), 113. 32 The New York Philharmonic gave also a concert in Zagreb on the next day, with only one American work on the program (Walter Piston’s Concerto for orchestra). 33 David G. Tompkins, “Music”, in: Spencer C. Tucker, ed., The Encyclopedia of the Cold War (Santa Barbara CA: ABC-CLIO/ Greenwood, 2007), 607. 34 “Hronika muzičkog života. Naši umetnici u inostranstvu” [Chronicle of musical life. Our artists abroad], Muzika 1 (1948): 162–63. 35 Vera Kostić, Senke koje sjaje [Shining Shadows], (Belgrade: Muzej pozorišne umetnosti, 1998), 149. 36 Ibid.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 159 13.5.2015 12:44:46 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 Also successful, but much shorter was the international career of Serbian tenor La- zar Jovanović who decided to stay in the West (Zurich) during a tour, later moving to Italy.37 In his Belgrade period he had accidentally been involved in a political scandal that seems quite bizarre, even for the years under discussion, but had been saved from oblivion by an eyewitness, Vinko Šale.38 In those first post-war years the tours of folk ensembles were almost the only artistic “export” from Serbia. The risk of political incidents was always present, which was expressed for instance in a report sent to the Ministry of culture of Serbia after the tour of the State ensemble of folk dances of Serbia in Switzerland in 1950. There one can read that “the discipline of the Ensemble was exemplary and (that) the members (of the Ensemble) reacted correctly to certain provocations of political emigrants.“39 In the mid-fifties more ambitions international tours were organised: the Belgrade Opera, Ballet and the Belgrade Philharmonic were eager to present their best achievements to Western audiences. In 1954 the Opera’s concert performances of Boris Godunov had been very well received by both the public and critics in Basel, Zurich and Geneva.40 The next year the Belgrade Opera gave complete, stage performances of that same opera, also of Hovanshchina and Prince Igor in Wiesbaden, then in Paris, etc. 41 The success of the Ballet ensemble of the National Theatre in Belgrade was maybe even more valuable, as it performed a Serbian ballet, The Legend of Ohrid by Stevan Hristić (still alive at the time) on its tours to Edinburgh (1951), Athens (1952), Wiesbaden, Geneva, Zurich, Salzburg (1953), and so on.42 Although the cultural isolation in post-war Serbia / Yugoslavia did not last very long, it affected the development of music as art and as social practice, mainly by de- laying the confrontation with contemporary processes in international music centres for more than a decade. Before WW2 Serbian composers had, for more than a century, ambitiously worked on becoming part of the main European developments, achieving in the course some valuable artistic results. The discontinuation caused by WW2 and the ensuing imposition of the communist system brought a setback that needed fifteen years and more to normalise. There were, however, some positive effects of that situation, which should be looked for in the orientation among composers to improving their compositional skills and in the heightened importance of music in society. As regards the former, it should not be forgotten that Belgrade, capital of Serbia and Yugoslavia, founded its first Academy of Music as late as in 1937, so that all young people wishing to study music had to go abroad, usually to Czech and German cities.

37 See: Nadežda Mosusova, “Giuseppe Verdi among the Serbs: Slav Soul and Italian Blood”, in Verdi Reception, eds. Lorenzo Frassa and Michela Niccolai (Brepols: Turnhout, 2013), 91. 38 Vinko Šale, Smej se, bajaco [Ridi, baiazzo], (Belgrade: Litera, 1990), 39-40. According to Šale, opera fans having applauded much louder and longer Lazar Jovanović than the famous Zinka Kunc Milanov at a performance of Tosca in the Belgrade National Theatre in 1947, they were seen as anti-regime protesters (because Kunc-Milanov’s husband was a high-ranking official) and as such sent into prison. 39 Archives of Serbia, Belgrade: G 187, f. 1. 40 Vladimir Jovanović, Opera Narodnog pozorišta u Beogradu. Inostrana gostovanja u XX veku [Opera of the National Theatre in Belgrade. International tours in the XXth century], (Belgrade: Altera, 2010), 36–46. 41 Ibid. 42 Anika Radošević, O scenskim izvođenjima Ohridske legende [On stage performances of The Legend of Ohrid], typescript text, Institute of Musicology, Belgrade, 1986, 12.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 160 13.5.2015 12:44:46 M. MILIN • CULTURAL ISOLATION OF YUGOSLAVIA ... Some of those students having had the possibility to learn composition rather liberally, favouring the most modern directions – such as the composers of the so-called “Prague group” in the interwar period. After the war, when they were expected to compose in a more traditional way, they realised that they lacked certain knowledge, so they began to study the music of the past in more depth. Works that were composed with such new experiences evidently grew in quality, to which should be added positive effects on the teaching level at the compositional classes at the Music Academy, students being the beneficiaries. The then youngest generation of composers was also the one that suffered the most from lack of exchange with the Western countries. If we turn to the issue of propagating and supporting art music, its institutions, concert, opera and ballet performances, the first post-war decades were really successful as regards both the quantity and quality of the results. Like all the other state socialist countries, Yugoslavia invested comparatively high sums of money into spreading music and other arts, at the same time keeping control over all the included activities. After 1960 the country was steadily becoming more open and more exposed to foreign influences. The fields of literature, theatre and film production being in the sphere of interest of relatively large publics, and therefore potentially dangerous for the regime when they thematised sensitive social and political problems, they continued to be supervised by cultural officials. On the other hand, composers and performers of (art) music could work without being disturbed, even when they started producing works of avant-garde character, because they never ventured into the area of political subversion, so there are no records of any problems having existed between composers and musicians with the officials. Among the musical works created by Serbian composers of the post-1960 period there have been a considerable number of remarkable achievements, easily comparable with those produced by well-known composers and performed at international festivals of contemporary music. The previous period 1944-1960 was certainly less fruitful but nevertheless it did contribute to the national treasure of masterworks, providing a much-needed continuity with the pre-war times.

POVZETEK simboličen konec obdobja kulturne osamitve vsaj v njeni najstrožji obliki, bi lahko bila sporna. Razloge Kulturna osamitev v povojni Srbiji/Jugoslaviji ni traja- za to najdemo v dogodku, ki se je zgodil naslednjega la zelo dolgo, vendar je kljub temu vplivala na razvoj leta in je odločilno vplival na izboljšanje kulturne glasbe kot umetnosti in družbene prakse, predvsem izmenjave z zunanjim svetom: prvi Bienale sodobne tako, da je za več kot desetletje odložila srečanje s glasbe v Zagrebu, ki je odprl mnoga vrata novostim sodobnimi tokovi v mednarodnih glasbenih centrih. z Zahoda in Vzhoda. Članek proučuje ustvarjalne Kulturna osamitev Jugoslavije se je začela leta 1944 odzive srbskih skladateljev vseh generacij na izzive kot posledica vzpostavitve komunističnega režima. modernizacije v izbranem časovnem obdobju, prav Do leta 1948 je bila železna zavesa nepropustna, tako pa se posveča tudi repertoarjem, s katerimi tako kot v drugih državah komunističnega bloka, so se srečali glasbeniki in širša publika, tudi tistim, toda razdor Stalina in Tita je poleg resne politične ki so bili predstavljeni na gostujočih koncertih ter krize prinesel tudi obete postopnega odpiranja opernih in baletnih predstavah pomembnih tujih proti Zahodu. Izbira letnice 1960, ki tu predstavlja glasbenikov in ansamblov.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 161 13.5.2015 12:44:46 MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 162 13.5.2015 12:44:46 B. NETTL • WHAT ARE THE GREAT DISCOVERIES ...‘ UDK 784.4:008 DOI: 10.4312/mz.51.1.163-174

Bruno Nettl

Univerza v Illinoisu Urbana-Champaign, Oddelek za glasbo in Oddelek za antropologijo University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, School of Music and Department of Anthropology

What Are the Great Discoveries of Your Field? Informal Comments on the Contributions of Ethnomusicology Kaj so velika odkritja tvojega področja? Neformalni komentarji k prispevkom etnomuzikologije

Prejeto: 7. januar 2015 Received: 7th January 2015 Sprejeto: 31. marec 2015 Accepted: 31st March 2015

Ključne besede: etnomuzikologija, izvori glasbe, Keywords: ethnomusicology, origins of music, glasba v kulturi, improvizacija, avtentičnost music in culture, improvisation, authenticity

IZVLEČEK ABSTRACT

Članek je poskus orisa nekaterih glavnih odkritij This is an attempt to sketch some of the principal in prispevkov s področja etnomuzikologije od discoveries or contributions of the field of ethno- leta 1885. Vključuje premislek o svetu glasbe, ki ga musicology since 1885. These include considerati- sestavljajo različne glasbe, izvor glasbe, univerzalije, on of the world of music as comprised of musics, preučevanje glasbe v kulturi, odnos med kompo- the origin of music, universals, the study of music zicijo in improvizacijo, vprašanje avtentičnosti in in culture, the relationship of composition and uporabni prispevek etnomuzikologije k vzgoji, improvisation, the issue of authenticity, and the izobraževanju in družbenemu življenju. practical contributions of ethnomusicology to education and social life.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 163 13.5.2015 12:44:47 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 One of the tasks often facing ethnomusicologists is to explain what they are trying to accomplish, and what contributions the people in their field have made - contributions to the world of knowledge. And so I was not totally surprised when a physicist who was my neighbor at a dinner asked me, upon hearing me identify myself, “What are the great discoveries of your field?” I think he, a member of the elites of science, was not trying to be condescending. Rather, I think he was trying, given his own interest in classical chamber music, to get a sense of what I (we) was all about. I had tried to define ethnomusicology as the study of the world’s musics, and of music in culture, but he wished, I think to try to define a field by its great discoveries, its major insights, wishing to know what I would provide as counterparts—modest, surely—to relativity or evolution, quantum theory or superconductivity, all of which changed our understanding of the world. For “discoveries” he might have also accepted “contributions” or maybe even “understandings” or “interpretations.” I don’t think I gave a good spur-of-the-moment answer, but I resolved to think about the question. Have we made a difference in the way people think about music? Aside from our “discovery” of musics not known to the world at large (but of course very familiar to the people who make it), or of exotic instruments such as the didgeridoo, of rare techniques such as multiphonic singing, of unexpected concepts such as the notion that a song is defined not by its sound but by its moment of creation, are there things we have discovered, or interpretations we have made, that changed the understanding of the world of music? I looked at the record of historical musicology. Music historians would count, as great discoveries, the finding of a cache of unknown works in a trove of Renaissance manuscripts, or interpreting the way a composer’s mind worked on the basis of sketches recently discovered. And surely, things we would consider interpretations — who influenced Schubert, why Wagner appealed to nationalists, how did Chopin’s improvisations really sound — were important, but whether they should be considered great “discoveries,” I’m not sure. But yes, establishing paradigms or accepted methods for looking at the history of music—the concept of periodization, the notion that there is a creative process — these could count as music history’s major discoveries, and I guess they did change our basic ideas of the history of music. Similarly, ethnomusicologists have discovered -- perhaps it’s better to say “reported” -- new systems of scale, rhythm, polyphony; new instruments; and new ideas about music held by many people—new to us, that is. Every time you do fieldwork and learn something new (and hope to be able to make a case for its newness in a publication), that counts as a contribution. And all of these seemingly minor discoveries, taken together, would change a person’s understanding of the world of music. One approach to answering my colleague’s question might be to cite the totality of ethnomusicology as a contribution. We could say that if ethnomusicology (or whatever else you’d call it) had not come into existence, we -- the Western world of academics involved with music, and people who approach music thoughtfully -- might have persisted in certain beliefs we have abandoned: for example, that the particular way Western music developed, and sounds, is a human norm, determined by nature; that music is something just to listen to for fun, a kind of chocolate for the ears, and not very important to life; that normal music is melodic and harmonic, with rhythm and percussion instruments less important adjuncts; that it’s best to think about music as

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 164 13.5.2015 12:44:47 B. NETTL • WHAT ARE THE GREAT DISCOVERIES ...‘ a hierarchy, headed by masterworks of great composers, leaving the rest in the background; that the music of other cultures is inferior and has a mindless genesis. I am not sure how good a case I can make for these assertions, but you get my drift: The kinds of things that ethnomusicologists do have significantly expanded our understanding of what the world’s music is like. Well, that’s a bit like saying to my physicist colleague that ethnomusicology by its existence made contributions somewhat -- very modestly -- analogous to the contribution made by the existence of physics. But physicists see their fields as succession of discoveries, as paradigm, some of which might last forever, while others are replaced by advances. Is there something like this in the history of ethnomusicology? Let me suggest a few events that caused us -- or ought to have caused us -- to look at the world of music differently. But, caveat emptor: After making some contributions, establishing, as it were, paradigms, we have had to reverse ourselves, lay aside beliefs and understandings and theories, substituting new ones. Let me give a short summary of several things I might have told my dinner-partner, of discoveries or contributions of ethnomusicology that may actually have made a difference to people in other fields.

1. THE WORLD OF MUSIC IS ACTUALLY A WORLD OF MUSICS.

This understanding seems to me to be the fundamental epiphany, and it was most significantly stated by Alexander J. Ellis in his famous article of 1885.1 If what is significant about ethnomusicology is its insistence that the world of music is a group of musics, then Ellis was, I think, the author who first made the belief into a general statement. Of course, earlier scholars knew that Chinese and Indian and African musics were different and interesting. And Ellis was talking only about “scales.” But given the European notion that the most important thing about music was the system and relationship of pitches or tones, Ellis, were he to have written a hundred years later, might have said “musics.” I think that’s what he meant. And so the enunciation of a kind of general theory was made by Ellis when he said, “the Musical Scale is not one, not ‘natural’ nor even founded necessarily on the laws of the constitution of human sound...but very diverse, very artificial, very capricious” (p.526). In other words, extending Ellis’s thoughts, I believe he meant that musics are created by humans and the results of human choices made on the basis of many aspects of the natural and cultural environment. That understanding -- something now quite acceptable, quite obvious to us -- seems to me to be the first great discovery of the field that later became ethnomusicology.

2. THE CONCEPT OF MUSIC IS NOT UNIVERSAL.

If this first paradigm was accepted, another one soon appeared, rather gradually, to question or modify it. I’m not sure whether it should count as a discovery, and at best

1 Alexander John Ellis, “On the Musical Scales of Various Nations,” Journal of the Royal Society of Arts 33 (1885): 485–527.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 165 13.5.2015 12:44:47 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 it may have to be a negative one, such as the determination that acquired traits are not inherited. According to Ellis, the world of music consists of musics; but the question arose, just what is music, and can we identify it when we hear or experience it? Is there such “a” thing as music? Surely, this idea must have occurred to many of the world’s intellectuals and musicians over long periods, but I believe it was the contribution of ethnomusicologists to make clear that it is an issue, and to suggest that if there are discernible boundaries between musics, the existence of a boundary between music and other kinds of sound are at best unclear. The importance of ethnomusicology in the consideration of this issue involves several findings: The concept of music is in important ways analogous to the concept of language: it is a form of sound communication for which each society (roughly speaking) has its own system, its own grammar, its own musical style, or, if you will, its own “music.” But while we can always readily recognize, and agree, that a person is speaking, whether we understand what is being said or not, in any language, and while we can say that speech is a human universal, the situation is more complex with music. Western Ethno- musicologists are inclined to say that all of the world’s cultures have music, that is, that they have something that sounds to us like music, but this assertion has to be modified in accordance with some incontrovertible findings. For one thing, not all cultures have in their cognitive map a concept analogous to “music” as we know it in Western culture. They may have no term for “music” (although often it has been introduced in the course of westernization), and further, although they do all of the things that we would expect a musical culture to do, they regard the various activities we subsume under “music” as different domains of culture, or they draw the boundary between music and other forms of sound in different places from ours. This may suggest that the various things that comprise “music” for us may have had different origins; for example, choral singing in sounds made by a groups -- a tribe, clan, ethnic unity -- to frighten enemies or predators2; virtuosic solo performance as a descendant of a kind of sound made by males to impress possible mates with their inventiveness, flexibility, energy; lullabies as descendants of sounds made by mothers to soothe young children; religious chants as coming from a privileged form of communication invented explicitly for addressing supernatural beings and not intelligible to other humans; and so on3. In many of the world’s early societies, these may have coexisted, but only in certain cultures did they become united as the concept of “music.” So it’s important to realize that if we say that all societies have music, this may mean quite different things in one from another. And then, in Western culture (perhaps others as well): Can we actually define and identify a musical sound? The airplane motor in George Antheil’s “Ballet Méchanique” and the more than four minutes of silence in John Cage’s “4’33”” are obvious and well- known examples. But children reciting nursery rhymes, or a sergeant counting cadence -- is that music? People in this culture may disagree. There are many sounds which, if explicitly included in what is labeled as a musical composition, can be accepted as

2 Joseph Jordania, Tigers, Lions and Humans: History of Rivalry, Conflict, Reverence and Love (Melbourne: Logos, 2014), 121–167. 3 Nils Wallin, Björn Merker, and Steven Brown, eds., The Origins of Music (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000; Bruno Nettl, Nettl’s Elephant (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2010), 110–114.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 166 13.5.2015 12:44:47 B. NETTL • WHAT ARE THE GREAT DISCOVERIES ...‘ “musical”; but they might not be when produced elsewhere. Indeed, it would seem that the concept of “music” in Western cultures may be best defined by social context -- such as the assertion that whether a sound is musical depends on whether one hears it in a concert. (I am jesting, but the principle is serious.) So, if one paradigm of ethnomusicology is that that the world of music consist s of distinct musics, a second one is that societies not only differ in the nature of their musical styles, but also in their conception of music, and in the ways in which they classify the world of sound. “Having music” may mean quite a different thing at several levels of conceptualization in different cultures. If this understanding can be considered a kind of paradigm, a contribution of ethnomusicology, it may be one doesn’t make everyone happy. Or, in denying the fullest measure of music everywhere as a universal, it may contribute to the understanding of the variety of humans societies and musical cultures.

3. THE THREE-PART MODEL OF MUSIC PROVIDES A WAY OF COMPREHENDING MUSICAL CULTURES.

Today many of us define ethnomusicology as “the study of music in culture” or less formally, as Jeff Todd Titon has said, “the study of people making music”4. But we may also think that this is hardly a distinctive trait of ethnomusicology. Virtually every tradition of writing about music, going back to the ancient Greeks, took an interest in explaining the relationship of music to culture in some sense. And when musicology as a profession was developed5, historians of Western music wrote volume after volume relating music to culture, or, as I would prefer to put it, to the rest of culture. For distin- guishing ethnomusicologists, then, can we simply say that they place more emphasis to the relationship of music to the other domains of culture? Or can we tease out, from the history of our field, a particular insight or interpretation that may count as a “discovery” or “contribution”? I suggest that this may be Alan Merriam’s model presenting music as consisting of three components, all equally important, always coexisting, and each of them constantly influencing, and also being influenced by, the other two. This model -- you know it surely, it consists of ideas about music or “concept,” behavior that results from or leads to or accompanies music, and the music as sound -- is relevant to the general understanding of music and culture but in particular it is intended as a kind of guidepost for ethnomusicologists6. This contrasts with an approach that studies musical behavior and ideas, but always, and only, with a view to seeing how they affect or determine the “music itself,” how they help us to understand the sound. Merriam’s model can lead to an understanding that while much of our study still involves trying to see how ideas about music in a culture lead to a particular musical

4 This definition of Titon's is cited very widely on the internet and in recent publications. One of its first formulations appears in his article, “Knowung Fieldwork,” in Gregory Barz and Timothy Cooley, eds., Shadows in the Field (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 91–92. 5 Guido Adler, “Umfang, Methode und Ziel der Musikwissenschaft,” Vierteljahrschrift für Musikwissenschaft 1 (1885), 5–20. 6 Alan P. Merriam, The Anthropology of Music (Evanston, Northwestern University Press, 1964), 33–35.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 167 13.5.2015 12:44:47 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 style, music is also important in ways that do not concern its function as sound at all. Ideas about music are more than simply the “cultural context of music.” We would not be justified, for example in saying that a book such as Hugo Zemp’s classic Musique Dan7 is “merely” about cultural context. Allow me an example from my own experience8. The styles of Native American songs are certainly interesting but hardly very complex, and in my experience of the Blackfoot people of Montana, for example, these people themselves didn’t seem to think that the structure of songs was worthy of much attention. To them, Western music--which they called “white” music--now that was complicated music. One had to know a lot to perform it, including reading music and understanding harmony. But white people, some Blackfoot singers told me, didn’t think very deeply about their own music, they only enjoyed its sound. But the Blackfoot people, I discovered from interviews and observations and older ethnographies and myths, actually had a very complex system of ideas about music which had a role in culture well beyond singing; the concept of song seems to have had an independent existence in speech and thought. For one thing, music was a reflection, a kind of counterpart, of the whole of life. The most important myth about the origins of the Beaver medicine bundle, perhaps the most fundamental ceremony, told how each animal or bird had its own song and its supernatural power. The right way to do something is to sing the right song with it; everything has its song. A man would expand his musical knowledge by having repeated visions in which he learned songs and by moving through a series of age-grade societies, each of which had its songs. The old man, the most respected, was also the one who had learned the most songs. And further, songs are like objects: they can be given, traded, bought, inherited--though just what constitutes the identity of a song is not totally clear--and as a result, it is believed that songs cannot be divided, or changed. Thus, Merriam’s three-part model of music leads us to a more holistic way of contemplating music as a domain of culture.

4. MUSICAL CREATION IS BEST SEEN AS A LONG CONTINUUM: IMPROVISATION TO COMPOSITION.

I think I must apologize for ethnocentrism here, that is, for using American English as my pint of departure. Webster’s dictionary9 defines music as “the science and art of incorporating [tones] into a composition having definite structure and continuity.” Well, I’m not sure whether English-speaking people in any part of the twentieth century would have accepted this, but no doubt for a long time, academics and musicologists divided musical creativity into two categories: proper composition, an art, with notation, as carried out by Beethoven-like figures, and various other ways of making music come about -- composition in orally transmitted musics, and improvisation, and related processes -- taken together, a kind of craft. The fact that improvisation is taken seriously by scholars

7 Hugo Zemp, Musique Dan: La musique dans la pensée et la vie sociale d’une société africaine (Paris: Mouton, 1971). 8 Bruno Nettl, Blackfoot Musical Thought: Comparative Perspectives (Kent: Kent State University Press, 1989). 9 Webster's Third International Dictionary of the English Language Unabridged (Springfield, MA: G. & C. Merriam, 1968).

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 168 13.5.2015 12:44:47 B. NETTL • WHAT ARE THE GREAT DISCOVERIES ...‘ and educators today is to a large degree a contribution of ethnomusicologists, who undertook to look in detail at cultures in which improvisation is a specialty -- for example, jazz, classical musics of South and West Asia, South Slavic epic poetry. So, by the 1960s, it was admitted that there were two easily separable ways of creating music -- precom- position and improvisation. I am not sure just when the next paradigm appeared, and whether anyone can be identified as its principal innovator, but I think the next stage in this process has been the understanding that virtually all music is the result to some degree of both of these kinds of music-making. All performances make use of pre-existing material -- a score, a memorized song, a set of chord-changes, a set of rules, a type of expected sound; and every performer introduces important personal creative elements. If you wish to quantify, it may not be much in a Beethoven sonata, and it is a great deal in an Indian alap, to give obvious examples; but both elements are always present.10

5. THE CREATION OF BOUNDARIES, ONCE HELPFUL, IS NO LONGER AN INEFFECTIVE WAY OF UNDERSTANDING THE WORLD’S MUSIC.

Is this a discovery? A contribution? Or a correction? In the second half of the twentieth century, ethnomusicologists abandoned the concept of boundaries as a significant guide to study -- boundaries in their own conceptualizations, and boundaries among musics. This is a large area, but one of the important boundary concepts has been the idea of authenticity. Early comparative musicologists, and even more, folk music scholars, were very concerned with authenticity, a term used to denote ad distinguish what was truly representative of a culture and had perhaps been there from the beginnings, and was shared by all members of a society. Folk song collectors such as Béla Bartók wished to be sure to find the songs that were the true heritage of the villagers, distin- guishing them from recent imports, from influences from a minority, or something concocted by urban composers, or popular music brought from the city. And so one learned, when ethnomusicology was developed a century or so ago, to seek the authentic music of Africans, Oceania’s, European villagers, and Native Americans, not what had developed in recent times as a result of contact with white people. And we learned to avoid popular music, in part because of its commercial basis, but more, I suspect, because it was almost inevitably the result of cultural mixes. Well if you compare that view with ethnomusicology as we see it today, the difference is like night and day. Looking at the programs of conferences, I’m struck by the emphasis on three things: Popular music all over the world, meaning music that is mass-mediated; analysis of how things have changed, what recent developments, how the world’s peoples deal with current challenges; and change from the study of unicultural to multicultural venues. Before about 1950, the normal venue for ethnomusicological and anthropological fieldwork was the village or small tribal society. This was the focus of the early

10 Bruno Nettl, “Thoughts on Improvisation, a Comparative Approach,” Musical Quarterly 60 (1974): 1–19.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 169 13.5.2015 12:44:47 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 anthropologists doing extensive fieldwork such as Franz Boas, Bronislaw Malinowski, A. H. Radcliffe-Brown, and I guess of the earliest collectors of non-Western music. Even the scholars involved with musics that were practiced in urban venues -- Indian or Japa- nese classical traditions, for example -- looked at them as isolated phenomena. The model for ethnomusicological contemplation was the village or the small tribal community, or maybe the isolated urban ethnic group, and we thought of musical culture as originally something in which all people shared, of repertories which were known to all in a small society, of musical contexts known to all. I know I know, that was totally unrealistic, all cultures are far from this pristine kind of society, but I think we tended to regard this as a kind of primordial ideal, a norm, from which many peoples then departed. Well, things have completely turned around in the last fifty years, for me and maybe everybody. The vast majority of studies involved music in which there is significant interaction of cultures, genres, repertories, styles, and musicians.

6. THERE IS NO SINGLE DETERMINANT OF MUSICAL STYLE.

I come to what I have often considered the central question of ethnomusicology -- what is it that determines the musical style, the musical system, or the basic character of the music of a society? I confess that I am not sure whether my colleagues will agree that this is so central; but I have difficulty imagining anyone in my field who has not at various times posed this question -- why did these people create this particular kind of music? The literature of ethnomusicology, and of musicology at large, is full of explicit statement or suggestions, broad and narrow. Thus: Antiphonal music of the Baroque resulted from the architectural structure of a church in Venice11; but polyphonic music generally resulted from the need of people to make sounds, not in unison, to frighten enemies or predators. Or, the complexity of Western music is a reflection of the pro- clivity for complex technology. The differences among the world’s musics comes from the fact that at one moment in history we find each of them at a different stage of a common development. Or, the musical style of any culture, but its singing style and the general nature of musical sound in particular, result from the typical nature of its social organization and the quality of its interpersonal relationships. The basic style of a music, but the typical size of intervals in particular, result from the relationship of between the sexes and the elative power of each12. It has been suggested that whether a society develops polyphonic music is genetically determined. Or, it’s all a matter of the luck -- musical development comes about through the ability and work of born ge- niuses. The nature of intervals result from the way in which the harmonic series is used or modified by wind instruments naturally discovered. There are plenty of scholars who have given one or another of these alternatives the principal role in determining musical style.

11 Se e.g. Manfred Bukofzer, Music in the Baroque Era (New York: Norton, 1947), p. 20–21. 12 See a discussion of various determinants of musical style in Bruno Nettl, “The Whys of World Music: Determinants of Musi- cal Style”, in The Study of Ethnomusicology 3rd ed., (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2015), Chapter 22.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 170 13.5.2015 12:44:47 B. NETTL • WHAT ARE THE GREAT DISCOVERIES ...‘ So what is the contribution of ethnomusicology? Ethnomusicologists have tried to find the implication of Ellis’s paradigmatic statement, that musical scales are equal in quality, equally natural or unnatural, diverse and artificial. I believe that if ethnomusicologists have contributed anything it is their not very systematic examination of these alternatives, and their tendency, as a group, to discard each of them as a valid general explanation. If there is a discovery, it is, I believe, that a large number of factors determine the musical of each society. There is no one grail at the end of this ethnomusicological quest. The character of each music is determined, I think we now largely believe, by a number of factors comprising the cultural, natural, intercultural, technological, and biological environments. If this counts as a discovery, it must be one of the discoveries that deny conventional wisdom -- we have discovered that something widely is not true or valid.

7. OUR FINDINGS HAVE HAD PRACTIUCAL RESULTS.

Speaking to ethnomusicologists about the history of the field, I would at some point have to say that the last twenty-five years have been characterized by an important new trend -- the development of a number of directions and initiatives which together have been named “applied ethnomusicology.” To my dinner partner, I could also have put it this way: The kinds of things that ethnomusicologists have discovered, have learned, have had some practical results-- modest, I don’t want to present excessive claims -- changing aspects of musical culture, and of other domains of culture. When I began study, about 1950, I was sometimes asked whether my kind of study would do anyone any good. I didn’t have a good answer except to say that the accumu- lation of knowledge was surely a good thing; other replies might have been trivial, such as uncovering music that Western composers could use as inspiration. But now, over a half-century later, it has become clear that what ethnomusicologists have learned can have significant practical benefits of many sorts, and they have been united under the term “applied ethnomusicology” a term at first considered mildly condescending, but eventually seen as deserving dignity and respect. I cannot summarize comprehensively, but let me mention a few directions13. The area receiving the most attention is the relationship of ethnomusicology to music education, broadly defined, which involves several initiatives. There is the presentation of a world of musics to children in each culture, with the purposes of providing a global context for whatever music is the group’s own, for broadening horizons, for combating ethnocentrism, and for broadening musical experience; and for showing that all musics, and all human cultures, are worthy of respect and have things to offer. And there is the use of music for the education of minority and immigrant populations, for the education t hat provides insight into their culture. And in a somewhat different direction, this includes the study of musics of the world in tertiary education via hands-on performance,, all of this coning from the introduction of performance study as part of field research.

13 Ibid.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 171 13.5.2015 12:44:47 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 The effect of ethnomusicology in other cultural domains may be less direct, but the point is, I repeat, that the knowledge developed by ethnomusicology has practical uses. These include the use of music in conflict resolution, the protection of intellectual property of non-Western and folk cultures, helping societies in the preservation of traditions by recording, archiving, repatriation, by helping to administer festivals and schools, and by finding ways to ease cultural transitions. Significantly, they include the understanding that music can play a significant role in furthering social justice. And ethnomusicologists have even become involved in ways of saving the environment, as in Titon’s concept of “sustainable musical culture”14 Ethnomusicologists have become involved in fighting cultural impoverishment in many part s of the world, It is important in this context to point out that one of the principal leaders in applied ethnomusicology has been Professor Svanibor Pettan.15 So, I suppose one of our discoveries is that what we have learned can be of practical benefit.

8. ETHNOMUSICOLOGY AS CRITIQUE.

The final thing I would point out to my colleague: Ethnomusicologists have been the skeptics, the nay -sayers, the people who provide response to ethnocentrism and to facile generalizations, some of them sometimes made by member of other musical disciplines. An important contribution of ethnomusicology has been to contradict and correct the received wisdom of others, their own earlier paradigms, but particularly beliefs that come about through reference to only one culture. Thus, in important ways, the field of ethnomusicology has at times functioned as a critique of general musicology – or more specifically, historical musicology. A good deal of its rhetoric is presented as response to the typical traditional academic’s view of music, contradicting and correcting conventional wisdom and accepted knowledge. When I was a student in the late 1940s, – I was one of only two or three in my institution studying what would later come to be known as ethnomusicology, interacting with a much larger group of music historians -- I found myself constantly responding to generalizations about world music (or just plain “music”) with contradictions such as like, “yes, but in Central Africa they don’t do this,” or “it’s quite different among the Arapaho.” And when confronted with assertions about the specialness of Western music and its theory, I would say, “no, they have something equally complex in India.” At that time, if someone had told me that ethnomusicologists were interested in universals, I would have countered by pointing to the specialness of each culture. And in the end, I find myself still espousing this view. But more than a half-century earlier, the contradiction of conventional wisdom characterized some of the field’s earliest publications. A. J. Ellis’s epochal article,

14 Jeff Todd Titon, “Music and the US War on Poverty: Some Reflections.” Yearbook for Traditional Music 45 (2013): 74–82; and Titon, ed., “Special Issue: Ethnomusicology and the Public Interest”, Ethnomusicology 36, no. 3 (1992). 15 See for example, Svanibor Pettan, ed., Music, Politics and War: Views from Croatia (Zagreb: Institute of Ethnology and Folk- lore Research, 1998).

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 172 13.5.2015 12:44:47 B. NETTL • WHAT ARE THE GREAT DISCOVERIES ...‘ already cited, of 1885, ends on this kind of a note, telling us what music is not -- not natural, not founded on the laws of musical sound, not one thing. A few years later, Carl Stumpf, too tried to correct widely held assumptions. A quotation in a review essay about the earliest publications on Native American and First Nations musics sounds interestingly up to date: “Die indianischen Leitern, wie wir sie bisher kennen, gehören also keineswegs einem ‘archäischen’ oder gar ‘primitiven’ Musikzustand an...Die Beziehung zwischen den Tonauffassungen ganz andrer Art sein, ebenso die psychologische und die historische Entstehungsweise...”16. Stumpf is asserting that the Indian scales, as we know them at this point, do not belong to an archaic or primitive condition of life. To understand them, one must accept the existence of a great variety of understandings about pitch, and a variety of psychological and historical conceptions of their origin. Twenty years later, the first article to speak to the special problems and methods of what was called comparative musicology17, also distances itself from traditional musicology. Three of his points struck me as especially interesting. 1) Hornbostel maintains that comparison is the principal means of scholarly comprehension, and he clearly means neutral and not value-loaded intercultural comparison. This has been an abiding defense of comparative approaches in the face of severe criticism leveled at it since about 1950. 2) Comparative musicologists must broaden their perspective of the kinds of phenomena in music that should be examined, going far beyond “tones” to a great variety of sounds, including those that are intermediate between music and speech, music and noise. Hornbostel, by implication, attacks a narrow conceptualization of music. 3) Music is changing rapidly, and one must “save what can be saved, before airplanes are added to automobile and electric trains, and all of Africa is dominated by tarara-boomdeyay”18 (Hornbostel 2005: 97), emphasizing the importance of preservation as central to the field but recognizing the need to take change into account. One would expect the new field of comparative musicology that became ethnomusicology to begin on a positive and optimistic note, but actually, both Stumpf and Hornbostel sound a bit pessimistic. Their contrasts with that of the enormously influential earlier article of 1885 by Guido Adler that lays out the discipline of musicology – centered on historical study of European music – in a positive and optimistic mood, seeing a process of consistent progress towards a clear goal,: “Jeder Schritt, zu dem Ziele [Lösung grosser wissenschaftlicher Aufgaben] führt, jede That, die uns ihm näher rückt bedeutet einen Fortschriftt menschlicher Erkenntnis.” [Each step that moves us closer to our scholarly musicological goals signifies progress in our understanding as human beings]19. In contrast to Ellis and Hornbostel, Adler wants to look forward and does not complain that his earlier colleagues had been on the wrong track.

16 Carl Stumpf, “Phonographierte indianische Melodien,” Vierteljahrschrift für Musikwissenschaft 8 (1892): 127–44. See p. 142. 17 Erich M. von Hornbostel, “Die Probleme der vergleichenden Musikwissenschaft.” Zeitschrift der internationalen Musikge- sellschaft 7, no. 1, 85–97, 1904-5. 18 Hornbostel, “Die Probleme ...”, 97 19 Adler, “Umfang, Methode und Ziel ...”, 20.

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POVZETEK svetu. Smiselno je, da tudi naše področje definiramo s tem, kar je doseglo, z njegovimi dosežki ali, Kolega, ki pri večerji sedi z mano za mizo, je verje- kot se je izrazil moj kolega fizik, z velikimi odkritji, tno slišal že dovolj, tebe pa, dragi bralec, najbrž ni do katerih smo prišli. Težko se je primerjati s fiziko, bilo potrebno prepričevati o pomenu etnomuziko- ki si prizadeva razložiti celovitost vesolja ali z razi- logije. Vendar pa mi, ki delamo na tem področju, skavami v medicini, ki nas ohranjajo pri življenju. sebe običajno definiramo s tem, kar počnemo Vendar se mi zdi upravičeno trditi, da so stvari, ki – raziskujemo na primer vlogo glasbe v kulturi, so jih etnomuzikologi naredili in odkrili, sprožile proučujemo glasbo z antropološke perspektive, pomembne spremembe v glasbenih kulturah sve- izvajamo raziskave o različnih glasbah v ustnem iz- ta. Brez njihovega doprinosa bi bili danes morda ročilu in preiskujemo glasbo izven okvira zahodne svet glasbe, glasbene prakse, glasbena vzgoja in klasične glasbe. Take in podobne stvari govorimo glasbena misel svetovnih kultur precej drugačni.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 174 13.5.2015 12:44:47 J. T. TITON • ETHNOMUSICOLOGY AS THE STUDY ... UDK 78:398:929 DOI: 10.4312/mz.51.1.175-185

Jeff Todd Titon Univerza Brown Brown University

Ethnomusicology as the Study of People Making Music Etnomuzikologija kot preučevanje ljudi, ki ustvarjajo glasbo

Prejeto: 18. januar 2015 Received: 18th January 2015 Sprejeto: 31. marec 2015 Accepted: 31st March 2015

Ključne besede: etnomuzikologija, znanost, defi- Keywords: ethnomusicology, science, definition, nicija, zgodovina history

IZVLEČEK ABSTRACT

V dotičnem eseju je etnomuzikologija defini- This essay defines ethnomusicology as the study rana kot preučevanje ljudi, ki ustvarjajo glasbo. of people making music. People make sounds that Ljudje ustvarjajo glasove, ki jih prepoznamo kot are recognized as music, and people also make glasbo, in ljudje prav tako iz »glasbe« ustvarijo “music” into a cultural domain. The essay contrasts področje kulture. Esej so-postavlja idejo glasbe this idea of music as a contingent cultural category kot kontingentne kulturne kategorije s preteklimi with earlier scientific definitions that essentialized znanstvenimi definicijami, ki so glasbo esencialno music as an object. razlagale kot objekt.

Author’s note: Written in 1988, this paper was read on April 22, 1989 before the annual conference of the Northeast Chapter of the Society for Ethnomusicology, which took place in Hartford, Connecticut, USA. Never before published, it was my first public iteration of this definition of the field which subsequently gained assent among my colleagues and may be found, among other places, in Worlds of Music and in the Wikipe- dia entry for ethnomusicology. The paper may therefore be of some historical interest. Teaching a doctoral seminar in the history of ethnomusicological thought, I was trou- bled by the inadequacy of the reading assignments that were available. The definitions of ethnomusicology, and descriptions of its history, then prevalent in the literature in

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 175 13.5.2015 12:44:47 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 the field, did not describe the work that was being done by a younger generation of ethnomusicologists, those of us who had come of age in the 1960s and had become professionals in the field in the 1970s. I decided that the “humanizing ethnomusicology” that Gourlay had called for (Gourlay 1982) had in fact occurred, at least in the U.S., and that the work of that younger generation could be better understood by situating the field within the contemporary currents of post-structuralism and critical theory. But no one in my generation was as yet addressing those issues directly. And so I attempted to theorize a constructivist reorientation of ethnomusicology, from studying music as an essentialized scientific object to studying music instead as a culturally contingent category, in which the acts that make music (as meaningful sounds, and as a cultural domain) are primary. I had not yet articulated the connections between it and what in the doctoral seminar I taught on field research I was calling “the new fieldwork” (see Barz and Cooley 2008 [1997]), nor had I yet come to the conclusion that ethnomusicology proper began in the 1950s, as an anthropological venture intended by its founders to be significantly different from the comparative musicology that had preceded it.

The few within the discipline of ethnomusicology who have written its history date its beginnings to the 1880s and mark it not by any expansion of interest beyond the borders of Western art music but by the rise of scientific methodology in the study of music. Indeed, the question that until the 1970s almost single-handedly constructed the field of ethnomusicology was the following: how can the music of the world’s peoples be studied scientifically? For all their differences, Hornbostel, Bar- tók, Brăiloiu, Sachs, Herzog, Hood, Seeger, Lomax, and Merriam--I have purposely left out McAllester--did not stray from the idea that ethnomusicology was the scientific study of world music. In the 1970s a revolution that occurred in sociocultural anthropology--itself centered in ethnography and influenced by literary and philosophical theory, particularly from France and Germany, and bristling with ominous- sounding words like phenomenology and hermeneutics--began to be felt in ethnomusicology and threw up a great challenge. This challenge was not the call to study music in its cultural context; that gauntlet had been thrown down by McAllester and Merriam years earlier. Music in its cultural context could be studied scientifically; this was Merriam’s great task, and it remains one of Lomax’s. Instead, the challenge was directed to the very conception of music itself. Henceforth music was no longer to be construed as like an object to be analyzed, as science would dictate; instead, music was to be understood as like a text to be interpreted, as the humanities would do. Be- yond that, music was also to be understood as praxis, that is, as a productive activity in the social world with an economic basis and political implications. When I devised some themes for the 1989 Society for Ethnomusicology Conference I summarized this challenge as “Analysis vs. Interpretation and Beyond.” Because I am forbidden to read a paper at this conference for which I am program chair, for obvious reasons of conflict of interest, I have decided to try to present my thoughts at this regional chapter meeting. I must say that they remain at a preliminary stage, and I that expect to be writing about them for some time. For that reason I am grateful in advance for the response and suggestions you will surely give, and humbled by all this attention

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 176 13.5.2015 12:44:47 J. T. TITON • ETHNOMUSICOLOGY AS THE STUDY ... to what is still somewhat inchoate. I must also acknowledge help from the students in my Brown seminar in the History of Ethnomusicological Thought, particularly Franziska von Rosen, and from my colleagues Carol Babiracki and David Josephson, although they are not, of course, to be held accountable for any of the formulations expressed here. I would also like to thank Alan Bern, whose thinking along these lines has always proved inspirational to me. In this presentation I want to lead up to the proposition that it would be worthwhile to conceive of the field of ethnomusicology as “the study of people making music,” and to define “making” in two ways: (1) making the sounds that peoples call music, and (2) making or constructing the cultural domain that leads peoples to call those sounds music and to experience them both subjectively and objectively in the world. This notion of “making” has, of course, a great deal in common with the idea of “praxis”, and it also rests on the premise that the world we experience is socially constructed. Al- though it may appear that this formulation privileges anthropology over musicology, it is not meant to do so. One student suggested that my phrase “people making music” privileges people over music because the word people comes first. Not so; I could just as easily, although less elegantly, phrase it as “the study of music as made by people.” What I do mean to privilege is interpretation over analysis, meaning over explanation, understanding over law, and the humanities over science, and ultimately to show how music--indeed, music sound--may be studied from the point of view of the humanities. I will not get that far in this paper, of course. It may be helpful at this point to say that I am not intending to privilege subjectivity over objectivity either. I want, perhaps foolishly, to have it both ways. After all, I experience music both ways, and I suppose you do, too. This is another way of saying that I want to deal with a music-specific version of a problem brilliantly formulated by the philosopher Thomas Nagel: “how to combine the perspective of a particular person inside the world with an objective view of that same world, the person and his view- point included. It is a problem that faces every creature with the impulse and capacity to transcend its particular point of view and to conceive of the world as a whole”.1 I make and am moved by music inside the world, and at the same time as an ethnomusicologist I transcend that standpoint to reflect on myself and others as participants in our worlds of music. The solution, I am persuaded, is not to be found in a conventional scientific methodology, for it falsely objectifies the world and shuts off the move to reflexivity as it re- moves “the human element” of the observer from the world analyzed. In other words, it abandons the perspective of, as Nagel puts it, “a particular person in the world.” Nor is a solution to be found in a conventional artistic paradigm, for it falsely subjectifies the world as an extension of one’s particular experience and is hostile to transcend- ing one’s particular point of view. When I try to think of where a solution lies, I often feel as Nagel, who writes that “There is a persistent temptation to turn philosophy into something less difficult and more shallow than it is. It is an extremely difficult subject, and no exception to the general rule that creative efforts are rarely successful. I do not

1 Thomas Nagel, The View from Nowhere (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), 3.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 177 13.5.2015 12:44:47 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 feel equal to the problems treated in this book. They seem to require an order of intel- ligence wholly different from mine”.2 Let me begin, then, by reviewing the scientific paradigm, the construction of ethnomusicology as the scientific study of world music. By a paradigm I mean an overarch- ing explanatory theory in which people frame their specific questions and answers, their hypotheses and conclusions. The term is usually applied to mathematics science; examples include Euclidean geometry, Newtonian physics, and so forth. In the field of ethnomusicology the scientific study of world music followed from the conceptions of science that underlay the great achievements of the nineteenth century, particularly the comparative taxonomic classification of living objects, and Darwin’s theory of evolution, particularly as applied to human societies in the form of cultural evolution or, as it is sometimes known, social darwinism. The field was known at first, of course, not as ethnomusicology, but as musical folklore or comparative musicology. Its methods are familiar to us all: observation, recording, transcription, analysis, classification, comparison, and the hazarding of explanatory theory, perhaps the grandest formulations being those of Sachs and Lomax. Most of its ideas were in place as early as 1905 and can be found in Hornbostel’s definitive article, “The Problems of Comparative Musicology” (Hornbostel 1975 [1905]). It is instructive to go through the early work and see how optimistic everyone sounds. Science was able to be applied to the study of world music in part because of the invention of the recording phonograph. Consider Hornbostel: “With the invention of the phonograph, musicology was presented with a device that can record the musical utterances of all the world’s peoples in an irrefutably accurate manner, thereby allowing for a rigidly scientific approach. . . . Thus, all the conditions are now met for the collecting of musical and linguistic specimens on a large scale and for their preservation in phonographic museums or archives” (Ibid.: 252). Music was not so well constructed as an object until the phonograph made it possible to do so. Read- ing Hornbostel, Bartók, Sachs, Brăiloiu, and other pioneers in the field of comparative musicology or musical folklore, one is struck by their reliance upon the phonograph as a means toward objectivity, something necessary if science was to operate on the object. Brăiloiu: “Concern for objectivity imposes on us in the first place the mechanical recording of the melodies. Only the machine is objective beyond question, and only its reproduction is indubitable and complete. . . . Finally, it provides us with that means of control which no exact science can do without” (Brăiloiu 1984a [1931]: 63).3 And Bartók: “[The phonograph] is one of the very best means for achieving the ideal aim in our collecting and investigative work on folk songs: elimination of the subjec- tive element” (Bartók 1976: 14). It is interesting, also, to compare the statements of these early pioneers concerning the goals of the discipline. Each is convinced that the future is in collecting, classifying,

2 Ibid., 12. 3 It should be noted that later in his career he was not so sanguine: “A real idolatry of the machine soon seized some minds and still dominates many of them. . . . The danger of excessive confidence in the automatic slave [lies in] the naive and all too stub- born conviction of certain scholars that once the detail of a music is presumed to be perfectly reproduced and irreproachably transcribed, we have nothing more to learn about it, when in reality it has revealed to us nothing of its true nature”. (“Musicology and Ethnomusicology Today,” in Brailoiu 1984a [1931], p. 95).

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 178 13.5.2015 12:44:47 J. T. TITON • ETHNOMUSICOLOGY AS THE STUDY ... comparing, and generating explanatory theory. For Hornbostel, the model was comparative anatomy. We may note in passing that Haeckel’s famous “ontogeny recapitu- lates phylogeny” came from studies in comparative anatomy. Applied to music, the insight yields the theory of music-culture evolutionism, and this theory informed--we would now say misinformed--one direction of comparative musicology from Hornbos- tel through Sachs to Lomax. The kinds of questions that constructed the field for Horn- bostel and those who came after him were these: what was the origin of music, how did it develop over time and space, and what is the nature of the musically beautiful (Horn- bostel 1975 [1905]: 249). The first two questions were the same ones philologists were asking about language, and that folklorists were asking about myths and folktales. And the methods of these two other disciplines were similar to those envisioned by Horn- bostel; that is, largely historic and geographic, to trace the origin and growth of music. Everyone agreed that the first step was collecting, and it is interesting to compare Hornbostel, Bartók, and Sachs on these matters. Hornbostel: “Now all the conditions are met for the collecting of musical and linguistic specimens on a large scale and for their preservation in phonographic museums and archives” (Ibid.: 252). Bartók: “Up to this point we have discussed the collection of melodies as if they were isolated items. This, however, is not an adequate approach; indeed, it would be like the ento- mologist or lepidopterist who would be satisfied with the assembly and preparation of the different species of insects or butterflies. If his satisfaction rests there, then his collection is an inanimate material. The genuine, scientific naturalist, therefore, not only collects and prepares but also studies and describes, as far as possible, the most hidden moments of animal life. Although we admit that the most minute description cannot restore to life that which is dead, it nevertheless recaptures some of the taste and fragrance of life and imparts it to the dead collection. Similar reasons direct the folk music collector to investigate in detail the conditions surrounding the real life of the melodies” (Bartók 1976: 19–20). And yet with collections we must remind ourselves of their psychic impulse. As James Clifford reveals, collections are efforts “to make the world one’s own, to gather things around oneself tastefully, appropriately. . . . The self that must possess but cannot have it all learns to select, order, classify in hierarchies--to make ‘good’ collections” (Clifford 1988: 215). As museums appropriated objects for preservation and display, these objects came to be authentic and authenticating cultural representations, to “stand for” a “school” of painting, say, or an extinct species, or a human group’s former way of life. We need only look at the “good” collections of recordings by Hornbostel or Brăiloiu to see this procedure at work (Bartók 1963; Brăiloiu 1984b). Then, too, most of us are record collectors and we need look no far- ther than to our own shelves. Collecting tends to reify music as a “thing.” But there are good grounds for rejecting the concept of music as a “thing,” as I shall shortly suggest. In my view the science of comparative musicology reaches its apotheosis in the work of Sachs and Lomax. Sachs proposes--with varying degrees of strictness over the course of his career--to reduce the music of the world’s peoples to melodic types that correlate with stages of sociocultural evolution, and proposes that general theory at some length in his last book, The Wellsprings of Music (Sachs 1965). Alan Lomax’s cantometrics theory correlates musical structure and behavior on the one hand with the

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 179 13.5.2015 12:44:47 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 sociocultural features of human groups noted by Murdock in his Ethnographic Atlas (Lomax 1968; Lomax 1972; Lomax 1976; Murdock 1969). His findings rely greatly on the computer. But of course it is not the computer that makes Lomax’s work scientific; it is his methodology. Science offers explanations “which tell us why things are as they are, that is, how they came to be as they are now,” according to Daniel M. Taylor, a philosopher of science (Taylor 1970: 32). And certainly the comparative musicologists were trying to tell us how world music came to be as it is now. The fact that they did not attempt to formulate theories of cause and effect only shows that they understood that science does not rely upon discovering causes that precede and bring about effects. Rather, “a scientific explanation consists in a deduction from premises which comprise universal generalizations and statements of circumstances” (Ibid.: 33). Note, of course, that an explanation may pass the test of being scientific without being true or even probably true. The comparative musicologists were following conventional procedure in the natural sciences. What, after all, were the elements of music, the smallest properties of music comparable to atoms and molecules in matter, or to phonemes in language, or to motifs in folktales? The answer was clear: as Hornbostel put it, following Stumpf, “the fundamental material of all music” is “the tones” (Hornbostel 1975 [1905]: 254). From this arises one of comparative musicology’s thorniest problems, how to represent “the tones” accurately in transcription. And within the scientific paradigm we move to increasingly accurate measurement of the physical properties of tones, from the invention of the cents system through the monochord and eventually to the melograph and other automatic transcribers. Collecting, transcribing, analyzing, and comparing represent the application of powerful scientific tools and theories to the stuff of music. The challenges to this scientific paradigm came not because of logical difficulties in the model but because certain people interested in world music were not convinced that the fundamental basis of music was to be found in the tones themselves. In other words they begin to ask additional questions. Two new important questions began to be asked that could not be answered by the prevailing model and methods. These questions began to reconstruct the field. The first question was asked by anthropologists and, predictably, was What is the place of music in the science of man (sic), or what is the relation between music and culture? Although Bartók, even Hornbostel, and especially Brăiloiu had raised those questions and attempted to gather social data that would help place music in a cultural context, the thrust of their activity was on musical structures. McAllester indicates that he began to ask this question in the late 1940s in response to prodding from Margaret Mead (personal communication, 1989) and certainly his Enemy Way Music reflects this perspective. Moreover, it and its predecessor, Peyote Music, was based on participant observation (McAllester 1971 [1949]; McAllester 1973 [1954]). Most previous song collecting, on the contrary, had been done by asking the singer to sing for the collector, out of the natural sociomusical context. The most persistent attempts to answer this question came in the 1960s from Lomax and Merriam (Lomax 1968; Mer- riam 1964; Merriam 1967). I have already referred to Lomax’s work. Merriam devised a model which, as he himself oversimplified it in several articles, claims that the relation

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 180 13.5.2015 12:44:47 J. T. TITON • ETHNOMUSICOLOGY AS THE STUDY ... between music and culture may be studied scientifically if we understand that music sound is produced by human behavior, and human behavior is in turn produced by concepts or ideas. All of this was linked in a feedback system, so that music produced in turn is understood to influence ideas about music. The implication was that it was a mistake for a science of music to view “the tones” as fundamental; rather, ideas, behavior, and music were all bound up with one another, and should all be studied not only in themselves but in relation to one another. Lomax found that it was not necessary to separate ideas from behavior; his cantometrics theory assumes the unity of the two. Lomax and Merriam did not oppose the people who wanted primarily to study “the tones” because they felt opposed to science. Quite the contrary: Merriam and Lomax held the banner of science high and often referred to what they were doing as a social science that was more appropriate to the study of world music than the outmoded and outdated methods of the comparative musicologists, many of whom, like Kolin- ski, continued their pursuits despite the field’s name-change in North America and parts of Europe to “ethnomusicology”. And so did Seeger hold that music should be studied scientifically, repeatedly claiming that opposition between musicologists and anthropologists was silly because it was obvious that music should be studied both as a thing-in-itself and as a thing-in-context (Seeger 1963). To this formulation Merriam would have agreed, and in his major monograph, Ethnomusicology of the Flathead, he attempted just that; unfortunately, he segregated his book into two parts, concepts and behavior as one, and the most conventional and reductionist musical analysis as the other, never really integrating the two, going through the analysis almost as an exercise in futility (Merriam 1967). It was almost as if Merriam had divided his book into social science and natural science. I said there was a second question that challenged the dominant paradigm, and this was to prove ultimately more difficult to those who regarded ethnomusicology as primarily a study of “the tones”. The question was deceptively simple: What is it like for a person to experience music? This was not a question that the comparative musicologists were interested in answering. It would later be subjected to scientific research under the category of music cognition, but for the moment the question was posed in the more practical terms of musicality and musicianship. In this regard it would be difficult to overestimate the influence of David McAllester and Mantle Hood. Hood, of course, is well known as a champion of the melograph, but it is his other side, the aesthetic side, that is under consideration here. Both Hood and McAllester advocated what Hood later termed “bi-musicality”--that is, they wanted to experience, and wanted others to experience, directly, competence in a music of a culture outside their own (Hood 1960; Hood 1963). Although Hood meant this as an educational tool and a research strategy, the results as we all know were the incorporation of performance into the ethnomusicology curriculum and the incalculable humanizing effect that this has had on the discipline through the many whose study with master artists has changed their lives as well as their understanding of music. At the same time, the question of what it is like to experience music was turned from the self to the other in the study of world music, and this partly constructed the “new musical ethnography” of researchers like Keil and Feld, as well as a new interest

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 181 13.5.2015 12:44:47 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 in biography and autobiography (Keil 1979; Feld 1982; Mitchell 1978; Vander 1988). Not long before his tragic death, Merriam moved from a view of ethnomusicology as the study of music in culture, to a view of the field as the study of music as culture, and the same title had appeared in an ethnomusicology textbook written by Norma McLeod and Marcia Herndon. This, it seems to me, reflected the new trends in sociocultural anthropology I summarized at the outset of this paper: music as text, and music as praxis. We may recall that Seeger urged that music be studied both as a thing-in-itself and also and a thing-in-context. Music, I believe, is not a thing-in-itself, and considering it so is the result of confusing science’s objectified model of music with the real thing. There is nothing intrinsic to sound, not even human organization, that makes it music. In other words, just as there is no such “thing” as literature, nothing self-evident in language that marks it indisputably as literature, so there is nothing self-evident in sounds that mark them indisputably as music.4 The great variety of scores, performances, and recordings that people call music do not share some common musical essence. This was the conclusion of Alexander Ellis after his comparative studies of “The Musical Scales of Various Nations”: “The musical scale is not one, not ‘natural,’ nor even founded necessarily on the laws of the constitution of musical sound so beautifully worked out by Helmholtz, but very diverse, very artificial, and very capricious” (Ellis 1885). What is music to one music-culture is judged noise by another. Even within music-cultures one person’s music may be another person’s noise, organized or not. Certain music- cultures have no word for music. As Henry Kingsbury points out, music is a cultural system, not an a priori phenomenon of the natural world (Kingsbury 1987). In other words, music is not an independent entity with its being in the world. Its true nature is not as something “out there” as a separate object. Rather, music, like all other aspects of culture, is socially constructed (Berger and Luckmann 1966). We are born into a world of sound and we learn from other people what sound is music is and what sound is not. Response to many of John Cage’s compositions, for example, and to much of contemporary music in the West, points out that “music” is not naturally occurring but rather is a human cultural invention. Of course, the idea that music is not a phenomenon of the natural world does not preclude us from studying it scientifically. But it indicates that we should reject the notion that music has a priori fundamental units like tones in the same way that matter has molecules, with the implication that we should study tone structure like molecular structure and thereby get at the objective essence of music. Of course music has tones, but they are not to be understood as fundamental units of an objective musical matter. Music does not have fundamental units in this sense, and perhaps not in any sense. It is equally problematic to conceive of music as a thing-in-context. This formulation suggests that music is a “thing” (which it is not) surrounded by something else, or everything else, but fails to indicate the relationship between the thing and the context. It seems to me, on the contrary, that it is the context that constructs and experiences

4 For the analogy with language and literature I am indebted to Barry O’Connell who pointed out the following from Williams 1976: “There is no such ‘thing’ as literature, no body of written texts that self-evidently bear on their surface some immediately perceivable and indisputable literary essence.” To be more precise, the analogy is with noise and music, rather than sound and music.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 182 13.5.2015 12:44:47 J. T. TITON • ETHNOMUSICOLOGY AS THE STUDY ... the thing, music, as a thing; and this suggests that the term context is too weak to describe what it is that brings music about and gives it meaning and significance. In the past twenty years, much important work in ethnomusicology has been seemingly devoted, in one way or another, to solving the problem or bridging the gap between the music/culture dichotomy. I suggest that a more useful way of looking at is to consider it a way of overcoming the limitations of applying a scientific model to the study of world music. What I am questioning here is Merriam’s notion that ethnomusicology should be a reconciliation of social science with the humanities and that what ethnomusicologists ought therefore to do is “science about music” (Merriam 1964: 25). Interest in linguistics and transformational grammars posits an analytical model meant to represent the human mind of the composer or performer; interest in film drives toward holistic representation of music in cultural context; new modes of performance of non-Western musics in Western settings explore the construction of music as cultural ritual; Marxist models, reflexive musical ethnographies, interest in the relation between myth and the conceptual soundscape, studies of the negotiated meaning of music in Western contexts, and the constant dialogue within the discipline about boundaries and definitions have taken the field in a new direction, which may best be summarized in the phrase, “the study of people making music.” Here I would mention the work of Hugo Zemp, Steve Feld, Marina Roseman, Henry Kingsbury, Charles Keil, David McAllester, David Locke, Mark Slobin, David Reck, Charlotte Heth, Charlotte Frisbie, and others. It is important, I believe, to view this not so much as a gap between music and culture--they are one--but as a gap between modes of scientific and humanistic constructions of music. In this paper I am proposing that it would be helpful if ethnomusicologists conceived of their field as “the study of people making music”. This, of course, seems un- exceptionable; of course people make music. But, to repeat myself, the definition turns on the meaning of the word “making”. People make music in two senses: (1) by physical acts they construct music sound; (2) by mental and communicative acts they socially construct a cultural domain called “music” to which they give meaning. Ethnomusicolo- gists, therefore, study the acts that “make” music, including ethnomusicology itself (a second-order mental act that gives meaning to music). In this formulation, “music sound” conceived as pure object becomes a phantom of the positivistic imagination, and the dichotomy between “music” and “culture” collapses. I do not see how a scientific formulation such as comparative musicology can collapse the same dichotomy. Such a “constructivist” formulation has the advantage, I think, of a better understanding of music and music-making. I have already suggested that there are no grounds for believing that music is a ‘thing,’ evidence of recordings and scores to the contrary. I wish to suggest further that continued belief that music is a “thing” will permit an ongoing distortion: that music, reified into a ‘thing,’ invites the kinds of questions that ethnomusicologists ask of it. It has been assumed that the study of music in the world presents a set of questions in relation to which the procedures of ethnomusicology are found more or less adequate. But with some notable exceptions, ethnomusicologists have been unaware that the category music is contingent. For example, there is the problem of transcription, and our critical procedures address such questions as the

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 183 13.5.2015 12:44:47 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 purpose and reliability of transcription, alternative methods of transcription, and so forth. In other words, we assume that music stands ready to be questioned by procedures we have developed in response to our contemplation of its nature both as a thing in itself and as a thing in a sociocultural context. But to put it another way, I suggest that the field music is constituted by the questions we are able to ask because these questions presuppose the field. Thus it becomes terribly important to construct those questions so that the field we get is the field we want, and in this case it means bearing a relationship to music not as something that consists fundamentally as tones, but as a human activity.

Bibliography

Bartók, Béla. “Why and How Do We Collect Folk Music.” In Essays, ed. Benjamin Su- choff. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1976. Barz, Gregory, and Timothy J. Cooley. Shadows in the Field. New York: Oxford Univer- sity Press, 2008 [1997]. Berger, Peter L., and Thomas Luckmann. The Social Construction of Reality. New York: Anchor Books, 1966. Brăiloiu, Constantin. “Outline of a Method of Musical Folklore.” In Problems of Ethno- musicology, ed. and trans. A. L. Lloyd, 1984a [1931]. Brăiloiu, Constantin. World Collection of Recorded Folk Music, established by Constan- tin Brăiloiu, recordings made 1913-1953. 6 LP recordings, notes. Geneva: VDE-Gallo, 1984b. Clifford, James. The Predicament of Culture. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988. Ellis, Alexander. “The Musical Scales of Varous Nations.” Journal of the Arts, 1885. Feld, Steven. Sound and Sentiment. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982. Frank Mitchell. Navajo Blessingway Singer, ed. Charlotte Frisbie and David P. McAl- lester. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1978. Gourlay, Kenneth. “Toward a Humanizing Ethnomusicology.” Ethnomusicology 26, 3 (1982): 411–420. Hood, Mantle. “The Challenge of Bi-Musicality.” Ethnomusicology 4 (1960): 55–59. Hood, Mantle. “Musical Significance.” Ethnomusicology 7 (1963): 187–192. Hornbostel, Erich M. von. “The Problems of Comparative Musicology.” In Hornbostel Opera Omnia, ed. Klaus P. Wachsmann et al. The Hague: M. Ninjof, 1975 [1905]. Hornbostel, Erich M. von. The Demonstration Collection of E. M. von Hornbostel. 12” Lp recordings, notes. New York: Folkways Records FE 4165, 1963. Keil, Charles. Tiv Song. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979. Kingsbury, Henry. Music, Talent and Performance. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987. Lomax Alan. Folk Song Style and Culture. Washington, DC: American Association for the Advancement of Science, 1968.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 184 13.5.2015 12:44:47 J. T. TITON • ETHNOMUSICOLOGY AS THE STUDY ... Lomax, Alan. “The Evolutionary Taxonomy of Culture.” Science 177 (1972): 228-239. Lomax, Alan. Cantometrics: A Method in Musical Anthropology. Berkeley: University of California Extension Media Center, 1976. Cantometrics training tapes, 1976. McAllester, David P. Peyote Music. New York: Johnson Reprint, 1971 [1949]. McAllester, David P. Enemy Way Music. Millwood, NY: Kraus Reprint, 1973 [1954]. Merriam, Alan P. The Anthropology of Music. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1964. Merriam, Alan P. Ethnomusicology of the Flathead Indians. Chicago: Aldine, 1967. Murdock, George P. Ethnographic Atlas. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1969. Nagel, Thomas. The View from Nowhere. New York: Oxford University Press, 1986. Sachs, Curt. The Wellsprings of Music. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1965 [1952]. Seeger, Charles. “On the Tasks of Musicology.” Ethnomusicology 7 (1963): 215. Taylor, Daniel M. Explanation and Meaning. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970. Vander, Judith, Songprints: The Musical Experience of Five Shoshone Women. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988. Williams, Raymond. Keywords. New York: Oxford University Press, 1976.

POVZETEK čevanje glasbe v kulturi ali celo kot preučevanje glasbe kot kulture. V definiciji etnomuzikologije Predlagam, da bi se etnomuzikologija definirala kot preučevanju ljudi, ki ustvarjajo glasbo, je »glas- kot preučevanje ljudi, ki ustvarjajo glasbo. Ljudje beni zvok« razumljen kot čisti objekt, ki postane ustvarjajo glasbo na dva načina: (1) s fizičnim fantom pozitivistične imaginacije, pri tem pa se dejanjem konstruirajo zvoke; (2) z mentalnim in dihotomija med »glasbo« in »kulturo« poruši. Esej komunikativnim dejanjem konstruirajo kulturno je bil napisan leta 1988 in predstavljen leta 1989 področje, ki se imenuje »kultura«, ki mu nato pri- na konferenci Northeast Chapter of the Society pišejo pomene. Etnomuzikologi zatorej preučujejo for Ethnomusicology. Pred tem esej še ni bil nikjer dejanja, s katerimi se »ustvarja« glasba, vključno s izdan, predstavlja pa mojo prvo javno ponovitev samo etnomuzikologijo (mentalno dejanje drugega te definicije (pozneje je izšel v knjigi Svet glasbe reda, ki glasbi pripisuje pomen). Smisel takšne de- »Worlds of Music« in tudi drugje), ki bolje ponazarja finicije etnomuzikologije je, da zamenja dualistične delo moje generacije etnomuzikologov in ki so jo glasbeno-kulturne definicije etnomuzikologije kot pozneje prevzeli mnogi kolegi v ZDA, saj se jim je bodisi preučevanje glasbe in kulture bodisi preu- zdela bolj uporabna kot starejše formulacije.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 185 13.5.2015 12:44:47 MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 186 13.5.2015 12:44:47 E. LOGAR • DER SLAWISCHE ANTEIL ... UDK 785.12(=16) DOI: 10.4312/mz.51.1.187-202

Engelbert Logar Inštitut za etnomuzikologijo, Univerza za glasbo in upodabljajočo umetnost v Gradcu Institut für Ethnomusikologie, Universität für Musik und darstellende Kunst in Graz Der slawische Anteil am Bestand des Blasmusikarchives der Universität für Musik und darstellende Kunst in Graz Slovanski delež repertoarja godb na pihala v arhivu Univerze za glasbo v Gradcu

Prejeto: 17. marec2015 Received: 17th March 2015 Sprejeto: 31. marec 2015 Accepted: 31st March 2015

Ključne besede: simfonična glasba za godbo na Keywords: symphonic music for brass instruments, pihala, salonski orkester, slovanski delež, Notni salon orchestra, the Slavic share, Archive of Sheet Mu- arhiv Univerze za glasbo Graz, Panonska razisko- sic – University of Graz, Pannonic Research Station valna postaja ABSTRACT IZVLEČEK The article examines the Slavic share of sheet music Prispevek je posvečen slovanskemu deležu notnega for brass instruments in the archive of the University gradiva za godbe na pihala, zbranem v arhivu Univer- of Music and Performing Arts Graz, located in the re- ze za glasbo v Gradcu s podružnico v Oberschütznu search station in Oberschützen in the Austrain state na Gradiščanskem. Notno gradivo vsebuje 4805 of Burgenland. The archive material is comprised of oštevilčenih map z deli in skladbami 2072 različnih 4805 numbered maps with works and compositions skladateljev v oblikovno opredeljenih 10.632 delih, of 2072 different composers – 10,632 formaly de- namenjeno pa je sinfonični pihalni glasbi, salonskim fined works. It is intended for symphonic brass mu- orkestrom in godalni glasbi ter komornim zasedbam sic, salon orchestra, string instruments and chambers iz približno dvestoletne izvajalske prakse ustanove. ensembles and was collected during the 200 years of Kot težišče sem v svojem prispevku izpostavil južno- the performance practice of the institution. The focal slovanski prostor, čeprav je njegov delež v primerjavi point of the article is the south-Slavic region, although s češkim, dunajskim ali ogrskim prostorom razmero- its share is relatively small compared to the Czech, Vi- ma majhen. Obdelanih je skoraj 200 skladateljev, ki enna or Hungarian region. Discussed are over 200 so večinoma ustvarjali v času med 1850 in 1940. Nad composers that were mainly working in the time 1500 skladb v mapah je v rokopisu. Analizi časovne, between 1850 and 1940. Over 1500 compositions prostorske in oblikovne plasti gradiva sledi statistika are in the form of manuscripts. The analysis of the slovanskega deleža skladateljev iz Slovenije, Hrvaške, temporal, spatial and formal layering of the material Bosne, Srbije in Bolgarije, v pregledu pa tudi delež is followed by statistical data of the share of compos- vzhodno- in zahodnoslovanskih dežel. ers form Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and Bulgaria; incorporated in the overview is also the share of eastern and western Slavic countries. 187

MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 187 13.5.2015 12:44:47 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 Zu den Blasmusikbeständen an Noten, Partituren, Stimmsätzen, Direktionsstim- men usw., die aus der ehemaligen Musikakademie, heute Universität für Musik und darstellende Kunst in Graz stammen und einen Altbestand mit vielen handschriftlichen (= hs.) Quellen darstellen, gehören die BM- und BMB-Nummern 1, die heute im „Internationalen Zentrum für Blasmusikforschung/International Center for Wind Music Research“ am Institut Oberschützen der Grazer Kunstuniversität lagern, welches im Jahre 2013 eröffnet wurde. Das Institut Oberschützen besteht seit 1965 als Expositur der Universität für Musik und darstellende Kunst2, die Pannonische For- schungsstelle wurde 1990 auf Initiative von Prof. Wolfgang Suppan gegründet. Das Internationale Zentrum für Blasmusikforschung (IZBF) unter der Leitung von Prof. Dr. Bernhard Habla zählt zu den europaweit größten diesbezüglichen Einrichtungen, deren integrierten Teil der BM- und BMB-Bestand darstellt. Beide Archivteile (BM- und BMB-Nummern) wurden für diese Abhandlung als ein Bestand mit 4805 Nummern aufgefasst3 und auf den slawischen Gehalt über- prüft. Diese Zusammenstellung ist das Ergebnis meiner computermäßigen Erfassung der Notenmaterialien. Aufgrund des klein bemessenen Umfangs der hier möglichen Publikation habe ich den südslawischen Anteil am Bestand, weil er wohl für den Le- ser von größerem Interesse sein wird, stärker gewichtet. Das west- und ostslawische Kapitel des gegebenen Themas ist viel umfangreicher, denn allein aus Böhmen (85), Mähren (33) und der Slowakei (12) sind rund 130 Komponisten mit ihren Beiträgen im BM Archiv der KUG präsent. Aus Polen (18), Russland (17) und der Ukraine (4) sind es weitere 39; bei einigen wenigen Prozent ist die räumliche Zuordnung unsi- cher oder noch nicht endgültig möglich gewesen. Die Gesamtzahl der unterschiedlichen Komponisten dieses ausgewählten BM- und BMB- Bestandes beträgt 2072, soweit sie für mich bestimmbar, lesbar und unterscheidbar waren. Von diesen 2072 unterschiedlichen Komponisten, von welchen im BM Archiv der KUG die Kompositionen stammen, sind nach meiner Einschätzung bzw. Analy - se etwa 7,5% (ca. 160) mehr oder weniger dem slawischen Bereich zuzuordnen und/ oder sie haben Kompositionen mit slawischem Bezug geschaffen. Beim Versuch, den slawischen Anteil des BM- Archives der KUG genauer zu bestimmen und die Komponisten nach ihrer Nationalität zuzuordnen stößt man mitunter auf Probleme. Die Komponisten, die aus deutschen oder nichtslawischen Ländern stammen und Musik mit Titelbezug oder mit Volksmusikzitaten aus slawischen Ländern/Sprachen geschrieben haben, habe ich im auf das jeweilige Land bezogenen Teil sämtlich einbezogen. Die Komponisten, die aus slawischen Ländern stammen, haben mitunter Musik mit nur deutschen Titeln und ohne Landes- oder Kultur- und Sprachbezug (soweit für mich erkennbar) geschrieben. Diese kommen in dieser Abhandlung nicht vollständig vor. Einige Komponisten slawischer Abstammung haben slawische und einige deutsch-slawisch betitelte Werke geschrieben oder slawische Texte

1 BM = Blasmusikbestand der Kunstuniversität Graz, Nr.1-1122 Blasmusik, 1123-1726 Salonorchester und Streichmusiken sowie 1727-2049 tlw. kammermusikalische Besetzungen; BMB = Blasmusikbestand von Prof. Eugen Brixel: Nr. 1-250 Blasmusik, 251- 1564 Salonorchester und Streichmusiken, 1565-2756 kammermusikalische Besetzungen. 2 Kunstuniversität Graz = KUG. 3 Hier: Blasmusikarchiv an der Kunstuniversität Graz, kurz = BM Archiv der KUG

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 188 13.5.2015 12:44:47 E. LOGAR • DER SLAWISCHE ANTEIL ... vertont und/oder slawische Volkslieder zitiert. Slawische Komponisten außerhalb slawischer Länder, insbesondere im deutschen Sprachraum wohnend, haben sich in der 3. oder 4. Generation in der Regel assimiliert und wurden in diesem Fall nicht mehr einbezogen. 1. Zeitliche Schichtung der Werke: Wenn man sich die (oft handschriftlichen) Ver- merke der verschiedenen Partituren bezüglich der Aufführung (tlw. des Druckjahres) aneinanderreiht, so sind 10 Werke vor 1850 aufgeführt bzw. benützt worden.

Von 1850-1869 waren es 21, von 1920-1929 waren es 655, von 1870-1889 waren es 290, von 1930-1939 waren es 462, von 1890-1899 waren es 444, von 1940-1949 waren es 102, von 1900-1909 waren es 533, von 1950-1959 waren es 302, von 1910-1919 waren es 507, von 1960-1969 waren es 319,

nach 1970 waren es 301 von zusammen 3946 Kompositionen bzw. Partituren dieser Auswahl, wobei 859 Eingaben vom gesamten BM und BMB Archiv aus unterschiedlichen Gründen (z.B. fehlenden Datumsangaben) diesbezüglich nicht zugeordnet werden konnten. Die stärkste Frequenz der Aufführungen aus diesem Archiv wurde somit in den 20er und 30er Jahren des 20. Jahrhunderts erreicht. 2. Räumliche Schichtung der Werke: Das Vorhandensein von Kompositionen deutschsprachiger Komponisten und Werke dominiert bei weitem. Das bloße Vor- handensein bestimmter Kompositionen und Bearbeitungen nichtdeutscher Kom- ponisten in diesem Bestand lässt auf die Musikpraxis vor allem des ausgehenden 19. und des 20. Jahrhunderts gewisse Rückschlüsse zu. Nur verhältnismäßig we- nige Werke stammen aus dem südslawischen, etwas mehr aus dem italienischen Raum. Relativ viele Werke stammen von ungarischen und wie erwähnt von böhmi- schen Komponisten. Besonders stark ist der Wiener Raum präsent. Aus jüngerer und jüngster Zeit stammen gehäuft Werke aus anglo-amerikanischen Quellen. Über 1500 Kompositionen sind handschriftlich notiert. In 5766 Kompositionen ist sowohl der komplette Stimmensatz des Blasorchesters als auch eine Direktionsstimme/ Klavierauszug vorhanden, in weiteren 846 sind die Stimmensätze ohne Direktions- stimme oder Klavierauszug vorhanden, in 1207 Fällen gibt es nur eine Partitur der Orchesterstimmen. Druckorte der gedruckten Partituren und Stimmsätze waren vielfach Wien (ca. 1700x), oft zusammen mit Leipzig, weiters Berlin ca. 1200x häufig zusammen mit New York, Hamburg (ca. 510x), Hannover (ca. 400x), Mainz (ca. 350x), Innsbruck ca. 150x, München ca. 120x, Prag (ca. 110x), London (ca. 110), Paris ca. 90, Budapest ca. 60x, Brno/Brünn ca. 20x, Graz ca. 15x, weitere Druckorte waren Zürich, Rom (40x), Milano (60x), Stuttgart (15x), Lüdenscheidt, Rot an der Rot, Braunschweig u.a. 3. Gattungsmäßige Schichtung der Werke: Die Zählung der BM- und BMB-Num- mern bezieht sich auf die Mappen mit Stimmsätzen und/oder Partituren und/oder Direktionsstimmen, wobei in vielen dieser Mappen mitunter zwei oder mehrere Kompositionen oder Stücke (bis zu 48) enthalten sind, sodaß die Gesamtsumme der

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 189 13.5.2015 12:44:48 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 für diese Abhandlung erfassten und untersuchten Musikstücke nach meiner Zählung 10.632 beträgt. Nach musikalischen Gattungen gibt es in diesem Blasmusikarchiv: Märsche (1929= 18 %), Lieder (1357 = 13 %), Walzer (1159 = 11 %), Opern (880 = 8,5 %), Operetten (770 = 7,5 %), Potpourris (556 = 5,5 %, davon 62 Liederpotpouris, 6 Marschpotpouris, 37 Opernpotpouris, 101 Operettenpotpouris, 18 Schlagerpotpouris., 6 Walzerpotpourris), Ouverturen (596 = 5,5 %), Polkas (450 = 4,5 %), Fantasien (327 = 3,1 %), Foxtrotte (221 = 2 %), Intermezzi (147 = 1,3 %), Tänze(123 1,1%), Quadrillen (112 = 1 %, davon 14 Opern-, 19 Operettenquadrillen) und Konzerstücke (110 = 1 %). Die restlichen 18 % machen verschiedene oder sehr unterschiedliche Gattungen aus, wie Rheinländer (110), Serenaden (93), Konzerte (86), Choräle (80), Gavotten (79), Charakterstücke (76), Pa- raphrasen (68), Suiten (61), Ländler (60), Tangos (54), Galloppe (53), Romanzen (49), Sinfonien (38), Schlager (36), Arien (35), Idyllen und Impressionen(31), Variationen (29), Tongemälde (28), Polonaisen (28), Nokturnos (28), Fanfaren (25), Sonaten, Sona- tinen (24), Hymnen (24), Mazurkas (20), Festmusiken (18), Singspiele (17) und Csardas (17). Sonstige oder keine Angaben: 628 = 6% (z.B. es war aus irgendwelchen Gründen keine Zuordnung möglich). 4. Die Bestimmung des slawischen Anteils: Bekanntlich kann man bei manchen Komponisten Werke mit Bezug zu slawischen Ländern, Regionen, Städten, Or- ten usw. finden. So stammen zum Beispiel von Johann Strauss (Sohn) die Werke: Czechen-Walzer, Serben-Quadrille, Serbischer Marsch (aufgeführt von J. Strauß), Alexander-Quadrille [Titelbaltt serbisch], Klänge aus der Walachei - Walzer, Nikolai- Quadrille nach Russischen Themen, Heski-Holki-Polka op. 80 (Hezky Holki bedeutet: “Den hübschen Mädchen”), Warschauer Polka, Slaven-Ball Quadrille, Strelna Terras- sen-Quadrille, Veilchen - Mazur nach russischen Motiven, Slovanka-Quadrille nach russischen Motiven, Russische Marsch-Fantasie, An der Moldau - Polka, Im russischen Dorfe - Fantasie, Husaren-Polka, An der Wolga - Polka Mazurka, Russischer Marsch, Operette: Jabuka, Zivio! Marsch und ein Slaven-Potpourri4. Nicht alle der genannten Werke sind im BM Archiv der KUG zu finden. Dies gilt wie exemplarisch auch für die Kompositionen Konrad Stekl’s (*21.7.1901 in Dubrovnik/Ragusa/Kroatien, +9.5.1979 in Graz). Er wuchs in Brünn, Časlau, Chicago, Görz, Triest und Ridgefield Park/USA auf, bevor sich seine Eltern 1922 in Graz niederließen, studierte bei Roderich von Mojsisovics-Mojsvár (1877-1953) und bei Artur Michl (1897-1965), war Musiklehrer, geriet im Krieg in Gefangenschaft, war später Direktor und Professor. Als Komponist schuf er u.a.die Südslawische Suite 1935, den Trifailer Marsch (Trbovlje in SLO) 1942, Musik und Russische Tanzsuite aus der Oper Anna Iwanowna 1959, Musica friulana 1974, Sonata rusca 1974, den Liedzyklus 18 Dalmatinische Sonette (1970) auf Texte von Paula von Preradovic, Junakische Lieder auf Texte von Alexander Issatsjenko 1975 und ist trotzdem nicht als “slawischer Komponist” einzuordnen. Man ersieht daraus, dass die dem Komponisten entsprechende Zuordnung schwer fällt. Welcher Art genau der musikalische Bezug zu slawischen Ländern und Inhalten jeweils ist, wäre von Werk zu Werk eigens zu klären. Der Geburtsort, die Muttersprache, die

4 Vgl.: http://www.planet-vienna.com/musik/komponisten/johann_strauss_sohn/werke.htm, Abgefragt am 5. 4. 2015.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 190 13.5.2015 12:44:48 E. LOGAR • DER SLAWISCHE ANTEIL ... beruflichen Wirkungsstätten, der Todesort oder das musikalische Oevre bilden An- haltspunkte für die folgende Zuordnung, die aber trotzdem meist musikalisch-inhalt- lich, nicht national und sprachlich gemeint ist. 5. Beispiele der Titelbezeichnung „slawisch“: Im BM Archiv der KUG in Graz gibt es einen Slawischen Hochzeitstanz (BMB 2067) vom österreichisch-schweizerischen Komponisten, Dirigenten und Musikwissenschafter Franz Königshofer (*5.12.1901 in Wien, + 20.6.1970 in Solothurn/Schweiz), welcher u.a. in Breslau und Tschechien als Dirigent wirkte, eine Slawische Fantasie (BM 0603) von Adolf Schreiner (1847- 1921), publiziert bei Benjamin (A.J.B. 1957), einen Slawischen Tanz (BMB 2069) vom Komponisten und Pianisten Willi August Lautenschläger (* 27.2.1880 in Bonn, +22.12.1949 in Bad Imnau), den man häufig unter den Künstlernamen José Armán- dola, Edwin Haller, A. Nippon, Udo Türmer und James Wanson finden kann und der als Pianist zu Stummfilmen ein breites Spektrum an „Exotismen“ beherrscht und komponiert hat, sowie die Slawischen Tänze Nr. 1, 6 und 14 (BM 1103, BMB 1528) von Antonin Dvořák (8.9.1841 in Nelahozeves, + 1.5.1904 in Prag), welcher auch sonst für seine Kompositionen etliche „slawische“ Werksbezeichnungen gewählt hat5. Max Schönherr (*23.11.1903 in Maribor/Marburg) hat im Jahre 1961 ein Slawisches Pan- orama komponiert. Hans Freivogel (* 18.5.1911 in Blagorodovac/Kroatien) hat seine Werke für Blasmusik, Akkordeon und Salonorchester herausgegeben (BM 1910, BMB 2666), z.B. die Südslawische Fantasie. Karl Komzák senior, der Komponist des Windisch-Graetz-Marsches, hat in seine zahlreichen Potpourris u.a. Naprej (zastava Slave), Strasak - Slovenski ples (BMB 1318), ein böhmisches Volkslied (BMB 0509), Andulko - böhmisches Lied (BMB 1292), ein slavisches Lied (BMB 0980) und Mone se vsecko zda - Mazur (BMB 1426) eingebaut. Hans (Jan) Pavlis sen. (*13.5.1819 in Zdice/ Zditz/ Böhmen) zählt zu seinen Kom- positionen den Marsch Hej Slované! Bruno Döring (*28.4.1895 in Wilchelmshafen, + 9.2.1974 ebda) hat 1956 die Slawische Fantasie, 1961 die Polka aus Böhmen, und 1969 den Slowakischen Marsch sowie Eljenaa Haza geschrieben. Im BM Archiv der KUG befindet sich das Intermezzo Farmerliebchen (op. 120, BM 1165) von 1928. Carl Friedemann (*29.4.1862 in Mücheln bei Merseburg/D, +9.4.1952 in Bern) war ein deutsch-schweizerischer Komponist und Dirigent, der vier Slawische Rhapsodien (op. 114/1903, op. 269) geschrieben hat und im BM Archiv der KUG mit den Märschen op. 66, 73, 81, 102, 123, 136, 147, 153, 154 vertreten ist (BM 0610, 0635, 0671, 0767, BM 1075, 1574, 1968, BMB 2492). 6. Komponisten und ihre Werke mit Länderbezug zu Slowenien: Der slowenische Anteil am Bestand des Blasmusikarchives der Universität für Musik und darstellende Kunst in Graz ist gering. Julius Fučik’s Triglav, Slowenischer Marsch, Opus 72, ist im BM Archiv der KUG nicht vorhanden. Ein “Slowenisches Lied“ findet man handschriftlich, gesetzt für Waldhornquartett, datiert mit 17.1.1917 (BMB 0128). Unter der BM Nummer 2011 findet sich ein Marsch mit der Bezeichnung Gorenjska von Gvido

5 Z.B. Slawische Rhapsodie D-Dur op. 45 Nr. 1, 1878, Slawische Tänze op. 46 - 1878, Slawische Rhapsodie g-Moll und As-Dur op. 45 Nr. 2 und 3-1878, Tschechische Suite op. 39, UA 1879, Slawische Tänze op. 72 - 1886, Klavierstücke Aus dem Böhmerwald op. 68, Klänge aus Mähren op. 20, 29 und 38, Tschechischer Liederstrauß für Männerchor op. 41, Tschechenlied für Männerchor und Aus dem slawischen Liederstrauß, Drei Lieder für Männerchor op. 43.

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Učakar (* 6.8.1912 bei Štorenk in Moravska dolina, + 7.5.1986 Ljubljana), der bei der »Moravška godba« mitgewirkt hat. Mit 14 Jahren trat er in die Heeresmusikschule in Vršac ein, war daraufhin in Karlovac in Ausbildung und führte seine Studien in Zagreb fort. Er belegte die Dirigierausbildung in Belgrad, war Kapellmeister und lebte später in Moravče. Als Komponist und Arrangeur hat er etwa 100 Märsche geschrieben, von denen am Häufigsten Partizanka, Konjuh planina, Sutjeska und Gorenjska zur Auf- führung kommen6. Emil Füllekruß (*2.9.1856 in Stettin + nach 1933?), war Cellist, Kapellmeister in Ma- ribor ab 1892 und Komponist. An mein Vaterland ist der Titel einer von ihm vollen- deten, sinfonisch bearbeiteten Suite in drei Teilen (Präludium - Intermezzo Finale, UA 1933 in Stettin). Er war über 35 Jahre Organist an der evangelischen Christuskirche in Maribor und seit 1873 war er musikalisch konzertierend tätig, hat instrumentale Werke und Lieder geschrieben, hatte eine “aufrechte deutsche Gesinnung”7. Im BM-Archiv der KUG findet sich sein Lied ohne Worte Mein Heimatland (op. 110, BM 0482). Anas- tasius Grün (*11.4.1806 in Ljubljana, + 12.9.1876 in Graz, recte Anton Alexander Graf von Auersperg) war Politiker und Lyriker und hat auch slowenische Volkslieder ins Deutsche übertragen. Im BM Archiv der KUG finden sich seine Sechs Lieder nach Ge- dichten aus dem Slowenischen für mittlere Stimme und Klavier (BMB 0128) zusammen mit Waldhornquartetten. Andy Hallecker (*25.4.1911 in Maribor, +1.7.1988 in Graz) war der Sohn des Orgelbauers Alois Hallecker, studierte in Zagreb, wirkte 1941-44 als Chor- direktor und Operettenkomponist am Stadttheater in Maribor, kam 1945 nach Graz zur Sendergruppe Alpenland und als Kapellmeister ans Landestheater, schrieb Unterhal- tungs- und Bühnenmusiken und einige symphonische Werke8. Im BM Archiv der KUG findet sich sein Potpourri Dalmatinische Perlen (BMB 2149) aus dem Jahre 19619 Karel Hašler (*31.10.1879 in Zlichov bei Prag, +22.12.1941 in Mauthausen) war ein tschechischer Komponist, Librettist, Sänger, Filmproduzent und Regiseur. 1902 wurde er Mitglied des slowenischen Theaters in Ljubljana, danach war er in Prag tätig. Von ihm sind die Schweizer Heimatklänge (Walzerlied) (BMB 2486) aus dem Jahre 1907. Alwin Reindel (*27.12.1856 in Allstedt/Weimar, +12.8.1924 ebda) hat als Militärkapellmeister ge- wirkt und seine Ungarische Rhapsodie ist unvergessen. Im BM Archiv der KUG findet man seine Bearbeitung von Thomas Koschats Verlassen bin i (BMB 0159), deren Melodie einer kärntner-slowenischen Volksweise entnommen ist, sowie die Turandot Polka (BM 0194) von 1906 und die Bearbeitung von Wagners Rienzi: Chor der Friedensboten (BM 0889). Von Josef Kaschte (* 24.12.1821 in Litoměřice/ Leitmeritz/Böhmen, +27.12.1878 in Klagenfurt) lagert im BM Archiv der KUG die Ouverture zur Oper Die Felsenmüh- le (BMB 1607) vom 1.3.1888 in Maribor. Bogumil Klobučar (* 26.1.1922 in Ljubljana, +

6 Vgl.: G. Učakar, Pozdrav v Mengšu, http://www2.arnes.si/~zkolen/ucakar.htm, Jana Kolenc, Gvido Učakar, glasbenik iz Moravške doline, Vače 2007. 7 Vgl.: Manica Špendal, »Glasbeno življenje v Mariboru«, in Časopis za slovensko krajevno zgodovino 31 (1983): 183–94. 8 Vgl.: Wolfgang Suppan, Steirisches Musiklexikon (Graz, 2009), S. 262. Rudolf Quoika, »Die Musik der Deutschen in Böhmen und Mähren«, Berlin, 1956, Österreichisches Biographisches Lexikon 1815-1950, Bd. 9 (Lfg. 41, 1984). Druckausgabe (PDF), Öster- reichisches Musiklexikon 1/2005, Bd. 4 und Internetdienst, Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart (MGG), hg. von Friedrich Blume (Bd. 1/1949-17/1986). 9 ... mit den Teilen 1. A ča su vesla. Čiri biri mare moja 2. Kad si negdje sama daleko 3. Daleko me biser mora (Ivo Tijardovic), 4. Poletele bele vila (Volkslied), 5. Nova kapa i peturin. Sjor bepo moj, 6. Kontrado (Ivo Tijardovic), 7. Nočaš mi se snilo (Volkslied), 8. Adio mare (Vlaho Paljetak), 9. Ja sam Majko (Volkslied), 10. Noč je oko mene. Marijana (Vl. Paljetak - S.Susic), 11. Kolo.

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10.1.1997 in Gratkorn) studierte in Zagreb und Ljubljana, wirkte 1949-62 in Mostar als Musikpädagoge, anschließend bis 1968 in Kranj, übernahm dann die Leitung der Musik- schule in Gratkorn bei Graz. Im BM Archiv der KUG findet man seine Bearbeitung von Sergej Rachmaninoffs Preludes für großes Blasorchester (BM 1742). Joseph Labitzky (*4.7.1802 in Krasno/Schönfeld/Böhmen, + 18.8.1881 in Karlovy Vary/Karlsbad, alias Labicky) war Violinist, Dirigent und Komponist, erhielt in Bečov nad Teplou/ Petschau Musikunterricht, verlor früh die Eltern (die Mutter Maria Anna Preißdorfer stammte aus Maribor), wurde 1835 Orchesterleiter in Karlsbad und entwickelte sich zum „Walzerkönig von Böhmen“. Der Walzer Aus der Jugendzeit (BM 1297) trägt seine Opuszahl 191. Ludwig Schlögel (*4.5.1855 in Usti nad Labem/Aussig an der Elbe, + 15.1.1894 in Pula/Kroatien) war ein böhmischer Komponist und Diri- gent, ab 1876 Kapellmeister in Maribor, zeitweilig in Targu Mures, später in St. Pölten (bis 1891), danach an der Adria (Marinekapellmeister). Er komponierte als Konkurrenz zu Strauss’s Sohns An der schönen blauen Donau den Walzer op. 99: An der schö- nen blauen Adria und 1882 den Turovo Marsch. In seinem großen Tongemälde Eine musikalische Weltumseglung (BMB 1308) hs. vom 14.1.1893 in Jihlava/Iglau ist u.a. der russische Tanz Kamariuskaja (26) enthalten. Max Schönherr (*23.11.1903 in Maribor, +13.12.1984 in Baden bei Wien) war Komponist, Dirigent und Musikschriftsteller, studierte in Graz bei Mojsisovics, wurde Mitglied der Marischka-Bühne, war Kapellmeis- ter in Wien und schrieb vor allem Unterhaltungsmusik. Großvater Franz und Vater Max sen. waren Militärmusiker gewesen, letzterer leitete die Südbahnwerkstättenkapelle in Maribor von 1898-1918. Im BM Archiv der KUG findet sich von ihm u.a. der Marsch Mein Böhmerwald (BMB 1938) von 1961. Hans Schneider hat im Potpourri Tönende Schlagerschau von 1936 Schönherrs Mohnblumen mit eingebaut (Nr. 9, BMB 1078). Rudolf Wagner (*30.8.1851 in Wien, +26.12.1915 in Maribor) war Militärkapellmeis- ter und Chordirigent. Er spielte Flöte, studierte 1866-69 Generalbass bei Ziehrer, Franz von Suppe, und J.v.Herbeck, diente im Infanterieregiment (= IR) Nr. 55, war ab 1875 Theaterkapellmeister in Iglau, 1877 in Maribor, 1878 in Bozen, weiters in Budapest und Olmütz/Olmouc, Kronstadt/Brasov, Hermannstadt/Sibiu und Bukarest und ließ sich 1882 in Maribor nieder. Er war auch Bundeschormeister des Steirischen Sänger- bundes. Er schrieb Tanz- und Marschkompositionen mit volkstümlichem Einschlag: z.B. Lagerlebenmarsch, Nach der Parade, Ursteirischmarsch. Im BM Archiv der KUG finden sich die Märsche Deutschlands Ruhmestage (BM 0720) und Steirerbuam (BM 2011). Der “Österreichische Marschkönig” Josef Franz Wagner (*20.3.1856 in Wien, +5.6.1856 ebda) hat den Anastasius Grün Marsch (op. 49) geschrieben und ist im BM Archiv der KUG u.a. mit dem russischen Volkslied Der rothe Sarafan (BMB 0070, 0101) im Potpourri In der Sommerfrische (16) vom 31.5.1894 präsent. Im Lazzaroni- Marsch nach hauptsächlich alten italienischen Volksliedern (BMB 0033) findet sich auch die Melodie der slowenischen Volksweise Jaz sem si pa nekaj zmislil (3144332-7). Thomas Koschat (*8.8.1845 in Viktring/Vetrinje/Kärnten, * 19.5.1914 in Wien), wurde Chorsän- ger an der Wiener Hofoper, zu St. Stephan und 1878 in der kaiserlichen Hofkapelle. Mit dem Koschat-Quintett machte er zahlreiche Reisen in Europa und Amerika, komponierte eigene Lieder “im Kärntner Volkston”, besuchte slowenische Sänger in Kärnten. Im BM Archiv der KUG findet sich u.a. Verlassen bin i in mehreren Bearbeitungen (BM

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0024, 1129, BMB 0128, 1100, 2691). Heinrich Strecker (*24.2.1893 in Wien, + 28.6.1981 in Baden bei Wien) war der Sohn des aus Ljubljana stammenden Schneidermeisters Heinrich Georg Strecker und der Wienerin Theresia. Im BM Archiv der KUG finden sich über 20 Wienerlieder (BMB 0685, 0759, 0888) und u.a. das Grenzland - Lied Hei- mat (BMB 0998) aus d.J. 1936, das NS-Lied Wach’ auf deutsche Wachau (op. 317, BMB 1017) aus dem Jahre 1934 und das Lied Mädel sag „igen“ (BMB 0084, 1187) aus d.J. 1923. 7. Komponisten und ihre Werke mit Länderbezug zu Kroatien: Wenn man an Pepi Hubers Balkan - Rhapsodie (Rhapsodie Balcanoise) aus dem Jahre 1955 (BMB 1781) oder Erich Fanta‘s Balkan ‑ Nächte, Skizze (BMB 1783) aus d.J. 1962 denkt, wenn man an Karl Komzák (Sohn) (*8.11.1850 in Prag, +23.4.1905 in Baden bei Wien), erinnert, der Ertls Lied Ja der Mensch ist kein Krowot (BMB 1217) und An der schönen grünen Narenta (BMB 0981) in sein Potpourri eingebaut hat, wenn man den Kroatischen und den Napred (Vorwärts) Marsch von Hans (Jan) Pavlis jun. (* 21.8.1858 in Prag) anhört, ist man mit seinen Gedanken sicherlich auch in Kroatien angelangt. Blagoje Bersa (*21.12.1873 in Dubrovnik, +1.1.1934 in Zagreb, alias Benito Bersa) war ein kroatischer Komponist, der in Zagreb bei Ivan Zajc und in Wien bei Robert Fuchs studierte, ab 1919 in Zagreb an der Musikakademie wirkte und Opern (z.B. Die Sonnenfelder, Die Gespenster) und Kammermusik komponierte. Im BM Archiv der KUG finden wir u.a. sein Walzerlied aus der Operette *Die Winzerbraut* Lieber kleiner Würstelmann (BMB 1075). Franjo Ksaver Kuhač (*20.11.1834 in Osijek, +18.6.1911 in Zagreb, recte Franz Xaver Koch) war ein kroatischer Volksmusiksammler und Musi- khistoriker, der nach dem Lehrerdiplom das Studium der Musikwissenschaft in Bu- dapest anschloß, nach Wanderjahren in Leipzig, Weimar und Wien (bei Franz Liszt) in Kroatien und woanders Volkslieder sammelte und herausgab. Im BM Archiv der KUG findet man seine Komposition Bosnischer Kolo, ein Südslawischer Nationaltanz, der bei Odeon erschienen war (BMB 2071). Milan Obuljen (*26.3.1880 in Dubrovnik, +31.12.1923 in Wien) hat in den Jahren 1918-1923 in Wien, Prag und Zagreb das für die kroatische Musikszene wichtige Verlagshaus Edition Slave geleitet. Im BM Archiv der KUG findet man von ihm den Feuerwehrmarsch (BMB 0126). Ivan Zajc (*3.8.1832 in Rijeka/Kroatien, + 16.12.1914 in Zagreb, alias Zaytz, u.a. Gio- vanni, Johann), Komponist, Dirigent, Lehrer und Organisator, war der Sohn eines ös- terreichischen Militärkapellmeisters, besuchte das Konservatorium in Mailand, war zu- nächst Dirigent in Rijeka, später in Wien (1862-70) Operettenkomponist und zuletzt als Direktor des Konservatoriums in Zagreb tätig. Von ihm stammen 1200 Kompositionen. Im BM Archiv der KUG findet man seine Ouverture Die Hexe von Boissy (BMB 0077, 1606), hs. vom 22.2.1919, auch in der Bearbeitung von Dominik Ertl op. 180 (BMB 1323) vorliegend. Auch seine Fantasie Nikolaus Subic Zrinsky (BMB 1533) ist im hs. Stimmen- satz vorhanden. Seine Werke sind in Olmütz/Olmouc gespielt worden (z.B. am 9. 7. 1926 von der Militärmusik: Svatojánské proudy (ouvertura), und Večer na Sávě, damals auch von Leipold – Charvátská směs). Eduard Rudolf Hladisch (*10.2.1890 in Zagreb, +11.8.1968 in Matteus församling, Stockholm) war ein österreichisch-kroatischer Kom- ponist, Dirigent und Violinist, der seit 1924 in Schweden ein Orchester leitete (Phoenix Palace, Oscar-Theater) und der Musik für das schwedische Radio und zu Filmen komponierte. Die Operette Zorina von Jules Sylvain erschien 1943, wobei Hladisch die

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 194 13.5.2015 12:44:48 E. LOGAR • DER SLAWISCHE ANTEIL ... Instrumentierung übernahm. Im BM Archiv der KUG befinden sich die Realistenqua- drille (BMB 1460), die Polka schnell (BMB 1424) und die Mathildenpolka (BMB 1460) hs. vom 17.4.1895. Julius Fučik (*18.7.1872 in Prag, + 25.9.1916 in Berlin-Schöneberg), der tschechische Komponist und Kapellmeister, studierte am Prager Konservatorium bei Antonín Dvorák, ging 1895 als Stadtkapellmeister nach Sissek in Kroatien. Im Jah- re 1897 wurde er Militärkapellmeister beim 86. Regiment in Sarajevo. Später ging er nach Budapest und Theresienstadt (bis 1910 bzw. 1913), dann nach Berlin, wo er den Tempo-Verlag gründete. Er schuf ca. 400 Kompositionen der leichten Muse. Fucíks Ein- zug der Gladiatoren „Grande marche chromatique” ist auch als Zirkusmarsch bekannt (op. 68, BM 1970, BMB 0685, 0743, 1916, 1975, 1750) letzterer hs. 1916; darin auch Nr. 30 Croatisches Lied; Nr. 8 Kärntner Melodie. Im BM Archiv der KUG findet man von ihm weiters Attila, Marche hongroise triomphale (op. 211, BMB 0992) aus d.J. 1908. Joseph Haydn (*1.4.1732 in Rohrau, +31.5.1809 in Wien) hat in zahlreichen Kompo- sitionen aus dem Liedgut der Kroaten im Burgenland geschöpft. Auch die Gott erhalte Franz den Kaiser - Melodie gehört dazu (BM 0651, 0608, BMB 1070, 2689, 2708). Im BM Archiv der KUG findet man von ihm weiters Symphonien (BM 0256, BMB 1405, 1691), Streichquartette (BMB 0787), Märsche (BM 1877, 2000, 2002, 2005, ) eine Fantasie In memoriam Haydn (BMB 1352) und diverse Stücke (BM 0353, 1680, BMB 0787, 2471, 2728) auch geistlichen Inhalts (BMB 2411, 2446). František Zita (*13.2.1880 in Čečelice/ Mělník/Böhmen, + 12.5.1946 in Brno/Mähren, alias Franz Zita od. Zitta) war ein tschechischer Komponist und Kapellmeister, hat zunächst beim Bosnisch-Herzegowinischen Regiment in Budapest gelernt, studierte bei Jenö Hubay, ab 1911 war er in Triest (97er), später in Belovar, Kroatien und 1915 in Radkersburg/Radgona und war dann von 1919-36 in Brno/Brünn tätig. Als Komponist schrieb er u.a. den Ciribirbin-Marsch den La nuova bora (El tran de Opcina) Marsch, Ta naše muzika, und im BM Archiv der KUG findet sich der La Bora-Marsch (BMB 0140) in der Leipziger Ausgabe von 1916. Hans Freivogel (* 18.5.1911 in Blagorodovac/Kroatien, +16.3.1985? in Schönaich?), studierte bei Walter Kolneder in Graz, kam 1946 als Umsiedler nach Schönaich bei Stuttgart, leitete dort Musikkapellen, baute einen Musikverlag auf und hat seine Werke für Blasmusik, Akkordeon und Salonorchester herausgegeben, z.B. Ouverture Sonnige Adria, Auf der Insel Mainau, Rosen aus meiner Heimat, Heimaterinnerungen. Im BM Archiv der KUG existieren von ihm drei Märsche: Auf los, geht‘s los, Hoch die Kamerad- schaft (BMB 2666) und Schönbuchklänge (BM 1910). Anton Chero (*10.6.1853 in Triest/ Trst, +?), diente seit 1870 bei den IR 46, 30 und 79 und kam 1894 als Kapellmeister nach Zadar (22er) (bis 1904). Von ihm ist u.a. der Triester Lieder-Marsch erhalten. Im BM Ar- chiv der KUG findet sich die Polka Mazurka Blondköpfchen (op. 31, BMB 1500) hs. vom 22.1.1893 aus Jihlava/ Iglau. Josef Wodrazka (?) hat den Habt Acht Marsch (BMB 006) sowie den Viva Trieste Marsch geschrieben, der nach volkstümlichen Motiven Heiliges Andenken und Regen und Sonne von Hermann Leban etwa 1895 dem küstenländisch- krainerischen IR „von Waldstätten“ Nr. 97 als Regimentsmarsch zugewiesen wurde. 8. Komponisten und ihre Werke mit Länderbezug zu Bosnien: Von Eduard Wagnes (*18.3.1863 in Graz, + 27.3.1936 ebda) stammt der Marsch Die Bosniaken kommen aus dem Jahre 1895, gewidmet dem in Graz stationierten Bosnisch-Hercegowinischen IR Nr. 2, im BM Archiv der KUG gleich mehrfach vorhanden (BM 2046, BMB 0469, 1819,

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2120, 2121). Eugen Brixel‘s (*27.3.1939 in Mährisch Schönberg, +16.10.2000 in Graz) Esmeralda - Musik aus Südeuropa ist ebenso vorhanden, wie der vom Komponisten Jan (Hans) Pavlis (*21.8.1858 in Prag + 13.7.1915 in Györ) stammende 4er Bosniaken Marsch (BM 1985, BMB 0022) im Militärmusikbereich. Sein Sohn Anton Pavlis leitete 1900-1909 die Kapelle der 3er Bosniaken. Von Julius Fučik (BM 1923, BMB 1973) liegen die Märsche Broddenritt, Erinnerung an Bosnien (op. 254, BMB 1973) aus. d.J. 1912 und Herzegowina/ Hercegovac (BM 1923) vor. Johann Nepomuk Hock (*13.5.1850 in Budapest, +?) war Militärkapellmeister, 1870-73 sowie 1883-1912 bei den 13ern in Krakau, dazwischen bei den 39ern und von ihm stammte der 13er Regimentsmarsch. Im BM Archiv der KUG liegt sein Sardana - Marsch des 13. IR (BMB 1696), hs. vom 19.6.1909 in Mostar. Franjo Ksaver Kuhač‘s Bosnischer Kolo (BMB 2071) ist schon genannt worden. 9. Komponisten und ihre Werke mit Länderbezug zu Serbien: Die Komposition Ser- bischer Kriegszug (BMB 0160) von Albert Biehl op. 118 (*16.8.1835, + 1899) findet sich auf der Rückseite des Nur fest! - Marsches von Oscar Fetras op. 41. Hans (Jan) Pavlis sen. (*13.5.1819 in Zdice/ Zditz/ Böhmen, + 28.5.1880 in Prag) zählt zu seinen Kom- positionen den Corsaren-Marsch, den Marsch der Sokolisten und einen Serbischen Marsch. Josef Karl Richter (*16.3.1880 in Podborany/ Podersam/ Böhmen, +22.9.1933 in Wien) schrieb den Marsch Semendria (Stadt in Serbien an der Donau). Karl Paus- pertl (*18.10.1897 in Plevlje/ Serbien, +6.4.1963 in Wien) war der Sohn eines österrei- chischen Offiziers, studierte Musik in Wien, leitete von 1916-18 die Kapelle des IR 57 und war dann beim IR 4 (seit 1934). Später war er mit Filmmusiken erfolgreich (Willy Forsts Wiener Mädeln). Im BM Archiv der KUG befinden sich die Märsche Lustige Brü- der (BMB 1228), Oberst Ferdinand Richter (BMB 2007), die Ouverturen Hella (BMB 1840) und Manöverliebe (BMB 1146) und der musikalische Scherz Pepito und Andulka (BMB 2111). Franz Koringer (*19.6.1921 in Tovariševo/ Batschka/ Serbien, + 19.12.2000 in Leibnitz/ Stmk.), studierte Komposition in Graz bei Waldemar Bloch, Gottfried Rexeis und Rudolf Stejskal, übernahm 1951 die Leitung der Musikschule Arnfels, dann jene in Leibnitz, war von 1975-91 KUG Lehrer und wurde 1981 zum ao. Hochschulprofessor in Graz ernannt. Im BM Archiv der KUG befinden sich seine Drei Grotesken (BM 1872) und Musik für Fagott, Bläserensemble und Schlagwerk (BM 1739). Rudolf Nováček (*7.4.1860 in Bela Crkva/Weißkirchen/ Vojvodina-Banat/Serbien, + 12.8.1929 in Prag) war ein tschechischer Dirigent und Komponist, spielte mit zwei seiner vier Brüder und dem Vater Martin ab 1877 im Streichquartett (Kammermusikvereinigung Familie Novacek), studierte bis 1882 am Wiener Konservatorium und wurde dann Militärkapellmeister in Pilsen, von 1884 bis 1886 in Prag. Hier entstand sein populärstes Werk, der Castaldo-Marsch, den er für das 28. Infanterieregiment schrieb (op. 40, BM 0339, 0473, 1984, BMB 0087, 1976). Auch den A Hoj Marsch (BMB 0130, 0135, 1921, 2690) kann man in mehrfacher Ausführung im BM Archiv der KUG finden. Danach wirkte Nováček als Musiklehrer in Bukarest und als Dirigent in Russland, Holland und Deutschland. Schließlich ließ er sich in Berlin, etwas später in Temeswar als Musiklehrer und Komponist nieder. 10. Komponisten und ihre Werke mit Länderbezug zu Bulgarien: Aleksandar Iwanow Rajtschew (*11.4.1922 in Lom, +2003 in Sofia, alias Rajčev, Raichev) war ein

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 196 13.5.2015 12:44:48 E. LOGAR • DER SLAWISCHE ANTEIL ... bulgarischer Komponist, Dirigent und Pädagoge, studierte in Sofia und Budapest bei János Ferencsik und János Viski, unterrichtete seit 1952 an der Musikakademie in Sofia. Er komponierte eine Operette, zwei Ballette, drei Sinfonien. Im BM Archiv der KUG findet sich seine Sinfonie Nr. 2 Neuer Prometheus (BMB 2714) aus dem Jahre 1969. Von Viktor Hruby (*9.5.1894 in Wien, +10.7.1978 Ebda) ist der Bulgarenmarsch (BMB 1395) vorhanden. Alois Macák (*14.12.1857 in Hlušice bei Nového Bydžova, +18.6.1921 in Hradec Králové, alias Josef Macek)10 war Komponist und Militärkapellmeister, gab in Prag mehrere Tänze und Märsche heraus und war von 1892-1918 Kapellmeister des bulgarischen Infanterieregimentes 4 in Plevno in Bulgarien. Im BM Archiv der KUG findet man das Charakterstück Zbloudilý v lese (Der Verirrte im Walde) (BMB 0165). Gabriel Šebek (*24.3.1850 in Prag, + 4.7.1921 in Salzburg alias Schebek) war Kapell- meister, Dirigent und Komponist. Zunächst Schüler der Musikbildungsanstalt von J. Proksch in Prag war er 1866–73 als Musiker beim IR 43 tätig, später in Budapest; ab 1875 war er Mitglied des privaten Orchesters des russischen Fürsten Derwitz, mit dem er auf Konzertreisen nach Deutschland, Frankreich, Spanien und Italien ging. Er komponierte den Marsch „Šumi Marica“, dessen Trio 1879–1944 die offizielle Hymne Bul- gariens war. Im BM Archiv der KUG findet man diesen Schumi - Maritza-Marsch (op. 30, BMB 0343), den Lacy - Marsch (BM 0791) sowie den Valse lente Souvenir de Mona Lisa (op. 25, BMB 1031) aus dem Jahre 1929. Komponisten und ihre Werke mit Länderbezug zu Mazedonien konnten keine gefunden werden. 11. Komponisten und ihre Werke aus ost- und westslawischen Ländern: Eine große Zahl von Kompositionen mit slawischem Bezug im Grazer BM Archiv der KUG stammen von Komponisten aus Böhmen (85), Mähren (33) und der Slowakei (12), gefolgt von Polen (18), Russland (17) und der Ukraine (4)11. Die Komponisten sind:

Böhmen Johann Joseph Abert (*20.9.1832 in Kochovice/ Kochowitz) Jara Beneš (* 5.6.1897 in Praha/ Prag) Vílem František Blodek (* 3.10.1834 in Prag) Willy Bradáč (* 1894 Böhmen?) Jaroslav Bradáč (*17.7.1876 in Paceřice bei Turnova/Patzerschitz/ Böhmen) Franz Budík (*1812 Böhmen?) Karel Budík (*20.10.1866 in Bučovice/Butschowitz/Böhmen) Jaroslav Budík (*7.12.1894 in Frenštát pod Radhoštěm/Frankstadt unter dem Rad- hoscht/ Böhmen) Franz Bummerl (*11.1.1927 in Labuť/ Labant) Josef Čermak (*10.11.1871 in Prag) František Alois Drdla (*28.11.1868)

10 Vgl.: http://www.prijmeni.cz/oblast/3000-ceska_republika. 11 Die Zuordnung von einigen Komponistennamen steht noch aus, bei welchen ein slawischer Bezug vermutet werden darf: u.a. Emil Kalinka, Jan Kalinov, Josef Kratky, Karl List, Jaroslav Novak, B. Bukoschegg, H. Corny, Franz Cutic, P. Czoska, Adolf Engelhart, Zalatev.

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Antonín Dvoˇrák (8.9.1841 in Nelahozeves/Mühlhausen) Fidelio Friedrich Finke (*22.10.1891 in Josefův Důl/ Josefstal) Anton Fridrich (* 29.7.1849 in Hrusice-Zickow bei Prag) Zdeneˇk Fibich (* 21.12.1850 in Všebořice/Scheborschitz) Eduard A. Grosse (*12.6.1860 in Chomutov/ Komotau) Vladimir Hála (?) Karel Hašler (*31.10.1879 in Zlichov bei Prag) Franz Hoffmann (*6.1.1872 in Plzeň/ Pilsen) Eduard Horný (*24.10.1838 in Bechyně/Bechin bei Tábor) Karel Husa (*7.8.1921 in Prag) Jan Kašpar (*1881-1922) Josef Kaschte (* 24.12.1821 in Litoměřice/ Leitmeritz) František Kmoch (*1.8.1848 in Zasmuky bei Kolín) Wendelin Kopetzky (*6.4.1844 in Pecka/ Neupaka) Anton Kučera (*20.9.1872 in Kralup/Kralup an der Moldau) Alois Kutschera (*5.12. (23.5.)1859 in Pest) Andreas Leonhardt (*19.4.1800 in Aš/ Asch bei Eger) Josef Matys (*30.7.1851 in Velké Petrovice/ Groß-Petrowitz) Ladislav Kubeš, sen. (*23.2.1924 in Borkovice) Anton Köhler (*26.4.1865 in Jestřebí/ Habstein bei Böhmisch Leipa) Karl Komzak (Vater) (*4.11.1823 in Netěchovice/ Netechowitz bei Moldautein) Karl Komzák (Sohn) (*8.11.1850 in Prag) Viktor Kosteletzky (*24.2.1851 in Jikov bei Nimburg an der Elbe) Josef Kral (*14.5.1860 Plzen/Pilsen) Joseph Labitzky (Labicky, *4.7.1802 in Krasno/Schönfeld) August Labitzky (*1832) Jaroslav Labský (*27.11.1875 in Praskačka bei Königgrätz) Georg Luksch (*1966??) Bˇretislav Lvovský (*10.9.1857 in Praha/ Prag) Oskar Nedbal (*26.3.1874 in Tábor) Josef Nesvadba (*19.1.1824 in Vysker/ ) Jiˇrí František Novák (*15.8.1913 in Litoměřice/Leitmeritz) Johann Novotný (* 21.5.1852 in Dušníky/Duschnik) Hans (Jan) Pavlis sen. (*13.5.1819 in Zdice/Zditz) Hans (Jan) Pavlis jun. (* 21.8.1858 in Prag) Karl Pfortner (*13.4.1920 in Cheb/ Eger) Pičman Josef (* 14.2.1847 in Vodnany/ Wodnian) Rudolf Piskáček (*15.3.1884 in Praha/ Prag) Jindˇrich Praveček (* 28.6.1909 in Vyprachtice/ Weipersdorf Jindˇrich Praveček sen. (*1.3.1885 in Hroby u Tábora) Antonín Rázek (1852-1929) Vinzenz Reifner (*25.10.1878 in Terezin/Theresienstadt) František Rezek (1.1.1847 in Divišov/Diwischau) Josef Karl Richter (*16.3.1880 in Podborany/Podersam)

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Jaroslav Rˇídký (*25.8.1897 in Liberec/ Reichenberg) Anton Rosenkranz (*17.11.1827 in Praha/Prag) Josef Richard Rozkošný (*21.9.1833 in Prag) Ferdinand Sabathil (* 11.11.1856 in Prameny/ Sangerberg) Franz Schaffranke (*14.10.1905 in Lubomierz/ Liebenthal) Schneider Hermann Josef (*7.4.1862 in Teplá/ Tepl) Josef Dominik Škroup (*2.8.1766 in Včelákov/) Stanislav Šebek (1925–1984) Karel Richard Šebor (*13.8.1843 in Brandeis a.d.Elbe/Brandys nad Labem) Bedˇrich Smetana (2.3.1824 in Leitomischl/) Josef Stanek (1920- 2005?) Pavel Stanek (*3.6.1927) Ludvik Stasny (*26.2.1823 in Praha/Prag) Emil Štolc (*28.10.1888 in Chorušice, u Melnika/) Josef Suk (*4.1.1874 in Křečovice bei Prag) Karl Trebsche (*15.3.1922 in Kraslice/ Graslitz) Erwin Trojan (* 13.9.1888 in Karlovy Vary/ Karlsbad) Vaclav Trojan (*24.4.1907 in Plzen/Pilsen) Karel Vacek (*21.3.1902 in Liberec/ Reichenberg) Václav Vačkáˇr (*12.8.1881 in Dobřejovice/ Dobrejowitz) Adolf Vančura (auch: Vancura, *11.6.1900 in Wien) Rudolf Leo Vašata (*8.9.1888 in Josefov) Jaromír Vejvoda (*28.3.1902 in Zbraslav) Jaromir Vogel (* 5.11.1943 in Prag) Robert Volkmann (*6.4.1815 in Lommatzsch bei Meißen) Wilhelm Wacek (Vacek) (*28.10.1864 in Sobeslau/ Kreis Tabor) Otto Wacek (*10.4.1893 in Brixen) Josef Franz Wagner (*20.3.1856 in Wien) Josef Wiedemann (* 26.12.1828 in Kvítkov/ Quitkau) Rudolf Zamrzla (*21.1.1869 in Rokycany/ Rokitzan)

Mähren Ralph Benatzky (*5.6.1884 in Moravské Budějovice/Budwitz) Karel Bílek (25.2.1907 in Brno/Brünn) Anton Blaton (*9.1.1862 in Fryštát/ Freistadt) Eugen Brixel (*27.3.1939 in Šumperk/ Mährisch-Schönberg) Hermann Dostal (* 6.4.1874 in Moravská Ostrava/ Mährisch-Ostrau) Nico Dostal (*1895) Heinrich Wilhelm Ernst (* 6.5.1814 in Brno/Brünn) Leo Fall (*2.2.1873 in Olomouc/Olmütz) Vladimir Fuka (*25.5.1920 in Dačice) Karel Hulák (Brünn?) Franz Lehar sen. (* 1838 in Schönwald) Franz Lehar jun. (*30.4.1870 in Komorn)

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Karl Loube (*13.1.1907 in Moravský Krumlov/ Mährisch Kromau) František Manˇas (*4.10.1921 in Sehradice/ Bad Luhacovice, in Zlín) Josef Ferdinand Macalik (*13.4.1856 in Ivančice/ Eibenschitz) Josef Prichystal (* 3.3.1874 in Biskubitz) Arnošt (Ernst) Jan Rychlý (*10.5.1901 in Opava/ Troppau) Hans Schmid (*20.11.1893 in Znojmo/ Znaim) Otto Stransky (*15.5.1889 in Brno/ Brünn) Ferdinand Josef Skalicky (*15.2.1863 in Wischau/Vyškov) Ernst Skalitzky (*30.5.1853 in Prag) Josef Skalitzky (Sepp) (*30.1.1901 in Rothenbaum/Crvene Drevo) Anton Emil Titl (eig. Anton Franz Seraphim, * 2.10.1809 in Pernstein) Evžen Zámečník (*5.2.1939 in Frýdek-Místek) Gottfried Friton (*1824) Josef Fuchs (*1831) Jaroslav Gabriel (?) Wilhelm August Jurek (*29.4.1870 in Wien) Carl Czerny (* 21.2.1791 in Wien) Josef Oslislo (1822-1877) Georg Pittrich (1870-1934 Ungarn? Kroatien?) Jan Budík (*20.11.1899 in Ostravě/Ostrava/Mähren) Miloslav Budík (*21.5.1935 in Hranice/ Mährisch Weißkirchen) Karl Wetaschek (* 15. 12. 1859 in Wien, + 7. 11. 1936 ebda)

Slowakei Alphons Czibulka (*14.5.1842 in Spišske Podhradie /Kirchdrauf in Zips) Franz Lehar (* 30.4.1870 in Komárno/Komorn) Heinrich Reinhardt (*13.4.1865 in Bratislava) Vojtech Tátos (?) Josef Eduard Vašica (*11.3.1909 in Bystřice nad Pernštejnem) Josef Laforest (*16.3.1841 in Podunajske Biskupice, heute Bratislava, alias Thiard-Laforest) Bela Laszky (* 3.6.1867 in Nyitra) Victor Léon (*4.1.1858 in Senica/Szenitz bei Bratislava) Franz Scharoch (*1836 in Karlsburg/ Alba-Iulia/ Siebenbürgen) Anton Skalla (* um 1862? + ?) war um 1889 in Leitmeritz/ Litoměřice Oldrich Svoboda (18.1.1918 in Budín, † 13.3.1988 in Brno) Josef Striczl (*23.1.1871 in Wr. Neustadt, + 1949 in Sopron/Ungarn)

Polen Thécla Badarzewska, (* 1834 in Mława) Karl Bratfisch (*18.12.1829 in Berlin) Frederic Chopin (*22.2.1810 in Żelazowa Wola) Richard Genée (*7.2.1823 in Gdansk/Danzig) Josef Lassletzberger (*30.9.1862 in Zelking bei St. Pölten)

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Walter Leschetitzky (*15.12.1909 in Bilje/ Gorica/ Istrien, Vorfahren aus Lancut/Polen) Moritz Moszkowski (*23.8.1854 in Wrocław/ Breslau) Feliks Nowowiejski (*7.2.1877 in Barczewo/Wartenburg) Theophil Franz Xaver Scharwenka (*6.1.1850 in Samter bei Posen) Emil Władysław S´mietan´ski (* 1845 in Tarnów) Henryk Wieniawski (* 10.7.1835 in Lublin) Carl Woitschach (* 29.2.1864 in Posen) Friedrich Zikoff (*21.5.1824 in Toruń/Thorn) Stanisław Moniuszko (*5.5.1819 in Ubiel bei Minsk) Herman Darewski (*17.4.1883 in Minsk) Rudolf Sieczynski (3.2.1879 in Wien) Artur Marcel Werau (*12.12.1887 in Wien, + 1.11.1931 Ebda, alias Rudolf von W.) Johann Theimer (* 2.3.1884 in Lendorf (Drautal) in Kärnten, + 1952, alias John Lindsay)

Russland Louis Ganne (*5.4.1862 in Buxieres-les-Mines) Michail Glinka (*1.6.1804greg. in Nowo Spaskoje bei Jelne) Bruno Granichstaedten (*1.9.1879 in Wien) Viktor Hruby (*9.5.1894 in Wien, +10.7.1978 ebda) Otto Lindemann (*1879) Walter Noack (*12.6.1900) Pjotr Iljitsch Tschaikowsky (*7.5.1840 in Wotkinsk) Albert Parlow (*1.1.1824 in Torgelow/Vorpommern) Jenö Partos (*26.5.1896 Budapest) (Eugen Pártos) Wladimir Pogorelow (1884-1951) Sergej Rachmaninoff (*1.4.1873greg in Oneg bei Nowgorod) Willy Rosen (*18.7.1894 in Magdeburg) Ernst Urbach (*19.3.1872 in Burg/Wuppertal, +8.6.1927 in St. Blasien/Baden-Württem- berg, auch Rubach)

Ukraine Joseph Beer (*7.5.1908 in Horodok bei Lemberg) Dimitri Bortnjanski (*1751 in Gluchow/Hluchiw) Arthur Rebner (*30.7.1890 in Lwiw/Lemberg) Wolfgang Rebner (*20.12.1910 in Frankfurt)

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POVZETEK (ok. 1500) ima pripisan datum in včasih tudi kraj uprizoritve. 765 primerkov je iz dobe pred letom Univerza za glasbo v Gradcu hrani v svoji podru- 1900, največ pa jih je nastalo med letom 1920 in žnici na Gradiščanskem v Mednarodnem centru za 1929, namreč 655. Po zvrsteh je v graškem arhivu raziskovanje godbe na pihala (International Center za godbo na pihala največ koračnic (18%), sledijo for Wind Music Research) notni arhiv (BM in BMB), pesmi (13%), valčki (11%), opere (8,5%), operete ki vsebuje nad 4800 oštevilčenih map z notami za (7,5%), potpuriji (5,5%), uverture (5,5%), polke pihalni orkester. Največji slovanski delež skladb 4,5%), fantazije, fokstroti, medigre in plesi (od skup- so prispevali češki (85), moravski (33), poljski no 10.632 zvrstnih delov). Za Slovence in Hrvate (18), ruski (17) in slovaški (12) skladatelji. Od 2072 so pomembni življenjepisi in skladbe Schönherra skladateljev teh kompozicij jih je bilo nekaj nad 160 Slawisches Panorama, Komzaka Windisch-Graetz- (7,5%) slovanskega rodu oziroma so pisali skladbe -Marsch, Naprej, Strasak, An der schönen grünen s slovanskimi naslovi in/ali glasbenimi oblikovnimi Narenta, Fučika Slowenischer Marsch, Učakarja Go- deli/vsebinami ali pa so se pojavljali kot kapelniki renjska, Halleckerja Dalmatinische Perlen, Schlögla in dirigenti. Le manjši del je bil povezan z južnimi An der schönen blauen Adria in Turovo, Wagnerja Slovani, kot s Hrvaško, in sicer Bersa, Hladisch, Lazzaroni, Huberja Balkan Rhapsodie, Zajca Subic Komzak, Kuhač, Obuljen, Pavlis, Zajc in Zita, z Bo- Zrinsky, Zite Ta naše muzika ali Chera Triester sno Wagnes, Pavlis in Hock, s Srbijo Biehl, Richter, Lieder-Marsch. Priključen je seznam skladateljev Pauspertl in Novaček, z Bolgarijo Rajtschew, Hruby, iz vzhodno- in zahodnoslovanskih dežel, skladbe Macak in Šebek. Večina rokopisnih notnih enot katerih se nahajajo v graškem godbenem arhivu.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 202 13.5.2015 12:44:48 J. TALAM • CREATION, TRANSMISSION ... UDK 78:398.87(497.6) DOI: 10.4312/mz.51.1.203-221

Jasmina Talam Akademija za glasbo, Univerza v Sarajevu Academy of Music, University of Sarajevo

Creation, Transmission and Performance: Guslars in Bosnia and Herzegovina Ustvarjanje, prenos in izvajanje: guslarji v Bosni in Herzegovini

Prejeto: 20. januar 2015 Received: 20th January 2015 Sprejeto: 31. marec 2015 Accepted: 31st March 2015

Ključne besede: tradicija, guslarji, Bosna in Her- Keywords: tradition, guslars, Bosnia and Herze- cegovina govina

IZVLEČEK ABSTRACT

Petje ob spremljavi gusel je zelo pomembna oblika Singing to accompaniment of the gusle is a very vokalno-inštrumentalnega nastopanja v glasbeni important form of vocal-instrumental performance tradiciji Bosne in Hercegovine. Dotični prispevek in the musical tradition of Bosnia and Herzegovina. želi predstaviti zgodovinske vire in raziskave o This paper will present historic sources and rese- petju s spremljavo gusel in načine, po katerih so arch on singing to gusle accompaniment, and the pesmi ustvarjene, prenesene in kako guslarji z methods by which songs are created, transmitted njimi nastopajo. and performed by guslars.

Historical sources and research into singing to the gusle in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Research into the gusle and the practice of singing to gusle accompaniment in Bosnia and Herzegovina draws on a number of sources, ranging from historical documents and museum collections to ethnomusicological descriptions and audio, photo and video recordings. The tradition of singing to the gusle has been a subject of interest for various local and foreign ethnomusicologists, linguists and travel

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 203 13.5.2015 12:44:48 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 writers since the sixteenth century. This paper will present some of the most important sources for research of tradition of vocal performance to gusle accompaniment in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The first mention of the gusle in Bosnia and Herzegovina in a historical source is found in the Putopis, kroz Bosnu, Srbiju, Bugarsku i Rumeliju – 1530 [Travels in Bos- nia, Serbia, Bulgaria and Rumelia – 1530] (2001) written by the Slovenian traveller Ben- edikt Kuripešić. His description of the singing of Bosniacs (Muslim Slavs) and Croats in the service of Duke Radoslav Pavlović provides important information about music in the mediaeval Bosnian state. (see Kuripešić 2001) Luka Marjanović collected an enormous amount of epic songs from singers in north-western Bosnia during a decade of fieldwork in the 1880s. He transcribed in manuscript from singers and published the songbooks Hrvatske narodne pjesme, što se pjevaju u gornjoj hrvatskoj Krajini i u turskoj Hrvatskoj [Croatian folk songs, sung in the Upper Krajina and Turkish Croatia, 1864] and Hrvatske narodne pjesme [Croatian folk songs, III–IV, 1898–99]. The Croatian musicologist Franjo Kuhač notes that “you can find a small gusle in every house in Bosnia and Herzegovina; young and old, men and women, even children play the gusle (guslaju); priest and soldier, farmer and mayor, outlaw and beggar. The people greatly appreciate artistry in gusle playing, handing a gusle to a guest straight away (even if he is a stranger), as soon as he has been greeted and refreshments provided, saying he should sing to its accompaniment. The gusle is a faithful companion, and every joy and every sorrow is told to its accompaniment. Without its sound no festive occasion or celebration can take place; without this consoler the Slavic people could neither withstand their misery nor preserve their nation, or keep their poetry or history within their memories.” (Kuhač 1877:7–8) In his very interesting article “O bosanskoj muzici” [“On Bosnian music”] (1889), Karl Saks states that “Music in Bosnia is closely connected to poetry or, more precisely stated, is in the service of poetry... Bosnians never recite songs, but they tell (sing) them with musical accompaniment or without. Women and girls, young men and children, even the youngest, sing without vocal instrumental accompaniment. Singing to the gusle is reserved specifically for men, especially Christians and Muslims. Singing to the gusle is sometimes lyrical, and sometimes epic” (1889:51–52). The German traveller Heinrich Renner left a comprehensive record of his travels in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the end of the nineteenth century. He stated that “epic songs, which are recited in a singing voice and with specific rhythm, […] describe everyday life and heroism.” (1900:57) The Croatian/Austrian ethnographer Friedrich Salomo Krauss made a significant collection (1859–1938) and published a number of collections of folk poetry, particularly from Herzegovina. He also wrote several ethnographic studies and studies of oral poetry. The first known audio recordings of the Herzegovinian gusle were made for the Berlin Phonogramm-Archiv by the Lithuanian linguist and ethnologist Eduard Wolter (1856–1941) (they are today held by the Berlin Ethnological museum). Rizvan

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 204 13.5.2015 12:44:48 J. TALAM • CREATION, TRANSMISSION ... Kadrović1, a guslar (performer on the gusle) from Trebinje, is recorded on the tape singing to his own accompaniment. The pioneer of systematic fieldwork research on the traditional oral epic in Bosnia and Herzegovina was Matija Murko. Murko’s interest in the epic tradition in Bosnia and Herzegovina was sparked by the publication of collections of epic poetry made by Kosta Hörmann, and later Luka Marjanović. He was primarily interested in epic, but also in epic-lyric songs. Singing was mostly to instrumental accompaniment, generally with gusle. He conducted his first researches in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1909 on the territory of Bosnian Krajina, but did not make any audio recordings at that time. Murko made his first audio recordings in Bosnia and Herzegovina in north-western Bosnia in 1912. He made 46 recordings, 13 of which have been lost. During 1913 he conducted researches in Sarajevo, Mostar, Široki Brijeg and Nevesinje, recording 36 reels of tape, and published the results of researches conducted in 1912 and 1913 as an associate of the Vienna Phonogrammearchiv2. Sixty-nine of a total of 82 audio recordings have been preserved, including 25 epic poems accompanied by gusle3. Seventeen years later, in 1930, Murko conducted new research in eastern Bosnia and Sarajevo, and in 1930 from Višegrad, Goražde and Foča down to Sarajevo, and in Humac and Čapljina. He published the results in his classic two-volume study Tragom srpsko-hrvatske narodne epike [On the Track of the Serbo-Croatian Folk Epic] (1951). “The greatness of Murko’s work does not lie in the depth of his studies (during his fieldwork he never stayed in one place for any length of time) but in his historiographically and ethnographically rich descriptions of the epic life of the South Slavs in the first decades of the twentieth century” (Dukić 1995: 56–57). Murko’s methodology was straightforward: for each recording he completed a form which included information about the singer or instrumentalist (name, age, ethnicity, etc.), data about the recording session (date, time, location of recording, genre and related information) and the text of the song (dictated and sung). Inspired by Murko’s researches, Milman Parry, a distinguished Harvard professor and a pioneer in the study of the oral epic, organised two expeditions to Bosnia and Herzegovina, in the summer of 1933 and between July 1934 and September 19354. His researches covered eastern Herzegovina (Nevesinje, Stolac and Gacko) and northwestern Bosnia (Bihać). The Milman Parry Collection consists of 3,500 double-sided aluminium discs on which were recorded verse epics sung to gusle accompaniment,

1 A recording of Rizvan Kadrović is included on the multimedia CD World Map of Music (2006). The recording lasts for 86 seconds and is clearly comprehensible. The photograph is by Walter Wünsch. 2 Murko planned a fourth expedition to Bosnia in the summer of 1914, but was prevented from doing so by the First World War. 3 According to Dr August Loehr, some of Murko’s recordings were destroyed during street fighting in Vienna before the end of the Second World War (Murko 1964: 113). 4 In an unpublished manuscript, Milman Parry wrote: „A week previously, while I was defending my doctoral thesis at the Sorbonne, Professor Matija Murko from the University of Prague happened to give a series of lectures in Paris which were later published as La poésie populaire épique en Yougoslavie au début du XXe sie`cle (The Poetic Folk Epic in Yugoslavia at the Beginning of the Twentieth Century). I saw a notice for these lectures, but observed no interest in them for me. Professor Murko, however, was present at my defence, no doubt at Meille’s recommendation, and at that time M. Meillet, as a member of my board, indicated this omission in my two books with his customary ease and simplicity. It was Professor Murko’s work, more than anything else, that led me to study oral poetry in general, and then the heroic songs of the Southern Slavs.“ (Kunić 2013: 24)

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 205 13.5.2015 12:44:48 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 ballads, and interviews with the performers.5 In the summer of 1950, Parry’s assistant Albert Bates Lord continued his research in eastern Herzegovina (Stolac and Gacko). In an article entitled “Naša pučka glazbala” (“Our folk instruments”) Branko Marić provides a very interesting reflection on the gusle: “An instrument entirely grown from the people, the keeper of our domestic heart. Its appearance reflects the characteristics of moderated seriousness, as if it has been entrusted with the secret of our people’s soul. Its origins date from deep in the past. The instrument of our homeland.” (Marić 1932:141) In “Sarajevska čalgija”, Vejsil Ćurčić described the gusle as our “oldest instrument, without which the singing of our epic songs is quite unimaginable, and an instrument which is a part of the furnishings of our farmhouses. It could not be naturalised among the people of Sarajevo, particularly the Agas and Beys; they considered the gusle to be an instrument of country dwellers and people from provincial towns (kasablije). If the gusle nevertheless happened to be heard somewhere in the houses of Agas and Beys in Sarajevo, it was immediately obvious that there was no city dweller (šeherlija) living in that house, and that an immigrant from a country town or the village had came to Sarajevo, and in his hands the gusle was being bowed. Occasionally the gusle might be heard somewhere from an inn (kafana or mejhana). People from Sarajevo did not know how to play the gusle themselves, but gusle players from the provinces, especially Herzegovina, Gacko and Foča, used to pass by. Hasan Falan from Gacko was well known, as was Mehmed Spahić, known as Krivovrat (Crookneck), from Jarčedoli near Sarajevo. There were few gusle players who were professionals, and then only during the period of Ramadan.” (Ćurčić 1935:4) During September and October of 1937, the Südost-Ausschluss der Deutschen Akademie München (South-Eastern Committee of the German Academy in Munich) organized a scientific expedition, the “Bosnienfahrt”, with the aim of researching folk music and phonetics. The leader of the project was Gerhard Gesemann, a professor at the German University in Prague, while its members were Kurt Huber and Walter Wünsch. During their stay in Blažuj, near Sarajevo, they recorded several songs with gusle accompaniment. During his 40-year research career the first Bosnian ethnomusicologist, Cvjetko Rihtman, recorded a considerable number of songs performed with gusle. Riht- man’s legacy, which consists of 444 reels of tape 6 and three catalogues, contains detailed information on the gusle players, including the following information in addition to basic biographical data: whether there was a family tradition of gusle performance7; how and when the performer had learned the songs; whether he composed songs himself; and explanations of methods and playing techniques by the performer. He left several important works that described gusle players and their repertoire as well as the function and importance of the gusle in Bosnian society.

5 The Milman Parry collection of recordings and transcriptions of Bosnian epic songs is now in the Widener Library of Harvard University. 6 The Academy of Music was shelled frequently during the war (1992–1995), and the Rihtman Collection was relocated to the cellars. A number of magnetic tapes were seriously damaged as a result of the poor conditions. 7 If there was a family tradition of performance on the gusle, data on other family members who were guslars were recorded.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 206 13.5.2015 12:44:48 J. TALAM • CREATION, TRANSMISSION ... Other Bosnian ethnomusicologists have followed Rihtman’s ethnomusicological research methodology. The 1992–1995 war and its events altered the demographic picture in Bosnia and Herzergovina. The Department of Musicology and Ethnomusicology of the Sarajevo Academy of Music resumed fieldwork in 2000, and since that time recordings have been made of guslars from Rama, Goražde, Bjelašnica, Trebinje and Pale.

The gusle and singing to the accompaniment of the gusle

The term gusle comes from the Old Slavonic word gosl – string, and the identical or a similar term is used by other Slavic peoples. The gusle (fiddle) is thought to be the oldest and most widespread chordophone instrument in the rural musical tradition of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Two types of gusle exist in Bosnia and Herzegovina: the Bosnian and Herzegovinan. The Bosnian type has a wider and deeper resonant body, while the Herzegovinan has a shallower resonant body with a rounded or flat rough- hewn base. Alija Mušić, a guslar from Drežnica, Mostar, described his gusle in the following terms:

Gusle moje od javorovine / My gusle made of maple wood, a gudalo od šimširovine / With a bow of boxwood, po vama je koža jaretina, / Covered over with kid skin, a po koži kenjac od drveta, /And a wooden bridge on the leather, i po kenjcu strunja od ždrijebeta. / Over the bridge a string of horsehair. Preko strunje skučeno gudalo, / Across the string a tensioned bow, po gudalu moja desna ruka, / Upon the bow my right hand, desna ruka – zelena jabuka. / Right hand – green apple.

The technique of playing the gusle is very simple. The guslar plays the instrument in a seated position, resting the instrument on his left leg above the knee. The bow is held by the right hand, and the string is stopped using the left hand. Ethnomusicologi- cal research indicates that the technique of playing the gusle is changing over time, and differences between older and younger guslars have been noted. The older technique of playing the gusle involves stopping the string with the extended first and second finger of the left hand. The third finger is used only to produce a brief appoggiatura. A more recent performance technique involves stopping the string with the pads of the first, second and third fingers, while the fourth finger is only used for the highest pitch. Players begin to play by drawing the bow across the string from right to left. A single movement of the bow is used to produce a melodic phrase slurring several pitches. By using the heel of the bow the player achieves more intense and expressive tones, while tones of lesser intensity are produced by using the tip. (see Talam 2013:84) From a musical aspect, the formulation of the song requires particular skills from the guslar. The poems sung to gusle accompaniment take the form of a deseterac (ten- syllable line) which responds to the language and resources of folk expression (see

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 207 13.5.2015 12:44:48 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 Rihtman 1971:99). The melodies of gusle songs belong to the category of kratki napje- vi (short melodies), which permit a fluent, clear and expressive performance of songs with a large number of lines. Notated examples indicate that the metre of the line and the rhythm of the melody are closely interlinked. The gusle “supports the singer with regard to intonation, but the instrument’s capabilities, and particularly its actual sonor- ity as determined by the performer’s technique and the sonorous ideal designated by musical culture, frequently limit the vocal component” (Lajić Mihajlović 2014:37). Performers compensated for the limited melodic capabilities of the gusle by frequent changes of tempo, various rhythmic motifs, and by interweaving the voice and the instrument. Research to date has demonstrated that the relationship between the vocal and instrumental components “reflects the polyphonic forms encountered in sung practice in certain areas, with their typical treatment of the interval of a second as a consonance, and the voice dipping below the instrumental part”. (Rihtman 1971:105) In addition to their professional skill as instrumentalists and singers, guslars were also required to demonstrate their ability to communicate with the public during their performances. Their success, therefore, did not simply reflect their performance, but also their planning of content that would hold the attention of their audience throughout. Research to date suggests that singers never performed a song in its entirety without any breaks. A performance commences with an instrumental preamble, followed by singing. This instrumental introduction is an important part of the performance, and its duration depends on the performer’s skill and abilities. Almost without exception, the better players performed a more extended introduction to display their qualities as performers. The introduction was also important psychological preparation for the guslar, as it allowed him to concentrate on the interpretation or performance of the song’s content. The sung portion frequently began with a prologue whose subject was uncon- nected with the remainder of the song. The prologue might be “ceremonial, serious, comic, even lascivious, depending on the occasion and who was in the audience”. (Rihtman 1971:99)

Tanke gusle ne ostale puste, / The slender gusle did not lie abandoned, ne zapale u dušmanjske ruke, / Nor in the foe’s hands did it awaken, već dvorile svoga gospodarca, / But it lay and waited for its master koga no ste i dosad dvorile, / For whom three long years it awaited, brez promine za trije godine. / Waited for those three long years unchanging. Braćo moja i družino moja, O my brothers, and O my companions, a što bi van dalje besjedio? / Of what things shall I speak out now to you? Da pjevamo pjesme od junaka, / Let us sing then songs of mighty heroes, od staroga vakta i zemana, Days of yore, and of those bygone ages, što je bilo u vrijeme davno, / Ancient times, and of the feats performed then, davno bilo, sad se spominilo8. / What is past shall now again be spoken.

8 Sung to his own gusle accompaniment by Ilija Brkić, an innkeeper from Posušje (Western Herzegovina). Recorded: Matija Murko. Date: September 14, 1913. Place: Široki Brijeg. Ph 2156.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 208 13.5.2015 12:44:48 J. TALAM • CREATION, TRANSMISSION ... The prologue is followed by a brief instrumental interlude, which is followed by the song itself. Extended sung sections and brief instrumental interludes succeed one another throughout the song. The instrument’s part is continuous, but it may be observed that its function is dependent on the vocal part. During the brief instrumental interludes the guslar displays his abilities as an instrumentalist through greater melodic and rhythmic freedom, and when he sings and plays simultaneously, the instrumental part functions as accompaniment. Singers do not divide the song into strophes, but into sections whose content depends on the singer’s comprehension, stamina and mood (see Murko 1951:394). The sections are not defined so much by poetically co- herent content as by the number of melodic phrases that the singer can produce in a single breath. Singers frequently break off their singing at the most exciting part of the song in order to create narrative tension, and guslars hold the attention of their audience by creating dramatic tension through their manner of framing the epic poems. The musical and stylistic qualities of the vocal and instrumental performance have a particular significance in the performance of dramatic works. Melodies are generally unstable, or so variable that it is not possible to locate a fundamental form, but even in notably different variants of a melody it is possible to observe certain regularities with regard to to specific initial and cadential phrases, as well as contrasting forms which arise spontaneously during vocal performance. It may be concluded that the role of the gusle is “very deeply linked with the structure, meaning and performance of epic poetry”. (Čubelić 1971:193)

On singers and guslars

Ethnomusicological research in Bosnia and Herzegovina has not yet taken proper account of folk instrumentalists, their activities and their role in the social community, but it may be concluded on the basis of the literature that the gusle has been very popular. Statements by informants and documentary materials indicate that male children learned how to play from an early age (see Marić 1932, Rihtman 1982, Foley 2004, Talam 2013), and I have found recordings in museum collections of a number of young children playing the gusle9. The gusle was the property of every class of society – villagers, landholders, teachers, poets, and so forth. Talented individuals who were known for their good knowledge of the folk tradition and their ability to create and improvise on existing texts and melodies were particularly valued. Previous research has indicated that a large number of guslars were active in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Thanks to foreign researchers, notably Matija Murko and Milman Parry, significant data has been recorded regarding singers to gusle accompaniment and the methods by which guslars’ songs were created, transmitted and performed. Murko admired the abilities and skill of guslars/singers, and wondered how it was possible to sing long epics with great rapidity, without mistakes and with impeccable poetic creativity. During his research he took down a poem from dictation and then

9 The Zemaljski muzej (National Museum) in Sarajevo and the Österreichische Museum für Volkskunde (Austrian Museum of Folk Life and Folk Art) hold valuable collections of children’s gusle from Bosnia and Herzergovina.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 209 13.5.2015 12:44:48 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 recorded it being sung. In the majority of cases the dictated poem had fewer lines than the sung version. He concluded that the singers did not learn the material by heart but re-created it each time thanks to their knowledge of the language and of folk verse; in other words they were outstanding improvisers (see Murko 1974:169). Milman Parry and Albert Lord’s research demonstrated that the path to becoming a successful singer capable of satisfying the aesthetic criteria of the audience is a highly demanding one. It consists of three stages. The first is one of listening; children, pu- pils of between 10 and 15 years old were frequently in a position to listen to singing to gusle accompaniment. Children of this age used to make small instruments whose physical dimensions corresponded to their own size. This was followed by their first attempts at singing and playing the gusle, in other words an attempt to imitate what they had previously heard. This process was described by Šećo Kolić, one of Milman Parry’s informants.

“When I was a shepherd boy, they used to come for an evening to my house, or sometimes we would go to someone else’s for the evening, somewhere in the village. Then a singer would pick up the gusle, and I would listen to the song. The next day when I was with the flock, I would put the song together, word for word, without the gusle, but I would sing it from memory, word for word, just as the singer had sung it… Then I learned gradually to finger the instrument, and to fit the fingering to the words, and my fingers obeyed better and better… I didn’t sing among the men until I had perfected the song, but only among the young fellows in my circle not in front of my elders and betters.” (Lord 2000:21)

In the second stage, the young singers/players attempted to perform an entire song in a manner that followed traditional performance practice, in other words the aesthetic standards of the local community. This meant learning how to apply the primary elements of the epic form – the verse metre and the melodic rhythm. Researchers were faced with the question of how the singer could satisfy the demands of rapidly composing a poem without writing it down or learning it by heart. “His tradition comes to the rescue. Other singers have met the same need, and over many generations there have been developed many phrases which express in the several rhythmic patterns the ideas most common in the poetry... [T]he young singer must learn enough of these formulas to sing a song. He learns them by repeated use of them in singing, by repeatedly facing the need to express the idea in song […] until the resulting formula which he has heard from others becomes a part of his poetic thought” (Ibid.:22). The mastery of formulas handed down by tradition is the fundamental precondition which will later help the singer express his thoughts in the form of the poetic epic, formulate a song in his own style and even begin to compose new songs. The third stage is the creation of an individual repertoire. In other words, the singer learns previously known songs and adapts them to his own personal style. His repertoire must consist of a number of songs, six or seven at least. The formation of an individual repertoire and the skill to perform the songs in accordance with the unwritten rules of the tradition means the singer is capable of communication with his audience.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 210 13.5.2015 12:44:48 J. TALAM • CREATION, TRANSMISSION ... At the point when a singer begins to transmit the epic song tradition through theory and practice, he becomes an artist who creates a tradition, and not merely its carrier. Performance of a song to the accompaniment of the gusle primarily depends on the performer, his knowledge and understanding of the form of the sung epic and his ability as a singer. According to Tvrtko Čubelić, we may divide the singers of the epic into three categories: – specialist reciters who express their art through the spoken word, while the sung elements are merely incidental; – the specialist singer who grounds his art in the sung rendition of a specific text; – performers of epic songs who skilfully combine recited and sung sections (Čubelić 1971:170).

Singers with an outstanding knowledge of language belong to the first category. They have an exceptional feeling for the force and power of words, and are highly skilled in unveiling the concealed rhythmic and expressive qualities of language. They frequently enrich the songs with additional information and descriptions of the characters. To the second category belong singers who are aware of their own vocal abilities and are notable for their skill in singing. Čubelić believes that Filip Višnjić, the earliest known Bosnian guslar, was a singer of this type10. To the third and most numerous category belong the singers who skilfully employ elements of recitation (heightened speech) and song, in accordance with their vocal capabilities and knowledge (Ibid. :171). Only the best could successfully negotiate the path to becoming a successful singer and guslar, and these were few. Good guslars were highly valued and invited to all community celebrations, as well as those organised within the domestic circle of certain families. On these occasions they enjoyed creative freedom and freedom from inhibition. Each new performance presented a reworking of familiar material, so that the songs were continually being reinvented. Singing to gusle accompaniment may therefore be regarded as a productive, and not merely a reproductive, art form. The oral transmission of a story through sung performance involved a considerable number of performers who belonged to various time periods and social classes. A guslar’s creation of his own repertoire, as one of the stages on the path to becoming a successful singer, meant learning already extant songs and the ability to “adapt them in line with his own views and tastes” (Murko 1951:509), as well as the composition of new songs based on formulas handed down by tradition. Bosnian folk terminology clearly distinguishes words which indicate the learning of previously existing songs, such as “acquiring” (usvajanje) and “receiving” (primanje). Singers do not learn poems by heart but recreate them, in other words frame them according to their abilities and knowledge. According to Lord, a singer “is not a mere carrier of the tradition but a creative artist making the tradition”. (2000:12) The composition and transmission of a song, then, are manifested as various typologies of the same process. Previous research indicates that improvisation is a procedure through which a singer perfects

10 Filip Višnjić (1767-1834) was born in the village Gornja Trnova (Ugljevik). As a child he became blind as a result of smallpox (Variola major). He was a professional gusle player and it is believed that he had travelled throughout the Pashaluk of Bosnia. He was an informant of Vuk Stefanović Karadžić, the distinguished Serbian linguist and collector of folklore.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 211 13.5.2015 12:44:49 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 his performance and “improves his art”. In vernacular speech, improvisation or the ar- ranging of already existing songs is referred to “polishing” (dotjerivati) or “making up” (isknaditi). The singer displays his originality in the method of expression, through his ability to formulate the song in his own individual manner; in other words demon- strating that he has sufficient knowledge and experience to expand it or reduce it in length. In his collection Pjesan naših Muhamedovaca (The Lays of our Mohammed- ans, 1886) Krauss provided an interesting commentary on his informant Ahmed Šemić from Rotimlje, Stolac, and his version of the poem “The Wedding of Hadji Smailaga’s Son” (Ženidba hadži Smailagina sina).

“This is the Lay of Meho Smailagić. It was sung to me in Rotimije (sic) by Ahmed Isakov Šemić, in the uplands three hours’ journey south from the confluence of the Buna and Neretva rivers. Ahmed was then 85 years of age. He had learned this lay sixty years before, from Salija Tućaković Kamišević of Hrasno village, four hours from Rotimije and ten from Mostar. There are better singers than Ahmed, and also finer poems among those taken down from him. But this is his longest and it is truly very fine. At this time it is the longest and finest of all the guslars’ songs from our Slav peoples in the Balkans to have seen print. There is no maundering (excessive repe- tition); everything is effective, terse, pertinent. I could not excise five words (verses) from this lay without undoing it.” (Krauss 1886:165).

An interesting approach to the study of the transmission of guslars’ songs may be observed in the case of Milman Parry. During his fieldwork Parry recorded the same songs, performed by the same singers in 1933 and in 1934, and noted the changes in the content of the song which had taken place over a period of time11. One example is the song “Prince Marko and Nina of Koštun” (Marko Kraljević i Nina od Koštuna) as performed by Petar Vidić, a guslar from Stolac (Herzegovina). The first 1933 recording had 154 lines, but in the 1934 performance it had 279. According to Lord, an average performer like Petar Vidić “must carry the brunt of the transmission of the art” (Lord 2000:113). Certain deviations in the content of the song may be observed in his performances, but the thematic structure is preserved. Although guslars were unable to make a living from singing and playing alone, they were professionals nonetheless. During Ottoman times, and later under Austro- Hungarian rule they were invited to play in the homes of the wealthy, and their status might be compared to the status of bards in the feudal courts of Mediaeval Bosnia, or of the bards described by Homer. During his fieldwork in 1930, Murko observed “extremely interesting traces of Bosnian feudalism in epic poetry: wealthy Beys and Agas had their permanent bards or ones they supported for entire months, and rewarded them richly”. (Murko 1951:362) He concluded that these were particularly talented guslars/singers and outstanding carriers of the folk tradition, and he dedicated special attention to them. One such singer was Ibrahim Vrabac (Knežina, Eastern Bosnia, 1852). As a youth he had served Šahinpašić Bey, who had his own

11 Murko also noticed changes of this kind during his fieldwork in 1909. In fact, Murko had taken down poems from the informants who had been informants of Luka Marjanović 20 years before (Murko 1964:113).

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 212 13.5.2015 12:44:49 J. TALAM • CREATION, TRANSMISSION ... singers. During his travels with the Bey he had had the opportunity to listen to the singing of other singers. He learned from others, and at the age of 19 he himself became a “Bey’s bard”12. Cvjetko Rihtman states that “the gusle and guslars enjoyed general esteem, and still do today... Because singing to the accompaniment of the gusle is an honour that in the home belongs to the head of the household, and at larger gatherings to the best performers. A festivity without a gusle is unimaginable (especially amongst herdsmen). Even children learning to sing to the gusle are regarded with pride. The honour in singing to the gusle undoubtedly stems from the function of the heroic song in teaching and inspiring the young to imitate the idealised figures it celebrates”. (Rihtman 1982:262–263) Telling a story through song provided entertainment through the long winter nights. In the ambience of home or an inn people would listen to guslars, and discuss the songs, their origin and content. In Muslim villages it was the custom during Ramadan to spend the entire night from iftar to sehur to the sound of the gusle13. By performing repertoire already familiar or using new melodies, the performer would communicate directly with his listeners. The listeners, on the other hand, appreciated the organisational and musical abilities of the player. The end of last century saw significant social changes which affected the way of life, and particularly the interest of young people in learning and performing songs to gusle accompaniment in the manner described above. Recent researches indicate that there is a large number of guslars active in Bosnia and Herzegovina, of various ages, levels of education and interests, who may be divided into two categories. The first category predominantly consists of older guslars, whose interpretations are founded on knowledge acquired through oral transmission and many years of experience. They are highly regarded in their local communities owing to their expert interpretations and the repertoire they perform. The second category consists of guslars who have learnt their songs from songbooks, through the media or from commercial recordings. Their interest in guslar songs is often motivated by commercial, and sometimes nationalist, considerations14. In many cases the majority of their repertoire consists of songs which they have composed themselves, inspired by event and figures from the recent history of Bosnia and Herzegovina and its neighbours. They appear at various public events, concerts and gusle competitions. They work hard at establishing a rap- port with their audience and publicise their appearances. Unlike the guslars who perform in traditional contexts, their positioning on stage “suggests a static bearing and inhibited reactions”, and leads to the guslar becoming distanced from his audience

12 Murko was particularly heartened by Ibrahim Vrabac’s moral position. Murko offered him money as he had had to travel to the recording location and had to pay for a night’s lodging. Vrabac replied “Are you a scholar or a merchant? If you are a scholar I shall take nothing from you, for that would be haram (a sin). If you spread knowledge through the world, it is our duty to help you however much we can (Murko 1951:114). 13 Ramadan is the ninth month of the Muslim calendar, and a month of fasting, abstention from food and drink, crude speech and behaviour, and other things forbidden by Islam. The fast lasts from the pre-dawn meal of sehur until sunset, when it is broken by the iftar meal. 14 The period following the 1992-1995 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina saw attempts to advance the thesis that certain folk musical instruments in the country were to be identified exclusively with one or another ethnic group. Thus the saz was regarded as a Bosniac instrument, the šargija as an instrument of the Bosnian Croats, and the gusle as the Serb national instrument. Bosian ethnomusicologists have demonstrated on the basis of historical sources and recent research that this thesis is unsustainable.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 213 13.5.2015 12:44:49 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 (Lajić Mihajlović 2014:141). Many guslars belonging to this category also record CDs released by private or local record companies. These are commercial recordings which are most often intended to meet the performer’s need for promotional materials, and not a desire to preserve the traditional manner of telling a story through song.

Storytelling through song

Narratives expressed by the guslars through song had very diverse subjects – from heroic lays, epics, and traditional ballads to comic songs and songs about local communities and personal life. The differing profiles of gusle players influenced the creation of their personal repertoires. Nevertheless, pride of place is held by heroic epics which describe heroes from the period of the Ottoman Empire. Zlatan Čolaković believes that Bosnian epic is a traditional art comprising historical-mythical stories in verse, generally sung to the accompaniment of the gusle or tambura. The beginning of its development in the second half of the fifteenth century is contemporary with the advent of the Ottoman Empire. Certain forms of autonomous South Slav epics, narrative, lyrics and ballads existed in Bosnia and its wider neighbourhood15 (http://bosnjaci.net/prilog. php?pid=15278). The gusle was a very popular instrument, and memories of many figures and events from the distant past and recent history were preserved through its aid. Songs might have several hundred lines, and they represented the living historical memory of a particular social community. I shall mention here just a few of the figures who appear frequently in Bosnian epic songs. One of the figures to appear most frequently in epic songs, especially those of Muslims, is Alija Đerzelez (Đerzelez means a warrior armed with a mace)16. According to the information available, Đerzelez was a warrior and hero who lived at the close of the fifteenth century. He is believed to have died in the village of Gerzovo near Mrkonjić Grad, where his mausoleum (turbe) is located. Đerzelez is first mentioned in one of a collection of bugarštice17 published by Baltazar Bogišić at the end of the nineteenth century (Bugarštica no. 13), but recorded by Đuro Matei at the turn of the eighteenth century (1878:40). Texts of songs about Alija Đerzelez are found in numerous collections from the late nineteenth century, and were recorded by Murko, Parry and Rihtman18. The memory of the hajduk (social bandit) Mijat (Mihovil) Tomić (first half of the seventeenth century) from the village of Gornji Brišnik near Tomislavgrad19 has been

15 The material construction of the gusle often includes motifs with a symbolic meaning: a horse’s head, a snake, a mounted hero, etc. According to Cvjetko Rihtman, these motives may be related to an earlier function of epic poetry (1971:97). 16 Alija Đerzelez appears in Albanian epics under the name Gjergj Elez Alia. 17 The bugarštica is a form of South Slavic epic and ballad poetry. 18 The Bosnian author and Nobel laureate Ivo Andrić wrote Put Alije Đerzeleza [The Path of Alija Đerzelez], published in 1920. 19 In response to the then current political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina the Hajduk Republic of Mijat Tomić was founded in his memory on June 5, 2002. The republic lies in the area between the mountains of Vran and Čvrsnica, in the middle of the Nature Park Blidinje (western Herzegovina). The seat of this republic is the Hajdučke vrleti motel, whose owner is the sole ruler of this micro-nation. The founding of political parties and political is prohibited in the Republic because it would distort the legal order and public health. Legal order is protected and cherished by an elite guard of soldiers. The republic has its own currency, constitution, flag, anthem and passports. (see http://www.hajduckevrleti-blidinje.com/index.php?page=3, accessed on 3.08.2014.)

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 214 13.5.2015 12:44:49 J. TALAM • CREATION, TRANSMISSION ... preserved through guslars’ songs. Tomić and his band had a hideout on Mount Vran and fought successfully against Ottoman rule for many years. Jeronim Vladić recorded that the inhabitants of Rama often spent their nights listening to heroic songs and the gusle. These songs celebrated heroes and hajduks, including a “neighbour from Duvno [present-day Tomislavgrad], Tomić Mihovile from the heights of Mount Vran above the plain of Duvno”. (Vladić 1991:12) Songs about Mijat Tomić exist in numerous records (Krsto Marković, Matica hrvatska no. 141; Mihovil Pavlinović, Matica hrvatska no. 143; Luka Marjanović) and were recorded in collections from the first half of the twentieth century (Murko Collection, Phonogrammearchiv of the Austrian Academy of Sciences; Parry Collection, Widener Library of Harvard University; Rihtman Collec- tion, Institute of Musicology of the Academy of Music in Sarajevo). During fieldwork in Rama and Prozor in 2008, I recorded two songs sung to the gusle by Ivan Sabljo – The Song of Mijat Tomić and The Song of Doljani. The first song tells of Tomić’s heroic actions, while the second is about his death. The brothers Mujo and Halil Hrnjica, Vuk Jajčanin, Bey Ljubović, Budalina Tale and many others were also mentioned in song. In Eastern Herzegovina many songs were sung about Serbian hero Marko Kraljević (Prince Marko). Songs about these heroes are often performed even today. The guslar Milovan Vojičić (1901), an agricultural worker from Nevesinje, was one of Milman Parry’s informants. His repertoire included epic songs about the battle of Kosovo, the assassination of Franz Ferdinand in 1914 in Sarajevo, and fighting against the Austro-Hungarian army, but also songs about such heroes as Mijat Tomić and Alija Đerzelez. Vojičić’s repertoire included a number of traditional ballads in addition to these epic songs. The Milman Parry Collection includes a letter from Milovan Vojičić dated 1934, in which he writes that he has received a letter from Parry and money for the books. He also mentions that he is sending him another two song books and that he is still writing and trying to include good songs in the book. A considerable number of these written songs had been transmitted orally and there were several songs that Vojičić had composed himself. One of these is dedicated to Milman Parry. A large number of gusle songs and interviews with guslars were recorded by Cvjet- ko Rihtman. It may be concluded from Rihtman’s interview with the guslar Dušan Kovačević (Kifino village near Nevesinje, 1902) that although the greater part of his repertoire was dedicated to epic songs about heroes and events from the period of Ottoman Empire, he also treated important events from the history of Bosnia and Her- zegovina. Kovačević states that the Sarajevo assassination was first mentioned in a song by Aleksa Guzina from the village of Fojnica near Gacko, and that many guslars subsequently included that song in their own repertoires. In 1928 a severe drought affected Eastern Herzegovina, inspiring Kovačević to create a sung narrative about the harsh life of the local population and other disastrous events caused by the drought. Todor (1896) and Lazar (189?) Radak, two brothers from village Lobovo near Šipovo (central Bosnia), were extremely good makers and players of the gusle20 and were informants of Matija Murko and Cvjetko Rihtman. Their repertoire was large and diverse.

20 Lazar Radak was awarded the title of “Best guslar of Yugoslavia” in 1927.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 215 13.5.2015 12:44:49 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 It consisted of well-known epic songs about warriors, the battle of Kosovo, but also contained songs which they had written themselves and in which important events from the life of Šipovo and other nearby villages were narrated.

Figure 1: Guslar Lazar Radak and family Figure 2: Guslar player Todor Radak (photo C. Rihtman, Lubovo, 1951) (photo C. Rihtman, Lubovo, 1951)

Just before the end of the Second World War Lazar Radak sang The Liberation of Šipovo, which was recorded by Peter Kennedy in 195121.

Oj, neka pravde, sloge i slobode, /O long live Justice, Harmony and Freedom, nek svi žive koji narod vode, / long life to all leaders of the people, o, svom narodu čuvaju slobode. / they guard over the freedom of all the people, Na hiljadu devete stotine, / In the year one thousand, nine hundred četrdeset i prve godine, / and forty-one, procvilila sirotinja raja, / the poor enslaved people cried out, jadna raja iz svakoga kraja / those miserably enslaved from every region, od sve Bosne i Hercegovine…/ from all Bosnia and Herzegovina…

Šećo Kadrić (Umoljani, Mt Bjelašnica near Sarajevo, 1935) was taught to play the gusle by his father Dervo Kadić (1910–1964). He played for many years at family gatherings and house parties (Bosnian: sijelo) in Umoljani and nearby villages22.

21 Peter Kennedy (1922-2006) was an English collector of folk songs who was active in the 1950s. Peter Kennedy recorded at the International Folk Music Festival in Opatija (Croatia) in September 1951. Kennedy’s recordings were issued in 2001 as part of the Alan Lomax Collection: World Library of Folk and Primitive Music: Yugoslavia (Volume 5, compiled and edited by Alan Lomax). 22 During my fieldwork in May 2011 in Umoljani village informants told me that although there were several gusle players in the village Šećo Kadrić was the best. I recorded his singing and playing gusle. Unfortunately, Šećo’s hearing and age affected his interpretation. His singing and playing were not often coordinated. However, his good memory, ability to interpret the text and his skilful technique confirmed that he was an extremely good singer and gusle player. Šećo talked about many other details from his life. He confirmed that he received monetary awards for his performances. After the performance, listeners would place money on the top of his resonant body which was covered with leather. Today, Šećo Kadrić is only gusle player in Umoljani.

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Figure 3: Guslar Šećo Kadrić (Umoljani, 1935), Umoljani 17. 05. 2011. Photo Petra Hamer.

His repertoire was varied, and most of the songs in his repertoire were learned from his father. One of Šećo’s favourite songs is the traditional ballad Ženidba bega Ljubovića (The Wedding of Bey Ljubović) which he performs in his own style. Over the years he has also composed several songs himself. His favourite song speaks about his departure to the army in 1956. In that song, he describes the small mountain village of Umoljani, the life of the people who live there, and his family in particular. Most of the song is taken up with his departure from the village. Šećo described, in a very picturesque fashion, the challenges that a young person faces when leaving the village for the first time. The narrative creativity of gusle players is expressed through various cheerful and witty songs. I recorded several such songs in various places in Bosnia and Herzego- vina. A Trebinje guslar, Lazar Ambulija23, sang a very interesting comic song about women who have no job and like to gossip, while unlucky menfolk had to accept a life with such a woman.

Neko priču istinitu kaza, / Someone told the true story, istina je, moga mi obraza, / it is the truth, I swear za razvod se braka nije znalo, / divorce is an unknown thing nego čuvaj šta te je dopalo…/ keep whatever you got…

23 I recorded Lazar Ambulija in 2007 in Sarajevo at the launch of a calendar featuring images of traditional clothing from Bos- nia and Herzegovina.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 217 13.5.2015 12:44:50 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 I also recorded a song by guslar player Mile Ćališ24 (Podbor, 1962), Gusle moje od javora suva (My gusle of seasoned maple).

Gusle moje od javora suva, / My gusle of seasoned maple, di vas nema tu je kuća gluva, / the house is deaf without your voice, kad vas uzmem u junačke ruke, / I take you in my hero’s hands pola svoje zaboravim muke…/ And half my woes are soon forgotten…

Although it is a truism that guslars are generally male, there are also women in rural Herzegovina who sang and played the instrument. A few years ago I became ac- quainted with the guslarka (female guslar) Ruža (Galić) Jolić (Kongore, Tomislavgrad, 1945), who learned to play the gusle from her grandmother Ruža Baćak (1860–1958) and today plays her own instrument. Her repertoire is varied and consist of old epic poems, and new ones which she has composed herself.

Figure 4: The guslarica (female guslar) Ruža Jolić (Kongore, Tomislavgrad, 1945), pho- to Miroslav Šilić.

Ruža lives in Duće near Omiš (Croatia), and has a solid reputation. She described her public performance in a press interview.

24 I recorded Mile Ćališ singing to gusle accompaniment during fieldwork in Rama and Prozor in 2008.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 218 13.5.2015 12:44:50 J. TALAM • CREATION, TRANSMISSION ... “The performance takes about five minutes or so, though I could do longer, but the programme is often such that you have to keep it short. The other guests need to have a chance. And in them five minutes you’re meant to tell them something about our heroic past, or some kind of a love story. I’ve got all manner of songs, for the youn- gsters, for the kiddies... Something for everyone. But I took good care to get proper prepared for them ones about the past, I read these old books about our hajduks and other heroes, from when it was Austria-Hungary right down to now.” (Slobodna Dalmacija, 2010)

Ruža Jolić has published a book, Pisme za gusle (2009), containing 95 poems on various subjects.

In place of a conclusion

Narrative poetry played a very significant role in the folk music tradition of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and still does today. The subjects of the poems are various, ranging from heroic epics to poems describing the detail of everyday life. The function of epic poetry is primarily educational, and is aimed “at fostering in young people the heroism and values that are sung of” (Rihtman 1971:97). Guslars were highly inventive, frequently adding new lines to existing songs and creating new ones that adhered to established traditional forms. Lord concluded that “every performance is unique, and every performance bears the signature of its poet singer” (2000:4). Singing to gusle accompaniment was handed down from generation to generation by oral transmission, and from the nineteenth century onwards by printed songbooks. A considerable number of guslars’ songs are still performed today. New songs also appear which describe events from the recent history of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It may thus be concluded that throughout all historical periods a new selection was made from the poetic and musical expressions of the past, and this became the tradition in its turn.

Bibliography

Bogišić, Baltazar. Narodne pjesme iz starijih, najviše primorskih zapisa. Biograd,1878. Čubelić, Tvrtko. “Uvodne napomene”. In Rad 15. kongresa SUFJ. Cvjetko Rihtman, ed. Sarajevo: Udruženje folklorista BiH, 1971, 161–196. Dukić, Davor. “Razotkrivanje epskoga života – Murkov pristup južnoslavenskoj narodnoj epici”. In Zbornik prispevkov s kongresa Razvoj slovenske etnologije od Štreklja in Murka do do sodobnih etnoloških prizadevelj. Rajko Muršič and Mojca Ramšak, eds. Ljubljana: Slovensko etnološko društvo, 1995, 51–57. Foley, John Miles. The Wedding of Mustajbey’s Son Bećirbey as performed by Halil Bajgorić. Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia, 2004. Krauss, Friedrich Salomo. Pjesan naših Muhamedovaca. Dubrovnik: Knjižarnica D. Pretnera, 1886.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 219 13.5.2015 12:44:50 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 Kuhač, Franjo. 1877. “Prilog za povjest glasbe južnoslovjenske”. U Rad JAZU. Knjiga XXXVIII. Zagreb: JAZU, 1877, 1–77. Kunić, Mirsad. “Antoine Meillet – Saussureov učenik, a Parryjev učitelj”. Lingvazin. I/3. (Tuzla: Institut za bosanski jezik i književnost, 2013): 23–25. Kuripešić, Benedikt. Putopis, kroz Bosnu, Srbiju, Bugarsku i Rumeliju. Beograd. Cigoja štampa, 2001. Lajić Mihajlović, Danka. Srpsko tradicionalno pevanje uz gusle: guslarska praksa kao komunikacijski proces. Beograd: Muzikološki institut SANU, 2014. Lord, Albert B. The Singer of Tales. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 2000. Marić, Branko. “Naša pučka glazbala”. Sarajevo: Napredak, 1932, 139–148. Murko, Matija. Tragom srpsko-hrvatske narodne epike. Putovanja u godinama 1930– 1932. Zagreb: JAZU, 1951. Murko, Matija. 1974. “Epska narodna poezija u Jugoslaviji početkom XX vijeka”. In Narodna književnost Srba, Hrvata, Muslimana i Crnogoraca. izbor studija i članaka. Đenana Buturović and Vlajko Palavestra, eds. Sarajevo: Svjetlost, 1974, 163–164. Murko, Vladimir. “Građa sudbina literarne ostavštine i fonografskih snimaka srpskohr- vatskih epskih pjesama Matije Murka”. Narodna umjetnost. Vol. 2, No. 1. (1964): 107–137. Renner, Henrik. Herceg-Bosnom uzduž i poprijeko. Preveo: Isa Velikanović. Sremska Mitrovica: Hrvatska dionička tiskara (N. Dogan), 1900. Rihtman, Cvjetko. “Tradicionalni oblici pjevanja epskih pjesama u Bosni i Hercegovi- ni”. In Rad 15. kongresa Saveza udruženja folklorista Jugoslavije, Cvjetko Rihtman, ur. (Sarajevo: Udruženje folklorista Bosne i Hercegovine, 1971), 97–105. Rihtman, Cvjetko. “O stvaraocima i prenosiocima u oblasti narodne muzičke tradicije”. In Rad 27. kongresa Saveza udruženja folklorista Jugoslavije, Cvjetko Rihtman, ur. (Banja Vrućica. Udruženje folklorista Bosne i Hercegovine, 1982), 240–246. Rihtman, Cvjetko. 1998. “Napjev balade u narodnoj traqdiciji Bosne i Hercegovine”. Muzika. 3/7(1998): 6–8. Talam, Jasmina. Folk musical instruments in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2013. Vladić, Jeronim. Uspomene o Rami i ramskom franjevačkom samostanu. Prozor: Mat- ica hrvatska, 1991. Accessed August 3, 2014.http://www.hajduckevrleti-blidinje.com/index.php?page=3. Julardžija, Enver i Krcić, Esad. “Bošnjačka epika je jači svjedok od pisane historije” (in- tervju sa prof. dr. Zlatanom Čolakovićem). January 5, 2003. Accessed July 29, 2014. http://bosnjaci.net/prilog.php?pid=15278. Šimundić Bendić, Tanja. Ruža Jolić iz Duća - jedina hrvatska guslarica. Accessed May 9, 2010. Slobodna Dalmacija. http://www.slobodnadalmacija.hr/Novosti/Hrvatska/ tabid/66/articleType/Article Accessed July 29, 2014. View/articleId/101824/Rua-Jo- li-iz-Dua--jedina-hrvatska-guslarica.aspx.

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 220 13.5.2015 12:44:50 J. TALAM • CREATION, TRANSMISSION ...

POVZETEK gusel se je prenašala iz generacije v generacijo z ustnim izročilom, od 19. stoletja naprej pa s Péto nastopanje s spremljavo gusel je ena naj- pomočjo natisnjenih knjig. Dosedanje raziskave pomembnejših in najpogostejših oblik ljudske poročajo, da se je način, kako nastajajo pesmi glasbene produkcije v Bosni in Hercegovini. za gusle, kako se jih je prenašalo in izvajalo, s Guslarji prihajajo iz vseh družbenih slojev, njiho- časom spremenil, razloge za to pa lahko pogosto va starost, izobrazba in interesi pa precej nihajo. najdemo v načinu petja ob spremljavi gusel. Petje Še posebej znani so bili nadarjeni guslarji/pevci, ob spremljavi gusel se je tradicionalno izvajalo ob katerih interpretacije temeljijo na znanju, ki so ga različnih priložnostih, predstavljalo pa je najpo- pridobili z ustnim izročilom in skozi dolgoletno membnejše razvedrilo na podeželju. V zadnjem prakso. Pesmi guslarjev so se prav tako razlikovale času se je tradicionalna funkcija petja ob guslah po svoji tematiki: epska poezija, ljudske balade umaknila iz ljudske glasbe; kljub temu ostaja in poročila o pomembnih dogodkih. Pevci so petje ob guslah precej priljubljeno tudi dandanes. improvizirali ali priredili obstoječe pesmi v večji Guslarji so še zmeraj izjemno domiselni, skladajo ali manjši meri tako, da so dodajali vrstice ali nove pesmi, navdahnjene z dogodki bosanske pa ustvarili nove pesmi, v katerih so opisovali zgodovine in prirejajo obstoječe pesmi v skladu aktualne dogodke. Tradicija petja ob spremljavi z individualnim slogom.

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Abbiati, Franco 80, 82 Abert, Hermann 47 Abert, Johann Joseph 197 Abraham, Gerald 117 Ackermann, Peter 49 Adler, Guido 65, 167, 173 Adorno, Theodor Wiesengrund 59, 65, 66 Ahern, David 10, 23 Albani, Alessandro 49 Aleksander (Alexander) VII., papež 52 Allegri, Gregorio 41, 42, 44–49, 51–55 Amann, Julius 42, 46, 48, 49, 52 Ambros, August Wilhelm 64 Ambulija, Lazar 217 Amon, Blasius 27, 30, 32, 33–35, 38, 40 Andersen, Hans Christian 113 Andrić, Ivo 214 Angermüller, Rudolph 48 Antheil, George 166 Antović, Ivana 143 Apffl, Michael 30, 32, 33, 40 Aranđelović, Nada 159 Armand, Johann Friedrich 48 Armándola, José 191 Arrau, Claudio 158 Aschbach, Joseph 31 Assmann, Ian 148 Attaingnant, Pierre 31

Babiracki, Carol 177 Bach, Johann Sebastian 57, 61, 102 Bache, Constance 73 Bache, Francis Edward 72 Bache, Walter 73 Baćak, Ruža 218 Badarzewska, Thécla 200 Baj, Tommaso 44, 49, 54 Bajetti, Giovanni 74 Bajgorić, Halil 219 Bakala, Břetislav 123 Bakunin, Mikhail 14 Balakirjev (Balakirev), Milij Aleksejevič 100, 109, 110

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Banks, Billy 87 Barber, Samuel 159 Barbieri Nini, Marianna 76 Barlay, Matthew 53 Barnard, Geoffrey 9, 10, 12, 13, 15, 17–25 Bartók, Béla 151, 152, 158, 169, 178–180, 184 Bartošová, Fedora 107 Barz, Gregory 167, 176, 184 Bassengius, Aegidius 27, 32, 33, 40 Bauer, Elisabeth Eleonore 60 Bauer, Wilhelm Adolf 43 Baumgartner, Paul 158 Beer, Joseph 201 Beethoven, Ludvig van 57–67, 104, 168, 169 Bellini, Vincenzo 83 Benatzky, Ralph 199 Beneš, Jara 197 Benevoli, Orazio 49 Benzing, Josef 28 Berchtold, Maria Anna von glej Mozart, Maria Anna Berčič, Branko 29 Berg, Adam 34 Berg, Alban 128, 133, 134, 136, 137 Berger, Peter Ludwig 182, 184 Berlioz, Hector 62, 104, 105, 159 Bern, Alan 177 Bernstein, Leonard 159 Bersa, Blagoje 194, 202 Biagi, Alamanno 76, 77 Biehl, Albert 196, 202 Bílek, Karel 199 Blaton, Anton 199 Blaukopf, Kurt 66 Bloch, Waldemar 196 Blodek, Vílem František 197 Blume, Friedrich 38, 66, 192 Blumenfeld, Harold 132 Boas, Franz 170 Boecklin, Arnold 133 Bogišić, Baltazar 214, 219 Bollenbeck, Georg 59 Borodin, Aleksánder Porfírjevič 109 Borsa, Gedeon 32 Bortnjanski, Dimitri 201 Boulez, Pierre 154 Bowen, José Antonio 76

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Bracewell, Wendy 142 Bradáč, Jaroslav 197 Bradáč, Willy 197 Bradbury, S. 96 Brahms, Johannes 57, 58, 103 Brăiloiu, Constantin 176, 178–180, 184 Brandenburg, Daniel 49 Bratfisch, Karl 200 Brecht, Bertolt 133 Breen, Robert 158 Brendel, Franz 59, 62, 63 Britten, Benjamin 158 Brixel, Eugen 188, 196, 199 Brkić, Ilija 208 Brod, Max 109 Brown, Norman Oliver 14 Brown, Steven 166 Budík, Jan 200 Budík, Karel 197 Budík, Miloslav 200 Bukofzer, Manfred 170 Bülow, Hans von 63 Bummerl, Franz 197 Burian, Emil František 123 Burney, Charles 49, 50, 54, 55 Buturović, Đenana 220

Cage, John 9–22, 24, 25, 166, 182 Cardew, Cornelius 15, 22, 23, 25 Cattaneo, Antonio 73 Cavallini, Eugenio 71 Cavallini, Ivano 73 Cesari, Gaetano 78 Chalupa, Dalibor 123 Charles, Daniel 20–22, 25 Charpentier, Marc-Antoine 99, 100, 109, 110, 117 Checchi, Eugenio 76 Chero, Anton 195 Chłopicka, Regina 134 Chopin, Frédéric 22, 102, 164, 200 Chusid, Martin 71 Chvála, Emanuel 112 Ciccolini, Aldo 158 Claren, Sebastian 24, 25 Clayton, Desmond 128 Clifford, James 179, 184

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Consul, Stephan 29 Cooley, Timothy Joseph 167, 176, 184 Corrigan, Chris 42 Crnojević, Ivan 142, 143, 144, 145 Crnojević, Staniša 143 Crnojević, Stanko 144, 145 Crusoe, C. 96 Culver, Andrew 14 Cvetko, Dragotin 7, 157 Czerny, Carl 200 Czibulka, Alphons 200

Čajkovski (Tchaikovsky), Peter Iljič 99–101, 103–108, 110, 111, 113 Čermak, Josef 197 Čolaković, Zlatan 214, 220 Čolić, Dragutin 152, 153 Čubelić, Tvrtko 209, 211, 219 Ćališ, Mile 218 Ćurčić, Vejsil 206

Dahlhaus, Carl 59, 67 Danon, Oskar 153 Danuser, Hermann 44, 59 Darewski, Herman 201 Darwin, Charles Robert 178 Davis, Blevin 158 Debussy, Claude 128 Deiters, Hermann 65 Dennis, David 66 Despić, Dejan 152 Deutsch, Otto Erich 43 Devčić, Natko 152 Dimitz, August 30 Dolcini, Carlo 76 Donizetti, Gaetano 74–76, 83 Döring, Bruno 191 Dostal, Hermann 199 Dostal, Nico 199 Dostojevski (Dostoyevsky), 100 Fjodor Mihajlovič Downes, Olin 110 Drace-Francis, Alex 142 Drdla, František Alois 197 Duckworth, William 14, 24 Dukić, Davor 205, 219 Dümling, Albrecht 57

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Dupérac, Etienne 53 Dvořák, Antonín Leopold 103, 191, 195, 198 Đurić-Klajn, Stana 154 Edelmann, Bernd 57 Eggebrecht, Hans Heinrich 46, 60 Eibl, Joseph Heinz 43 Eichhorn, Andreas 60 Einstein, Albert 14 Eisenbarth, Johann Andreas 123 Ellis, Alexander John 165, 166, 171–173, 182, 184 Elze, Theodor 29 Engelhart, Adolf 197 Engels, Stephan 46 Epstein, Olga 121 Ernst, Heinrich Wilhelm 199 Evans, F. H. 96

Fabbri, Giovanni 76 Fairtile, Linda B. 71, 72 Fall, Leo 199 Federhofer, Hellmut 38 Feld, Steven 181, 182–184 Feldman, Morton 9, 10, 12, 13, 15, 17, 18, 20–25 Ferenberger, Ivan 30 Ferencsik, János 197 Festa, Giuseppe 82 Fibich, Zdeněk 198 Fiedler, Johannes 38 Finke, Fidelio Friedrich 198 Finscher, Ludwig 36, 57 Finson, Jon W. 86–88 Fischer, Christoph 36 Fleming, Richard 14, 24 Foerster, Isolde von 59 Foley, John Miles 209, 219 Fontana, Eszter 64 Formica, Leonhard glej Mravlja, Lenart Formica, Margaretha 30 Formica, Matthäus 31 Fournier, Pierre 158 Frassa, Lorenzo 160 Freivogel, Hans 195 Fridrich, Anton 198 Friedemann, Carl 191 Friedman, Bernard Harper 23, 25 Frisbie, Charlotte 183, 184

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Friton, Gottfried 200 Fry, Christopher 131, 137 Fuchs, Josef 200 Fuchs, Robert 194 Fučik, Julius 191, 195, 196, 202 Fues, Franz 29 Fugger, Jakob 36 Fuka, Vladimir 199 Füllekruß, Emil 192 Fuller, Buckminster 14

Gall, Franz 30 Gallus, Nicolaus 29 Ganne, Louis 201 Garrett, Charles Hiroshi 95 Gavazenni, Gianandrea 82 Gavotte, S. 96 Geffray, Geneviève 48 Genée, Richard 200 Gerhard, Anselm 59 Ghislanzoni, Antonio 77 Giovanni, Nicola de 82 Gjerdingen, Robert 59 Glinka, Michail 110, 146, 201 Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von 133 Gogolj (Gogol), Nikolaj Vasiljevič 104 Göhler, Alber 40 Gojković, Zdravko 144 Goldman, Emma 14, 15, 17 Goldschmidt, Harry 66 Goodman, Paul 14 Gostuški, Dragutin 153, 155, 156 Gotovac, Jakov 159 Goudar, Ange 72 Gounod, Charles-François 103 Gourlay, Kenneth 176, 184 Gozenpud, Abram 109–111, 115 Granatelli, Giulio 73 Grandier, Urbain 128–131 Granichstaedten, Bruno 201 Grieg, Edvard 111, 113 Griffiths, Paul 135 Grilc, Janko 154 Grosse, Eduard 198 Gruber, Gernot 48 Grün, Anastasius 192, 193

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Gurlitt, Wilibald 46 Guzina, Aleksa 215 Guzman, Giovanni di 73

Haas, Hugo 121, 123 Haas, Pavel 119–125 Haas, Robert 32 Habermas, Jürgen 59, 67 Haeckel, Ernst 179 Hála, Vladimir 198 Hallecker, Andy 192, 202 Haller, Edwin 191 Hamann, Brigitte 45, 48 Hamer, Petra 217 Hanák, Mirko 109 Händel, Georg Friedrich 57, 61 Hao Tsui 122 Haskins, Rob 11, 19, 25 Hašler, Karel 192, 198 Hatten, Robert 130, 131 Hauptmann, Gerhart 127, 133, 134, 137 Havel, Hippolyte 14 Haydn, Joseph 62–64, 195, 228, 229 Heartz, Daniel 31 Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich 66 Heidegger, Martin 9, 25 Heidrich, Jürgen 49, 51, 57 Helfert, Vladimír 120 Helm, Everett 154, 155 Helmholtz, Hermann von 182 Hentschel, Frank 59, 67 Henze, Hans Werner 154 Hercigonja, Nikola 153 Hermelink, Heinrich 30 Herndon, Marcia 182 Herttrich, Ernst 44 Herzog, George 176 Heth, Charlotte 183 Heuß, Alfred 65 Hindemith, Paul 151, 158 Hinrichsen, Hans-Joachim 63 Hitler, Adolf 59 Hladisch, Eduard Rudolf 194, 202 Hock, Johann Nepomuk 196, 202 Hoffmann, Franz 198 Hoke, Hans Gunter 66

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Homberger, Paul 27, 33, 35, 36, 40 Homer 212 Honegger, Arthur 120, 151, 158 Hood, Mantle 176, 181, 184 Hopfner, Rudolf 32 Horký, Karel 124 Hörmann, Kosta 205 Hornbostel, Erich Moritz von 173, 176, 178–180, 184 Hörner, Stephan 58 Horný, Eduard 198 Horowitz, Joseph 80, 82 Hristić, Stevan 152, 160 Hrnjica, Halil 215 Hrnjica, Mujo 215 Hruby, Viktor 197, 201, 202 Hubay, Jenö 195 Hughes, Allen 154 Hulák, Karel 199 Husa, Karel 198 Hust, Christoph 49, 59 Huxley, Aldous 127–129, 137

Imorde, Joseph 42 Issatsjenko, Alexander 190 Ivanović, Vesna 143 Ives, Charles 159

Jackson, Jennie 87, 89 Jacob, Heinrich Eduard 47 Jahn, Otto 47 Jajčanin, Vuk 215 Jakobson, Roman 124 Jakobsonová, Soňa 124 Jakšić, Đura 153 Jalava, Marja 143 Janáček, Leoš 99, 100–112, 115, 124, 228 Janz, Bernhard 42 Jarausch, Konrad H. 67 Jarocki, Jerzy 135 Jarry, Alfred 127, 135, 137 Jensen, Luke 72, 78–80, 82 Jolić, Ruža 218–220 Jommelli, Niccolò 49 Jordania, Joseph 166 Josephson, David 177 Josif, Enriko 152, 154, 157

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Jovanović, Lazar 160 Jovanović, Vladimir 160 Julardžija, Enver 220 Jurek, Wilhelm August 200

Kadić, Dervo 216 Kadrić, Šećo 216, 217 Kadrović, Rizvan 205 Kaff, Bernard 123 Kafka, Franz 23 Kalinka, Emil 197 Kalinov, Jan 197 Kao Shi 122 Karadžić, Vuk Stefanović 211 Karađorđević, Petar I. 141 Karbusicky, Vladimir 59, 67 Kaschte, Josef 192, 198 Kašpar, Jan 198 Keil, Charles 181–184 Keil, Klaus 49 Kelemen, Milko 151, 154, 157 Kennedy, Peter 216 Kersands, Billy 87, 95 Kidrič, Franc 28 Kienzle, Ulrike 49 Kimberley, Nick 136 Kinderman, William 66 Kingsbury, Henry 182–184 Klein, Gideon 124 Klobučar, Bogumil 192 Klombner, Matthias 29, 30 Kmoch, František 198 Knepler, Georg 61, 66 Knispel, Claudia Maria 46 Koehler, Louis 64 Koerner, Valentin 28 Köhler, Anton 198 Koldau, Linda Maria 30 Kolenc, Jana 192 Kolić, Šećo 210 Komzák, Karl mlajši 194, 198 Komzák, Karl starejši 191, 198 Königshofer, Franz 191 Konjović, Petar 152 Kopetzky, Wendelin 198 Koringer, Franz 196

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Koschat, Thomas 192, 193 Kosteletzky, Viktor 198 Kostić, Dušan 156 Kostić, Vera 159 Kovačević, Dušan 215 Kozderka, Richard 124 Kral, Josef 198 Krása, Hans 124 Kratky, Josef 197 Kraus, Joseph Martin 72 Krauss, Friedrich Salomon 204, 212, 219 Krautkrämer, Matthias 60 Krcić, Esad 220 Krehahn, Thomas 57 Krehbiel, Henry Edward 65 Krelj (Krell), Sebastijan (Sebastian) 29 Krenek, Ernst 65 Křížkovský, Pavel 120 Krones, Hartmut 59, 67 Kropotkin, Peter 14 Kubeš, Ladislav starejši 198 Kučera, Anton 198 Kueffstainer, Hanns Jacob 36 Kuhač, Franjo Ksaver 194, 196, 202, 204, 220 Kunc Milanov, Zinka 160 Kunc, Jan 111, 112, 115, 118, 121 Kunić, Mirsad 205, 220 Kupfer, Harry 134 Kuripešić, Benedikt 204, 220

Labitzky, August 198 Labitzky, Joseph 193, 198 Labský, Jaroslav 198 Lachner, Franz 57, 58 Laforest, Josef 200 Lange, Christian 66 Lassletzberger, Josef 200 Lasso, Orlando di 36 Laszky, Bela 200 Lautenschläger, Willi August 191 Lehar, Franz mlajši 199 Lehar, Franz starejši 199 Lenz, Wilhelm von 62, 64 Léon, Victor 200 Leonhardt, Andreas 198 Ligeti, György 150, 155

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Lindemann, Otto 201 Lindmayr-Brandl, Andrea 28 Lipmann Haas, Zikmund 121 List, Karl 197 Liszt, Franz 47, 60, 62, 113, 194 Ljubović, Bey 215, 217 Lobe, Johann Christian 62 Locke, David 183 Locke, Ralph 146 Lodes, Birgit 28 Loehr, August 205 Logar, Engelbert 187 Logar, Mihovil 152 Lomax, Alan 176, 178–181, 184, 185, 216 Loos, Helmut 58, 60, 61, 64 Lord, Albert Bates 206, 210–212, 219, 220 Loube, Karl 200 Lowery, Perry George 89 Lucas, Sam 89, 94, 96, 97 Luckmann, Thomas 182, 184 Lukman, Franc Ksaver 28 Luksch, Georg 198 Lutosławski, Witold 155 Lütteken, Laurenz 42, 45, 51, 52, 54 Luzio, Alessandro 78, 80 Lvovský, Břetislav 198 Lyotard, Jean-François 59, 67

Macák, Alois 197 Macalik, Josef Ferdinand 200 MacKenzie, John MacDonald 145 Maeterlinck, Maurice 133 Mahling, Christoph-Hellmut 59 Mainardi, Enrico 158 Maksimilijan (Maximilian) III, nadvojvoda 32 Malatesta, Errico 14 Malecka, Teresa 130, 134 Malinowski, Bronislaw 170 Mandelc, Janez 30, 40 Manlius, Johannes glej Mandelc, Janez Mariani, Angelo 69, 77, 78, 80–82, 84 Marić, Branko 206, 209, 220 Marić, Ljubica 152 Marjanović, Luka 204, 205, 212, 215 Marković, Tatjana 139 Marshall, Robert 57

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Martini, Giovanni Battista (Padre Martini) 49 Martinů, Bohuslav 125 Marx, Adolph Bernhard 61, 64, 67 Marx-Weber, Magda 42, 44, 46, 49, 51, 52, 54 Mascagni, Pietro 100, 104 Matavulj, Simo 143 Matei, Đuro 214 Matija (Matthias) II., avstrijski nadvojvoda 35, 38 Matsudaira, Yoritsune 154 Matys, Josef 198 Mayer, Anton 28–30 Mazzucato, Alberto 73, 77 McAllester, David Park 176, 180, 181, 183, 185 McLeod, Norma 182 Mead, Margaret 180 Meier, Bernhard 59, 67 Meillet, Antoine 205, 220 Melissander, Gašper (Caspar) 29 Mendelssohn Bartholdy, Felix 52, 55, 60–62, 102 Mendelssohn Bartholdy, Abraham 60 Menotti, Gian Carlo 158 Menuhin, Yehudi 158 Merelli, Bartolomeo 74 Merker, Björn 166 Merriam, Alan Parkhurst 167, 168, 176, 180–183, 185 Messiaen, Olivier 154, 155 Metzger, Heinz-Klaus 57 Michl, Artur 190 Mikeš, Adolf 111 Milaković, Dimitrie 147 Milin, Melita 149, 156 Miller, Glenn 159 Miller, Luisa 73 Milton, John 127, 131, 132, 137 Mishkova, Diana 143 Mišković, Milorad 159 Mitchell, Frank 182, 184 Mojsisovics-Mojsvár, Roderich von 190 Mokranjac, Vasilije 152 Mölk, Albert Alexander von 48 Moniuszko, Stanisław 201 Morhart, Ulrich 30 Morrison, Richard 135 Mosusova, Nadežda 160 Mozart, Constanze 46, 47 Mozart, Leopold 43, 48, 50

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Mozart, Maria Anna 43 Mozart, Wolfgang Amadeus 23, 41–50, 52, 54, 55, 61–64, 102 Mravlja, Lenart 27–33, 36, 38–40 Müller, Matthias 36 Müller, Wilhelm Christian 64 Münkler, Herfried 59 Murat (Murad) V., sultan 142, 144 Murdock, George Peter 180, 185 Murko, Matija 205, 208–215, 219, 220 Murko, Vladimir 220 Musorgski (Musorgsky), Modest Petrovič 99–101, 108–111, 117 Mušić, Alija 207 Muzio, Emanuele 72, 78, 79

Nagel, Thomas 177, 185 Nägeli, Hans Georg 63, 64 Nedbal, Oskar 198 Nesvadba, Josef 198 Nettl, Bruno 166, 168–170 Neubeck, Johann Caspar 31 Neumann, František 110 Neumeyer, Fritz 42 Niccolai, Michela 160 Niemann, Walter 65 Niemetschek, Franz Xaver 46 Nikola I. Petrović-Njegoš, črnogorski kralj 139–145, 148 Nissen, Georg Nikolaus von 46, 47 Noack, Walter 201 Nono, Luigi 157 Nováček, Rudolf 196 Novak, Jaroslav 197 Novák, Jiří František 198 Novák, Vítězslav 115, 122 Novotný, Johann 198 Nowak, Adolf 49 Nowowiejski, Feliks 201

Obradović, Aleksandar 152, 156 Obuljen, Milan 194, 202 O’Connell, Barry 182 Oistrakh, David 158 Orel, Alfred 65 Orlov, Nikolaj (Nikolai) 158 Oslislo, Josef 200 Oulibicheff, Alexander glej Ulibišev, Aleksander

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Palavestra, Vlajko 220 Palestrina, Giovanni Pierluigi da 49 Paljetak, Vlaho 192 Panizza, Giacomo 74 Parlow, Albert 201 Parry, Milman 205, 206, 209, 210, 212, 214, 215, 220 Partos, Jenö 201 Partsch, Erich Wolfgang 57 Parzer, Michael 66 Paumgartner, Bernhard 47 Pauspertl, Karl 202 Pavel (Paul) III., papež 52 Pavlinović, Mihovil 215 Pavlis, Hans (Jan) mlajši 194, 198 Pavlis, Hans (Jan) starejši 191, 196, 198 Pavlović, Momčilo 159 Pavlović, Radoslav 204 Pavlović, Srdja 143 Pears, Peter 158 Peduzzi, Lubomír 121, 124 Pejović, Roksanda 153, 154 Penderecki, Krzysztof 127–137, 155 Pennanen, Risto Pekka 144 Peričić, Vlastimir 152–154 Petrassi, Goffredo 154 Petrini Zamboni, Nicola 76 Petrović, Mirko 140 Petrović-Njegoš, Danilo I., 141 črnogorski knez Petrović-Njegoš, Danilo II., 140, 141 črnogorski princ Petrović-Njegoš, Ljubica (Zorka), 141 črnogorska princesa Petrović-Njegoš, Petar I., 141 črnogorski vladika Petrović-Njegoš, Petar II., 141 črnogorski vladika Petrović-Njegoš, Sava II., 141 črnogorski vladika Pettan, Svanibor 172 Pettit, Stephen 136 Pfortner, Karl 198 Pičman, Josef 198 Pihert, Jindřich 111–113 Pij (Pius) XII., papež 51 Piskáček, Rudolf 198 Pittrich, Georg 200

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Plath, Wolfgang 44, 47 Platon (Plato) 133 Plebuch, Tobias 44 Pogorelow, Wladimir 201 Popović, Jelica 153 Potter, Pamela 59, 67 Poulos, Panagiotis 144 Pousseur, Henri 154 Praetorius, Michael 38 Praveček, Jindřich 198 Preradovic, Paula von 190 Preußner, Eberhard 48 Prevots, Naima 158 Price, Leontyne 158 Prichystal, Josef 200 Příhoda, Váša 158 Pritchett, James 10, 11, 13, 16, 18, 19, 25 Prokofjev (Prokofiev), Sergej 152 Prüfer, Arthur 64 Puccini, Giacomo 99, 100 Pukl, Oldřich 121

Racek, Jan 101, 110 Radak, Lazar 215, 216 Radak, Todor 215, 216 Radcliffe-Brown, Alfred Reginald 170 Radenković, Milutin 153, 154 Radić, Dušan 152, 155 Radošević, Anika 160 Radovanović, Vladan 152, 155, 156 Rahmaninov (Rachmaninoff), Sergej 193, 201 Rajčev (Rajtschew), Aleksandar Ivanov 196, 202 Rajhman, Jože 30 Rajičić, Stanojlo 152, 153, 157 Ramšak, Mojca 219 Rázek, Antonín 198 Rebikov, Vladimir Ivanovič 99–101, 103, 105, 107, 109, 111–118 Rebner, Arthur 201 Rebner, Wolfgang 201 Reck, David 183 Regnart, Jacob 32, 38 Reich, Gunter 135 Reich, Willi 65 Reifner, Vinzenz 198 Reindel, Alwin 192 Reiner, Karel 191

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Reinhardt, Heinrich 200 Reisp, Branko 30 Rektorys, Artuš 109 Renner, Heinrich 204, 220 Reske, Christoph 28 Retallack, Joan 10, 25 Rexeis, Gottfried 196 Rezek, František 198 Richter, Josef Karl 196, 198, 202 Ricordi, Giulio 78–82 Riehn, Rainer 57 Riemann, Hugo 64, 65 Rihtman, Cvjetko 206–209, 213–216, 219, 220 Rimski-Korsakov (Rimsky-Korsakov), 100, 109 Nikolaj Andrejevič Ristić, Milan 152 Rolla, Alessandro 82 Romani, Pietro 69, 76, 77, 84 Rose, Michael 76 Roseman, Marina 183 Rosen, Franziska von 177 Rosen, Willy 201 Rosendorfer, Herbert 66 Rosenkranz, Anton 199 Rosmini, Enrico 71 Rozkošný, Josef Richard 199 Rubinstein, Anton Grigorjevič 99–104, 108, 118 Rupel, Mirko 29 Rychlý, Arnošt Jan 200

Sabathil, Ferdinand 199 Sabljo, Ivan 215 Sabrow, Martin 67 Sachs, Curt 176, 178, 179, 185 Sadie, Stanley 131, 132 Salomon, Karel 154 Santarelli, Giuseppe 49 Sarno San Giorgio, Dionisio de 145 Saussure, Ferdinand de 220 Sawyer, Elizabeth 95 Sawyer, Jacob J. 85–97 Sayve, Lambert de 27, 32, 37–40 Scaramelli, Giuseppe 71 Schaal, Richard 44 Schaffranke, Franz 199 Scharoch, Franz 200

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Scharwenka, Theophil Franz Xaver 201 Schenk, Erich 47 Scherer, Georg 31 Schick, Hartmut 58 Schilling, Gustav 64 Schindler, Anton 67 Schlichtegroll, Friedrich von 43, 44, 46, 47 Schlögel, Ludwig 193 Schmid, Anton 39 Schmid, Hans 200 Schmidt, Leopold 65 Schmitt, Ulrich 60 Schmitz, Arnold 57, 58, 60 Schneider, Hans 28, 44, 193 Schönberg, Arnold 57, 58, 65, 196, 199 Schönebner, Paul 34, 38 Schönherr, Max 191, 193, 202 Schöningh, Ferdinand 42 Schreiner, Adolf 191 Schroers, Gert 66 Schröter, Axel 60 Schrötl, Georg 38 Schubert, Franz 21, 22, 57, 58, 164 Schulhoff, Erwin 124 Schulzová, Zdenka 102, 103 Schumann, Robert 22, 60, 102, 113 Schwinger, Wolfgang 132 Seeger, Charles 176, 181, 182, 185 Senn, Walter 34 Sieczynski, Rudolf 201 Simoniti, Primož 28, 30 Sinden, Margaret 133 Singriene, Johannes 28 Skalicky, Ferdinand Josef 200 Skalitzky, Ernst 200 Skalitzky, Josef 200 Skalla, Anton 200 Slavenski, Josip 152 Slobin, Mark 183 Sloterdijk, Peter 59, 67 Smaczny, Jan 121 Smailaga, Hadji 212 Smailagić, Meho 212 Smetana, Bedřich (Bedřih) 103, 109, 111, 113, 116, 199 Smith, E. P. 96 Southern, Eileen 86, 88–90, 95

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Stadlmayr, Johann 31 Stanek, Josef 199 Stanek, Pavel 199 Stasny, Ludvik 199 Stejskal, Rudolf 196 Stekl, Konrad 190 Stewart, Allan 140 Stockhausen, Karlheinz 157 Stonor Saunders, Frances 158 Stransky, Otto 200 Strauß, Christoph 31 Strauss, Johann mlajši 190 Strauss, Richard 99, 115, 134, 229 Stravinski (Stravinsky), Igor 120, 131, 151, 152, 158 Strecker, Heinrich 194 Striczl, Josef 200 Stuckenschmidt, Hans Heinz 66 Stumpf, Carl 173, 180 Suchoff, Benjamin 184 Suk, Josef 115, 199 Suppan, Wolfgang 188, 192 Surin, Jean-Joseph 129 Svoboda, Oldrich 200 Sylvain, Jules 194 Szeryng, Henryk 158

Šale, Vinko 160 Šebek, Gabriel 197, 202 Šebek, Stanislav 199 Šebor, Karel Richard 199 Šemić, Ahmed 212 Šilić, Miroslav 218 Šimundić Bendić, Tanja 220 Šístek, František 143 Škroup, Josef Dominik 199 Šmid, Walter 30 Špendal, Manica 192 Štědroň, Miloš 101, 111, 115 Štolc, Emil 199 Śmietański, Emil Władysław 201

Tagore, Rabindranath 122 Tailleferre, Germaine 154 Talam, Jasmina 220 Tale, Budalina 215 Tátos, Vojtech 200

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Taub, Andreas 36 Taylor, Daniel M. 180, 185 Thayer, Alexander Wheelock 65 Theimer, Johann 201 Theodosious, Aspasia 144 Thissen, Paul 59 Thomas, Adrian 131, 132 Thoreau, Henry David 11, 14 Thrun, Martin 65 Tijardovic, Ivo 192 Tilbury, John 15, 25 Titl, Anton Emil 200 Titon, Jeff Todd 167, 172 Todorova, Maria 144 Toll, Robert 89 Tolstoj (Tolstoy), Lev Nikolajevič 14 Tomić, Mijat (Mihovil) 214, 215 Tompkins, David G. 159 Tornaghi, Eugenio 80 Toscanini, Arturo 69, 80, 82–84 Trebsche, Karl 199 Trencsényi, Balázs 143 Trevor, Roy 140 Trojan, Erwin 199 Trojan, Vaclav 199 Trotter, James Monroe 86, 90, 95, 97 Trubar (Truber), Primož 29 Tu Fu (Thu Fu) 122 Tucker, Spencer C. 159 Tućaković Kamišević, Salija 212 Türmer, Udo 191 Tyrrell, John 100, 104,107

Učakar, Gvido 192, 202 Ulibišev, Aleksander 62 Ullmann, Viktor 124 Ulm, Renate 58 Urbach, Ernst 201

Vaccari, Lorenzo 53 Vacek, Karel 199 Vačkář, Václav 199 Vaet, Jacob 32 Valentini, Giovanni 31 Vančura, Adolf 199 Vander, Judith 182, 185

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Vašata, Rudolf Leo 199 Vašica, Josef Eduard 200 Vejvoda, Jaromír 199 Velikanović, Isa 220 Verdi, Giuseppe 69, 71–74, 76–84, 160 Vetter, Isolde 44, 45 Vidić, Petar 212 Vietor, Hieronymus 28 Viktor Emanuel III., italijanski kralj 141 Viski, János 197 Višnjić, Filip 211 Vittorio Emanuele III. glej Viktor Emanuel III. Vladić, Jeronim 215, 220 Vogel, Jaromir 199 Vojičić, Milovan 215 Volkmann, Robert 199 Voss, Egon 58 Vrabac, Ibrahim 212, 213 Vukdragović, Mihajlo 152, 157

Wacek, Otto 199 Wacek, Wilhelm 199 Wachsmann, Klaus Philipp 184 Wagner, Josef Franz 193, 199 Wagner, Richard 58, 60–62, 65, 83, 103, 115–118, 164, Wagner, Rudolf 193 Wagnes, Eduard 195, 202 Walker, Frank 78 Wallin, Nils 166 Wanson, James 191 Warfield, Wiliam 158 Watkins, Clifford 89 Webern, Anton 65, 154 Weddigen, Tristan 42 Wedekind, Frank 133 Werau, Artur Marcel 201 Wetaschek, Karl 200 Whiting, John 127–129, 137 Whitman, Walt 14 Whittall, Arnold 130 Wickenhauser, Amalie 101, 102, 118 Wiedemann, Josef 199 Wieniawski, Henryk 201 Williams, Raymond 182, 185 Winckler, Josef 123 Winterburger, Johannes 28

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Wiora, Walter 59 Wiśniewski, Zbigniew 154 Wodrazka, Josef 195 Woitschach, Carl 201 Wolff, Christian 22 Wolker, Jiří 123 Wolter, Eduard 204 Wright, Preston 89 Wünsch, Walter 205, 206

Zajc, Ivan 194, 202 Zámečník, Evžen 200 Zamrzla, Rudolf 199 Zängel (Zängl), Narcissus 27, 33, 36, 40 Zavadini, Guido 76 Zeman, Herbert 28 Zemp, Hugo 168, 183 Zenck, Martin 57 Zikoff, Friedrich 201 Zimmermann, Bernd Alois 154 Zita, František 195, 202 Zywietz, Michael 36, 58

Živković, Milenko 152, 153, 155 Žukovski (Zhukovsky), Nikolaj Jegorovič 104

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Dalibor DAVIDOVIĆ ([email protected]) je končal študij muzikologije na Glasbeni akademiji v Zagrebu, nato pa svoje šolanje nadaljeval na Univerzi v Hamburgu, kjer je tudi doktoriral. Trenutno je izredni profesor na Glasbeni akademiji v Zagrebu. Njegovo publikacije in raziskovanje naslavlja temeljne vidike glasbe, kot sta poslušanje in preso- janje ali epistemološka vprašanja muzikološkega preučevanja. V hrvaščino je prevedel dela o estetiki (A. García Düttmann, Ch. Menke) in o filozofiji religije (J. Taubes). Dalibor DAVIDOVIĆ ([email protected]) completed his musicology studies at the Zagreb Music Academy, then continued his studies and obtained his Ph.D. at the Ham- burg University. Currently he is an associate professor at the Zagreb Music Academy. His research interests and publications address the fundamental aspects of music like listening and judging, or the epistemological questions of the music studies. He has translated into Croatian books on aesthetics (A. García Düttmann, Ch. Menke) and on philosophy of religion (J. Taubes).

Thomas HOCHRADNER ([email protected]), izredni profesor za zgo- dovinsko muzikologijo, je zaposlen na Univerzi za glasbo Mozarteum v Salzburgu. Je član Instituta za recepcijo in interpretacijo glasbe in njegov prvi direktor. V svojih pre- davanjih in objavah se večinoma ukvarja z zgodovino glasbe od 17. do 20. stoletja, zlasti v zvezi z glasbeno filologijo, zgodovino recepcije v glasbi, baročni in tradicionalni glasbi. Je avtor številnih člankov in urednik več knjig. Thomas HOCHRADNER ([email protected]), Associated Professor for Historical Musicology, is employed at the University of Music Mozarteum in Salzburg. He is member of the Institute for Reception and Interpretation of Music and has been its first director. In his lectures and publications he mainly deals with the history of music of the 17th to the 20th century, especially referring to musical philology, the history of reception in music, baroque and traditional music. He is author of numerous articles and editor of several books.

Engelbert LOGAR ([email protected]) sodelavec inštituta za etnomuzikologijo na Univerzi za glasbo v Gradcu/A, raziskovalec, muzikolog, učitelj glasbe, predavatelj, avtor knjig, mdr. serije publikacij Vsaka vas ima svoj glas (1-8) in Pesmi in glasba z južne Koroške (1/1990-41/2014 - ), nagrajenec Walter Deutsch- Staatspreis, Štrekljev, zborovodja in skladatelj, spletna stran: www.pesmi.at. Engelbert LOGAR ([email protected]) associate of the Institute for Enthno- musicology at the University of Music and Performing Arts Graz, researcher, musicologist, music teacher, lecturer, author of books – among other the series of publications Vsaka vas ima svoj glas (Each Village has its Own Voice) 1-8, Pesmi in glasba z južne Koroške (Songs and Music from southern Carinthia) – 1/1990-41/2014, winner of the Walter Deutsch National Award, composer and conductor of the Štrekelj’s Choir. Web- page: www.pesmi.at.

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Helmut LOOS ([email protected]) je študiral glasbeno pedagogiko v Bonnu (državni izpiti), nato pa muzikologijo, umetnostno zgodovino in filozofijo na Univerzi v Bonnu; leta 1980 je promoviral, leta 1989 pa habilitiral. Med leti 1981 in 1989 je bil znanstveni sodelavec na oddelku za muzikologijo na Univerzi v Bonnu. Od 1989 do 1993 je bil direktor Inštituta za nemško glasbo na Vzhodu v mestu Bergisch Gladbach. Od aprila 1993 je profesor na katedri za historično muzikologijo na Tehnični univerzi Chemnitz in od oktobra 2001 na Univerzi v Leipzigu. Leta 2003 je bil imenovan za zaslužnega profe- sorja na Glasbenem konservatoriju Lyssenko v Lvovu. Od 2003 do 2005 je bil dekan fakultete za zgodovino, umetnost in orientalistiko Univerze v Leipzigu. Leta 2005 je postal častni član društva za nemško glasbeno kulturo v jugovzhodni Evropi v Münchnu in od leta 2014 je častni doktor Nacionalne glasbene univerze v Bukarešti. Je član mednarodnih uredniških svetov časopisov Hudební věda (Praga), Lituvos muzikologija (Vilnius), Ars & Humanitas (Ljubljana), Musicology Today (Bukarešta), Muzica. Romanian Music Magazine (Bukarešta) in Studies in Penderecki (Princeton, New Jersey). Helmut LOOS ([email protected]) studied in the field of music education in Bonn (state examination) and then musicology, art history and philosophy at the University of Bonn; doctorate 1980, senior doctorate (Dr. habil.) 1989. He has been a research fellow at the University of Bonn, Department of Musicology, from 1981 until 1989. From 1989 until 1993 he was director of the Institute of German Music in the Eastern Regions in Bergisch Gladbach. Since April 1993 he has been a professor in the Department of Historical Musicology at the Chemnitz University of Technology and at the Leipzig University since October 2001. On the 22nd October 2003 he was appointed Doctor honoris cuasa at the Lyssenko Conservatory in Lvov. Dean of the Department of History, Art History and Oriental Studies at the Leipzig University between 2003 and 2005. Honorary member of the Gesellschaft für deutsche Musikkultur im südöstlichen Europa (Society of German musical culture in Southeast Europe) in Munich since 2005. 2014 honorary doctor of the Universitatea Naţională de Muzică din Bucureşti. He is member of international editing councils of the periodicals Hudební věda (Prague), Lituvos muzikologija (Vilnius), Ars & Humanitas (Ljubljana), Musicol- ogy Today (Bucharest), Muzica. Romanian Music Magazine (Bucharest) and Studies in Penderecki (Princeton, New Jersey).

Tatjana MARKOVIĆ ([email protected]) je izredna profesorica na Univerzi za umetnosti v Beogradu in gostujoča profesorica na dunajski Univerzi za glasbo in upo- dabljajočo umetnost, predavala pa je tudi na univerzah v Gradcu in Ljubljani. Med letoma 2010 in 2014 je na Univerzi v Gradcu in na Avstrijski akademiji znanosti delala na postdoktorskem projektu Opera in ideja samoreprezentacije v jugovzhodni Evropi (Opera and the idea of self-representation in Southeast Europe). Je urednica kritične izdaje spevoiger Josepha Frieberta in revije TheMA – open access research journal for theatre, music and arts (Dunaj) ter članica uredniškega odbora Glasbeno-pedagoškega zbornika (Ljubljana). Markovičeva objavlja na temo glasbe od 18. do 20. stoletja (balkanska, ruska, nemška opera; glasbeno zgodovinopisje). Knjige: Transfiguracije srps- kog romantizma: muzika u kontekstu studija kulture (Beograd, 2005), Stil. 1, Istorijske

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Melita MILIN ([email protected]) je dolgoletna raziskovalka na Inštitutu za muzikologijo v Beogradu. Po tem ko je diplomirala in magistrirala na Fakulteti za glasbo v Beogradu, je doktorirala na Oddelku za muzikologijo na Filozofski fakulteti Univerze v Ljubljani. Uredila je več zbornikov in bila urednica prvih petih številk revije Muzikologija. Njeno raziskovanje se osredinja na srbsko glasbo 20. stoletja v kontekstu sodobnih glasbenih tokov v Evropi. Njene raziskave vključujejo preučevanje dominantnih ideologij (nacionalnih in političnih) na dela skladateljev umetniške glasbe in njihove povezave z estetskimi programi in praksami. Melita MILIN ([email protected]) is senior research fellow of the Institute of Musicology in Belgrade. After graduating and receiving her M.A. at Faculty of Mu- sic in Belgrade, she obtained her PhD title at the Department of Musicology at the Philosophical Faculty in Ljubljana. She has edited several collections of articles and has been editor of the first five issues of the journal Muzikologija. Her research is focused on 20th-century Serbian music in the context of contemporary musical developments in Europe. Her investigations include the study of influences of dominant ideologies (national and political) on the works of composers of art music and their relations to aesthetical programs and practices.

Marko MOTNIK ([email protected]) je na Univerzi za glasbo in upodabljajočo umetnost na Dunaju študiral orgle, čembalo in instrumentalno pedagogiko. Leta 2010 je doktoriral iz muzikoloških znanosti z delom o Jacobusu Handlu-Gallusu. V letih 2010–2014 je bil asistent za starejšo glasbeno zgodovino na Inštitutu za muzikologijo Univerze Dunaj. Trenutno je zaposlen na Inštitutu za analizo, teorijo in zgodovino glasbe na Univerzi za glasbo in upodabljajočo umetnost na Dunaju pri raziskovalnem projektu „Transferprozesse in der Musikkultur Wiens, 1755–1780: Musikalienmarkt, Be- arbeitungspraxis, neues Publikum.“

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Marko MOTNIK ([email protected]) studied Organ, Harpsichord, and Instrumen- tal Pedagogy at the University of Music and Performing Arts Vienna. He completed his doctorate in musicology with thesis on Jacobus Handl-Gallus in 2010. He was assistant professor for early music history in the Department of Musicology at the University Vienna from 2010 to 2014. He is currently working on the research project “Cultural Transfer of Music in Vienna, 1755–1780: Music Distribution, Transformation of Pieces, Involvement of New Consumers” in the Department for Analysis, Theory, and History of Music at the University of Music and Performing Arts Vienna.

Bruno NETTL ([email protected]) je rojen v Pragi, je doktoriral na Univerzi v In- diani in večino svoje poklicne poti poučeval etnomuzikologijo na Univerzi v Illinoisu, kjer je sedaj častni profesor glasbe in antropologije. Njegovo osnovno polje preučeva- nja so bili domorodci v Ameriki, v Iranu in v Indiji. Med več kot ducatom njegovih knjig so najbolj znane: Heartland Excursions: Ethnomusicological Reflections on Schools of Music (1995), The Study of Ethnomusicology (prenovaljena izdaja je izšla 2005, tretja izdaja bo izšla v letu 2015) in Nettl‘s Elephant: On the History of Ethnomusicology (2010). Bil je predsednik Etnomuzikološke družbe in urednik njene revije Ethnomusicology. Od leta 1990 je bil gostujoči profesor na Univerzi v Harvardu, Univerzi v Čikagu, univerzah Northwestern, Syracuse, Washington in drugje. V letu 2012 je postal predavatelj z nazivom Charles Homer Hoskins Lecturer for 2012, ki ga izbira ustanova American Council of Learned Societies. Bruno NETTL ([email protected]) was born in Prague, received his PhD at Indiana University, and spent most of his career teaching ethnomusicology at the University of Illinois, where he is now professor emeritus of music and anthropology. His principal field experience was with Native American people, in Iran, and in India. Among his more than a dozen books, the best-known are Heartland Excursions: Ethnomusicologi- cal Reflections on Schools of Music (1995), The Study of Ethnomusicology (rev. ed. 2005, 3rd edition to appear in 2015); and Nettl’s Elephant: On the History of Ethnomusicology (2010). He has served as president of the Society for Ethnomusicology and as editor of its journal, Ethnomusicology. Since 1990, he has held visiting professorships as Harvard University, the University of Chicago, Northwestern, Syracuse U., the U. of Washington, and other institutions. In 2012 he was named Charles Homer Hoskins Lecturer for 2012 by the American Council of Learned Societies.

Niall O’LOUGHLIN ([email protected]) je britanski muzikolog, ki je študiral na univerzah v Edinburgu in Leicesteru, kjer je tudi doktoriral. Dolga leta je predaval na univerzi v Loughboroughu ter raziskoval glasbo, ki je še posebej povezana s Slo- venijo. Pisal je gesla o slovenskih skladateljih za The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians ter članke o slovenski tematiki za Muzikološki zbornik, The Musical Ti- mes, Tempo, Musica-Realta`, Zvuk in De musica disserenda. Zadnjih 25 let sodeluje na muzikoloških simpozijih v okviru Slovenskih glasbenih dni; mnogi referati obdelujejo slovenske skladatelje in so bili v razširjeni obliki objavljeni v seriji simpozijskih poročil. Večkrat je za RTV Slovenijo in radio dajal intervjuje o slovenski glasbi. Njegovo knjigo Novejša glasba v Sloveniji je leta 2000 izdala Slovenska matica v Ljubljani. Za svoje del

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MZ_2015_1_FINAL.indd 248 13.5.2015 12:44:52 MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL LI/2 ona področju slovenske glasbe je leta 1978 prejel memorialno nagrado Donalda To- veya, ki jo podeljuje Univerza v Oxfordu, medtem ko ga je junija 2007 SAZU izvolila za svojega dopisnega člana. Niall O’LOUGHLIN ([email protected]) is a British musicologist who has studied at the Universities of Edinburgh and Leicester, where he received his doctorate. For many years he has lectured at Loughborough University, with his research closely involved with the music of Slovenia. He has written articles on Slovene composers for The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians and on Slovene topics for the journals Muzikološki zbornik, The Musical Times, Tempo, Musica-Realta`, Zvuk and De musica disserenda. Over the last twenty five years he has given papers at the musicological symposiums of Slovenski glasbeni dnevi in Ljubljana, many of them on Slovene composers, and published in expanded form in the series of books of the proceedings. On a number of occasions he has been interviewed on Slovenian Television and Radio on Slovene music. His book Novejša glasba v Sloveniji was published by Slovenska matica in Ljubljana in 2000. For his work on Slovenian music he was awarded the Donald Tovey Memorial Prize of the University of Oxford in 1978 and in June 2007 was elected a Corresponding Member of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts.

Nico SCHÜLER ([email protected]) je profesor glasbene teorije in muzikologije na univerzi Texas State University. Področja, ki ga najbolj zanimajo, so inter- disciplinarni vidiki sodobne glasbe, glasbenega zgodovinopisja, metode in metodo- logije glasbenega raziskovanja in računalniška aplikacija znotraj preučevanja glasbe. Dr. Schüler je urednik raziskovalne zbirke knjig Methodology of Music Research (New York: Peter Lang), urednik recenzirane revije South Central Music Bulletin, avtor in/ali urednik 21-ih knjig in avtor več kot 100-ih člankov. Njegova najnovejša knjiga je Compu- ter-Assisted Music Analysis (1950s–1970s) iz leta 2014. Nico SCHÜLER ([email protected]) is Professor of Music Theory and Mu- sicology at Texas State University. His main research interests are interdisciplinary aspects of modern music, music historiography, methods and methodology of music research, and computer applications in music research. Dr. Schüler is the editor of the research book series Methodology of Music Research (New York: Peter Lang), the editor of the peer-reviewed journal South Central Music Bulletin, the author and / or editor of 21 books, and the author of more than 100 articles. His most recent book is Computer-Assisted Music Analysis (1950s–1970s) (2014). E-Mail: nico.schul- [email protected].

Lubomír SPURNÝ ([email protected]) dela na Inštitutu za muzikologijo na Ma- sarykovi univerzi v Brnu. Njegovo preučevanje se osredinja na teorijo glasbe, estetiko in zgodovino 20. stoletja. Lubomír SPURNÝ ([email protected]) works at the Institut of Musicology, Masaryk University Brno. His research focuses on the music theory, aesthetics and history of the 20th century.

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Jasmina TALAM ([email protected]) je izredna profesorica etnomuzikologije in predstojnica Inštituta za muzikologijo na Akademiji za glasbo Univerze v Sa- rajevu v Bosni in Herzegovini. Njeno glavno področje akademskega preučevanja so ljudski inštrumenti v Bosni in Herzegovini. Je urednica ali sourednica nekaterih zbornikov (Music in Society, Maqām: Historical Traces and Present Practice in Southern European Music Traditions), članica uredništev (Muzika, Journal of Literature and Art Studies), članica programskega sveta Muzikološke družbe FB-H in predsednica Nacio- nalnega komiteja ICTM Bosne in Hercegovine. Jasmina TALAM ([email protected]) is Associate Professor of Ethnomusi- cology and Head of Institute for Musicology at Academy of Music, University of Sara- jevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina. Her primary areas of scholarly interest are folk musical instruments in Bosnia and Herzegovina. She is the editor/co-editor of a few collections of papers (Music in Society, Maqām: Historical Traces and Present Practice in Southern European Music Traditions), a member in editorial boards (Muzika, Journal of Litera- ture and Art Studies), a member of the Steering Committee of the Musicological Soci- ety FB-H and is the Chair of the ICTM National Committee for Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Jeff Todd TITON ([email protected]) je častni profesor za glasbo na Univerzi Brown, kjer je 27 let vodil doktorski program etnomuzikologije. Doktoriral je leta 1971 na Univerzi v Minnesoti, muzikologijo pa je študiral s Johannesom Riedlom in etnomuzikologijo s Alanom Kaganom. Zaslovel je s svojim pionirskim delom v fenomenološki etnografiji, uporabni etnomuzikologiji, ekomuzikologiji, njegove najnovejše delo pa povezuje glasbo s širšim kontekstom zvoka v naravi in z zgrajenim okoljem, prav tako pa se zavzema za skupnostni zven vseh živih bitij. Njegovemu trenutnemu raziskovanju lahko sledimo na blogu: http://sustainablemusic.blogspot.com Jeff Todd TITON ([email protected]) is emeritus professor of music, Brown University, where for 27 years he directed the doctoral program in ethnomusicology. He received the Ph.D. in 1971 from the University of Minnesota, studying musicology with Johannes Riedel and ethnomusicology with Alan Kagan. Known as a pioneer in phenomenological ethnography, applied ethnomusicology, and ecomusicology, his most recent work integrates music within the larger context of sound in the natural world and the built environment, and he has issued an appeal for a sound commons for all living creatures. His current research may be tracked on his blog at http://sustainablemusic.blogspot.com

John TYRRELL ([email protected]) je avtor biografije v dveh knjigah: Janáček: Years of a Life ( 2006–7) in knjige Czech Opera (1988), kot tudi drugih knjig, ki se veči- noma ukvarjajo z Janáčkom. Uredil je tudi dve Janáčkovi operi: brnsko verzijo Jenůfe (1996) in Iz hiše mrtvih (v pripravi). Podelili so mu tudi častna doktorata za njegovo delo o Janáčku in o česki glasbi (Masarykova univerza v Brnu – 2002 in Janáčkova Aka- demija performativnih umetnosti – 2011). John TYRRELL ([email protected]) is the author of the two-volume biography, Janáček: Years of a Life ( 2006–7), Czech Opera (1988) and other books mainly on Janáček and has edited two of Janáček’s operas: the ‘Brno 1908’ version of Jenůfa

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Michael WALTER ([email protected]) je študiral muzikologijo v Marburgu in Giessnu. Po opravljeni disertaciji (1985) je bil postdoktorski raziskovalec (DFG) na univerzi v Siegnu in docent na oddelku za historično antropologijo univerze v Stuttgar- tu. Po habilitaciji (1993) je predaval na univerzah v Bochumu in Bayreuthu. Od 2001 je professor muzikologije na graški univerzi in je tudi predaval na univerzah v Salzburgu, Innsbrucku in Ljubljani. Uredil je in bil sourednik številnih knjižnih izdaj, in je avtor vrste monografij: Osnove srednjeveške glasbe. Spisi – čas – proctor (1994), Hitler v operi. Nemško glasbeno življenje 1919–1945 (1995/2000), »Opera je norišnica«. Socialna zgodovina opere v 19. stoletju (1997), Richard Strauss in njegov čas (2000), Haydnove simfonije. Glasbeni vodič (2007). Objavil je mnogo člankov in knjižnih prispevkov s področja zgodovine srednjega veka, operne zgodovine, klasične glasbe, glasbe R. Stra- ussa ter glasbe in glasbenega življenja v prvi polovici 20. stoletja. Trenutno pripravlja knjigo o socialni zgodovini opera od 17. do 20. stoletja. Michael WALTER ([email protected]) studied musicology at the universities of Marburg and Giessen. After the completion of his dissertation (1985) he was postdoctoral research scholar (DFG) at the University of Siegen and assistant professor at the department of historical anthropology of the University of Stuttgart. After his habilitation (1993) he taught at the universities of Bochum and Bayreuth. Since 2001 he is professor of musicology at the University of Graz and has also taught at the Universities of Salzburg, Innsbruck and Ljubljana. He has edited and co-edited several books and is author of Grundlagen der Musik des Mittelalters. Schrift – Zeit – Raum (1994), Hitler in der Oper. Deutsches Musikleben 1919-1945 (1995/2000), »Die Oper ist ein Irrenhaus«. Sozialgeschichte der Oper im 19. Jahrhundert (1997), Richard Strauss und seine Zeit (2000), Haydns Sinfonien. Ein musikalischer Werkführer (2007). He has also published numerous articles and book contributions on the music history of the Middle Ages, the history of opera, classical music, Richard Strauss, and on music and musical life in the first half of the twentieth century. Currently he is working on a book on the social history of opera from the 17th to the 20th centuries.

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