Generating Captain Cook and Paul Kane into Published Authors: Case Studies of a Book History Model for Exploration and Travel Writing1

I.S. MacLaren*

Books are vital to explorers’ and travellers’ reputations. One thinks of such a consummate explorer and cartographer of North America as David Thompson (1770–1857), who did not manage to publish a book during his lifetime and long suffered in obscurity as a consequence, or of Meriwether Lewis (1774–1809) and William Clark (1770–1838), for whose explorations the generation of an official published account took fully seven years, extended beyond Lewis’s lifetime, and only occurred by dint of two editors’ efforts.2 It amounts to only a slight exaggeration to state that explorations or travels effectively were not complete until the book about them appeared. Many such books were themselves titled The Travels of …, or The Voyage of …, not always The Narrative of … The individuals themselves derived their authority from becoming the authors and first-person personae of a book as much as they did by prosecuting their expeditions, arduous though they might have been. Their movement through space and time was prelusive to the attainment of the notice if not fame that publication brought them. However, books published over the names

1 An earlier version of this paper was presented at the annual conference of the Society for the History of Authorship, Reading and Publishing, held in Montréal at the Bibliothèque et Archives nationales du Québec, Université de Sherbrooke (Longueuil campus), and McGill University, 7–10 July 2015. I gratefully acknowledge the ensuing discussion at the conference and, subsequently, two reviewers’ reports. * Professor Emeritus of history and of English at the University of Alberta, I.S. MacLaren studies world exploration and travel writing, the histories of Arctic exploration and of national parks around the world, and the literary history of early Canada, generally. 2 History of the Expedition under the Command of Captains Lewis and Clark to the Sources of the Missouri, thence across the Rocky Mountains and down the River Columbia to the Pacific Ocean. Performed during the Years 1804–5–6. By Order of the United States. Prepared for the Press by Paul Allen, [ed. Nicholas Biddle], 2 vols. (vol. 1, Philadelphia: Bradford and Inskeep; vol. 2, New York: pr. by J. Maxwell, 1814).

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of explorers and travellers wend their way into print by a route that is anything but what the straightforward generation of eyewitness- observer-equals-author routinely implies. Relying unquestioningly on the accuracy of these books’ authoritative presentation of the individuals themselves, as well as their assessments of people and places encountered, is a precarious enterprise and, if not invariably, makes for dubious scholarly practice. The processes by which eighteenth-century British explorer James Cook (1728–79) and nineteenth-century Irish-Canadian artist and traveller Paul Kane (1810–71) came into being as authors are comparable, not in terms of biography or even of literature, but rather in terms of the history of the book as far as their attainment of authority is concerned. Their books and others of exploration or travel may be considered in terms of a four-stage model comprising (i) field notes, log-books, or diary, written daily; (ii) retrospective journal, report, or letter written at the end of a journey or of a stage of a journey; (iii) draft manuscript, whether a preliminary or fair copy, or both; (iv) and printed book, including immediately subsequent printings, translations, pirated editions, and excerpts in compilations or periodicals. Analyzing travel writing with this model sheds light on the generation of authority, a matter of some importance when historic contact among cultures is at stake.3 Although the multi-stage model may have value for studies of exploration and travel writing, generally, it aims to provide focus on the heavy reliance by readers of history, geography, and ethnohistory on the authority of individual books published over the names of explorers and travellers, often one-time authors. Only by sifting the circumstances and materials of each of these often famous individuals can one determine, case by case, how well or precariously placed that reliance is.

1

Cook’s naval career had begun in the Atlantic Ocean and featured his charting of the St. Lawrence River to permit General James Wolfe

3 I.S. MacLaren, “In Consideration of the Evolution of Explorers and Travellers into Authors: A Model,” Studies in Travel Writing 15, no. 3 (Sept. 2011): 221–41. The model, an anatomy of the genre advanced in response to the repeated finding that exploration and travel writing resists study in broad terms, posits seven stages for books of exploration and travel prior to 1550, that is, the manuscript, pre-print-dominated era, and six for books after about 1600.

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(1727–59) to move boats upstream at night in summer 1759, and to take Québec and, effectively, all of New France in mid-September. By the time he was slain in Hawai’i twenty years later, Cook had had two volumes published over his name treating his first two of three voyages to the Pacific Ocean. The title page of the first acknowledges as the book’s writer John Hawkesworth (1715–1773), a seasoned editor, and a friend and collaborator of Johnson’s, having “drawn up” An Account of the Voyages … for Making Discoveries in the Southern Hemispheres (1773), a three-volume royal quarto, “from the Journals which were kept by the several Commanders [Byron, Wallis, Carteret, and Cook], and from the Papers of Joseph Banks.”4 Eagerly anticipated partly because of the discovery in Tahiti of a culture practising what appeared to be free love, the first edition of 2,000 sets sold quickly enough at the steep price of three guineas when it appeared 9 June 1773 that “a completely re-set second edition of 2,500 sets was published only two months later,”5 in fact, 3 August.6 Not all readers were pleased with Hawkesworth’s decision to assume the first-person voice, which masks his role in the main text and puts words in explorers’ mouths, or at least in their pens.7 Hawkesworth was offered six thousand pounds for the copyright to his work by the eminent publishers of the age, William Strahan and Thomas Cadell. It was “one of the most” if not the most “lucrative

4 John Hawkesworth, An Account of the Voyages undertaken by the Order of His Present Majesty for making Discoveries in the Southern Hemisphere, and successively performed by Commodore Byron, Captain Wallis, Captain Carteret, and Captain Cook, in the Dolphin, the Swallow, and the Endeavour, 3 vols. (London: pr. for W. Strahan and T. Cadell, 1773). Hawkesworth’s draft manuscript (stage three in the model) appears not to have survived. 5 Ronald L. Ravneberg, “The Hawkesworth Copy,” Cook’s Log 26, no. 1 (2003): 3. http://http://www.captaincooksociety.com/home/detail/the-hawkesworth-copy, accessed 25 July 2015. Ravneberg gauges the value of three guineas at US$225 in 2003. 6 Ronald L. Ravneberg, “Hawkesworth’s Copy: An Investigation into the Printer’s Copy Used for the Preparation of the Second Edition of John Hawkesworth’s 1773 Account of Captain Cook’s First Voyage,” typescript (26 Aug. 2008), ii; available in portable document format from Captain Cook Society at http:// www.captaincooksociety.com/home/detail/the-hawkesworth-copy#2, accessed 25 July 2015. 7 One slight qualification is that Hawkesworth puts his name to the work’s dedication, and it is there that he advances his immodest claim that “discoveries have been made” by Cook and his colleagues “far greater than those of all the navigators in the world collectively, from the expedition of Columbus to the present time.”

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literary contracts of the eighteenth century”;8 for instance, by contrast, Johnson had received £1,575 for his Dictionary. Several years later (2 April 1776), Boswell told Cook that Hawkesworth had “brewed ” the narrative.9 Cook was then an articulate cartographer but an inchoate writer. The book was known in some quarters as Hawkesworth’s Voyages, in others as (expedition naturalist Joseph) Banks’s Voyages, for Hawkesworth had created the voice of Cook using both the captain’s and Banks’s journals. Fascinated by the challenge of captivating the public with the “intractable novelty” of “unprecedented things” from the other side of the world, he represented Cook as a judicious, knowledgeable, virtuous, well-mannered agent of “civilized” Britain.10 Cook did not know as much. He had set sail for the Pacific again 13 July 1772. Not until the last months of that second voyage – long after Hawkesworth’s demise – did a copy of the book find its way to the explorer. Cook was miserable when he learned about its general reception, in part because Hawkesworth, a deist, had proposed that the salvific escape of HMS Endeavour from the Great Barrier Reef resulted not from God’s Providence but something else.11 The Wesley

8 Helen Wallis, “Publication of Cook’s Journals: Some New Sources and Assessments,” Pacific Studies l, no. 2 (Spring 1978): 163–94, on 165. “Paradoxically,” notes Wallis, “Hawkesworth’s literary reputation, which had been the equal almost of Dr. Johnson’s, was destroyed by the book which also preserved his name for posterity” (173). 9 James Boswell, The Journals of James Boswell, 1762–1795, selected and introd. John Wain (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994), 296; emphasis in the original. 10 The authorial challenge for Hawkesworth has received fine identification and analysis by Jonathan Lamb, “Circumstances Surrounding the Death of John Hawkesworth,” The South Pacific in the Eighteenth Century, Eighteenth Century Life 18, no. 3 (1994): 97–113, on 100. Dan O’Sullivan’s more recent discussion focuses on the extensive ramifications of Hawkesworth’s blending of Banks’s and Cook’s journals with moral reflections (In Search of Captain Cook: Exploring the Man through his own Words [London, New York: I.B. Tauris, 2008], 37–42). O’Sullivan also writes about discrepancies between journal and book in the third voyage’s narrative, where its ghost writer, Canon John Douglas, availed himself frequently of the journal of expedition naturalist and surgeon William Anderson (1750–78), who, expiring 3 August while the ships were headed to the Arctic pack ice for the first of two times, predeceased Cook by six months, but O’Sullivan neglects the first-stage log-books. 11 Hawkesworth, An Account of the Voyages, 1:xix–xxi; miscited in O’Sullivan, In Search, 249n2. When HMS Endeavour struck the wall of coral rock on the reef 11 June 1770, two remarkable events ensued: a large piece of coral lodged in much of the gash in the hull, thereby partially plugging the hole; and mercifully “little wind[,] fine weather[,] and a smooth sea” prevailed for the twenty-three

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brothers John (1703–91) and Charles (1707–88) and other divines, as well as the Bluestocking Elizabeth Montagu (1718–1800), were infuriated, chiefly because of their adherence to a widespread belief in personal Providence and thus the petitioning of God to intervene mercifully in an individual’s circumstances, a belief that Hawkesworth rejected not because he did not believe in God but because, he argued, such a belief belittles God and implies that His creation is imperfect. Whether as a result of the public outcry or not it remains impossible to say, but six months later (16 November 1773) and twenty months before Cook returned from the Pacific a second time, docking HMS Resolution and Adventure at Portsmouth 31 July 1775, Hawkesworth lay in his grave.12 In January 1776, the Admiralty assigned Cook a divine, Canon John Douglas (1727–1807), to “edit”/“ghost-write”/“ready for the press” the narrative of the navigator’s second Pacific voyage. Cook told him that he wanted this next book to be found “unexeptionable [sic] to the nicest readers.”13 Rendering it thus meant according a wide berth to inconclusive but bitter debates like the one over Providence. Douglas produced A Voyage towards the South Pole … Written by Captain James Cook in the first-person singular without a paid contract in order both to avoid the whiff of scandal and to skirt any of the envy that Hawkesworth’s arrangement had created. Lacking his name on the title page, it probably helped gain Douglas preferment to a bishopric. It appeared in a two-volume royal quarto in May 1777 at

hours that the ship spent stuck on the reef awaiting a high tide to dislodge it once its crew had jettisoned forty to fifty tons of its gear in an effort to lighten it. 12 J.C. Beaglehole, the editor of Cook’s journals, adjured his reader: whether or not Hawkesworth “died of chagrin, as was widely noised about, we have no real means of knowing” (Cook the Writer: The Sixth George Arnold Wood Memorial Lecture [Sydney: Sydney University Press, 1970], 11). A recent proponent of the long-held view that criticism of his edition “contributed to his rapid decline and death” is O’Sullivan, In Search, 37. 13 James Cook, letter to John Douglas, 10 Jan. 1776, British Library, Egerton MS 2180; qtd. J.C. Beaglehole, The Life of Captain James Cook (London: Hakluyt Society, 1974), 464. The oft-quoted passage of the letter reads in full as follows: The remarks you have made on Bits of loose paper, I find are very just. With respect to the Amours of my People at Otaheite & other places; I think it will not be necessary to mention them attall, unless it be by way of throwing a light on the Characters, or Customs of the People we are then among; and even than I would have it done in such a manner as might be unexeptionable to the nicest readers. In short my desire is that nothing indecent may appear in the whole book, and you cannot oblige me more than by pointing out whatever may appear to you as such.

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a price of two guineas.14 Cook never saw it. Nearly a full year before, 12 July 1776, he had set sail from Plymouth to prosecute his third voyage, the one that discovered Hawai’i, cruised the coasts of what are now British Columbia and Alaska, and was prevented by ice from sailing a “northwest passage” east across the top of North America or a “northeast passage” west across the top of Asia. It was also the voyage on which Cook met his death, St. Valentine’s Day 1779. Douglas was once again retained by the Admiralty. More than five years after Cook was killed during a skirmish on the beach of Kealakekua Bay (on the “Big Island” of Hawai’i), his Voyage to the Pacific Ocean appeared posthumously in London 14 June 1784.15 At the lofty price of £4 14s. 6d. each, all 2,000 sets of three royal quarto volumes and a folio atlas sold in three days.16 (See fig. 1.) “Five additional English editions were published that year alone and an additional 14 editions were printed by 1800.”17

14 [John Douglas, ed.], A Voyage towards the South Pole, and Round the World. Performed in His Majesty’s Ships the Resolution and Adventure, in the Years 1772, 1773, 1774 and 1775. Written by James Cook, Commander of the Resolution (London: printed for W. Strahan and T. Cadell, 1777). See J.C. Beaglehole, The Life of Captain James Cook (London: Hakluyt Society, 1974), 470–71. 15 [John Douglas, ed.], A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean. Undertaken, by the Command of His Majesty, for Making Discoveries in the Northern Hemisphere. To Determine the Position and Extent of the West Side of North America; its Distance from Asia; and the Practicability of a Northern Passage to Europe. Performed under the Direction of Captains Cook, Clerke, and Gore, in His Majesty’s Ships the Resolution and Discovery. In the Years 1776, 1777, 1778, 1779, and 1780, 3 vols. and atlas (London: pr. for W. and A. Strahan for G. Nicol and T. Cadell, 1784). 16 Sources disagree on both the length of time it took all copies to sell and the price at which they sold. See Beaglehole, Life, 464; Wallis, “Publication,” 188; and Rüdiger Joppien and Bernard Smith, The Art of Captain Cook’s Voyages, vol. 3, The Voyage of the Resolution and Discovery 1776–1780 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988), 168–69. 17 Daniel J. Slive, curator, “‘A Curious Variety of Mazes and Meanders’: the Voyages of Captain James Cook in the Global Eighteenth Century,” Dept. of Special Collections, Young Research Library, UCLA, Nov.-Dec. 1999; http:// unitproj.library.ucla.edu/special/cookmenu/cookcheck3.htm, accessed February 2013.

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Figure 1. A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean. Courtesy Bruce Peel Special Collections Library, University of Alberta.

If Douglas bristled at having his identity as ghost-writer revealed before his narrative of the third voyage appeared,18 he must have horripilated later in the decade or in the 1790s, when Cook’s star rose to the heights of a deity (see fig. 2), where no man had ever gone before, as it were, with sextant in hand and Enlightenment thought incarnate in maps of the world on which no dragons, no Strait of Anian or Southern Continent (he narrowly missed discovering it), and no northwest passage along North America’s west and north coasts imposed themselves.19 At some point during those two decades, Douglas told his autobiography, if not others, “The Public never knew, how much they owe to me in this work. The Capt’s M.S.S. was [sic] indeed attended to accurately, but I took more Liberties than I had done with his Acct of the second Voyage; and while I

18 The 18 January 1783 issue of the Morning Chronicle identified Douglas as the editor of the then forthcoming official narrative. Disliking how his role was identified, he wrote the next day to his friend and publisher William Strahan (1715–85), grousing at being “announced to the Public as employed in finishing grammatically Capt. Cook’s Voyage. After all my Care & Study to have my Name kept back, it equally mortifys & surprises me, to be thus made the sport of News Papers” (British Library, Egerton MS 2180, f.68; qtd. Wallis, “Publication”: 182; emphasis in original). 19 See Glyn Williams, The Death of Captain Cook: A Hero Made and Unmade (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008).

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faithfully represented the facts, I was less scrupulous in cloathing them with better Stile than fell to the usual Share of the Capt.”20 Douglas here draws attention to the process of generation, whereby a publisher’s reader/editor/ghost-writer creates a persona for the explorer or traveller. By Cook’s day, this practice, “readying books,” was sufficiently common as to go unstated with respect to a genre with so many one-time contributors.

Figure 2. Philippe Jacques de Loutherbourg, The Apotheosis of Captain Cook. 1794. Engraving from earlier design, with landscape references to John Webber. Courtesy National Library of Australia, 7678295–1.

20 John Douglas, “Autobiography” 1776–1796, British Library, Egerton MS 2181, ff.48-49v; qtd. J.C. Beaglehole, ed., The Journals of Captain James Cook on His Voyages of Discovery, 3 vols. in 4 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, for the Hakluyt Society, 1955–74), 3.1:cxcix; qtd. I.S. MacLaren, “Exploration/Travel Literature and the Evolution of the Author,” International Journal of Canadian Studies / Revue international des études canadiennes no. 5 (Spring/Printemps, 1992): 39–66, on 45; qtd. Williams, The Death of Captain Cook, 45.

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And what exactly did Douglas do by way of deploying “better Stile”? To take as an example21 Cook’s death, a day for which obviously there is no autograph log-book entry or retrospective journal account, historians now agree: as Gavin Kennedy22 argues, Cook had only himself to blame that Sunday morning for his own death, the deaths of four marines,23 and those of anywhere from seventeen to thirty Hawaiians.24 Kennedy concluded in 1978 that it was a “fatal confidence in the efficiency of a few musket-shots against any amount of Hawaiians” that doomed the first navigator of Europe.25 A quarter-century later, Nicholas Thomas concurred: “Cook, [Lieutenant Molesworth] Phillips [1755–1832], and just about every other participant in the voyage believed that Islanders would invariably retreat before gunfire.”26 “In reflecting on the whole miserable affair,” Glyn Williams wrote in 2008, Cook’s fellow captain, Charles Clerke (1741–79), whom tuberculosis would claim later in the voyage, “had no doubt that the crucial mistake was Cook’s decision to open fire, confident that this would disperse the crowd … Cook’s firm belief in the effectiveness of this ‘last resource,’ on this occasion at least, was ill-founded.”27 They all take their lead from Lieutenant James King (1750–84), who is heard to remark in Douglas’s Voyage to the Pacific Ocean that, “contrary to the expectations of every one, this sort of weapon [muskets] had produced no signs of terror in them [the Hawaiians].”28 Vanessa Collingridge, who adapted her

21 Other comparisons between stages of the text of the third voyage are conducted in MacLaren, “Exploration/Travel Literature”; Daniel Clayton, “Captain Cook’s Command of Knowledge and Space: Chronicles from Nootka Sound,” Captain Cook: Explorations and Reassessments, ed. Glyndwr Williams (Woodbridge, UK, and Rochester, NY: Boydell Press, 2004), 110–33; and MacLaren, “Captain Cook’s Alaskan Cruise: A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean (1784) and the Cook/King Journal as Literature,” Arctic Ambitions: Captain Cook and the Northwest Passage, ed. David Nicandri and James K. Barnett (Seattle: University of Washington Press, for the Anchorage Museum at Rasmuson Center, and the Washington State Historical Society, Tacoma, 2015), 231–61. 22 Kennedy, The Death of Captain Cook (London: Duckworth, 1978), esp. 49–50, 55. 23 The marines were Corporal Thomas, Theophilus Hinks, John Allen, and Thomas Fatchete (Kennedy, The Death of Captain Cook, 84). 24 [Douglas, ed.], A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, 3:70. 25 Kennedy, The Death of Captain Cook, 52. 26 Nicholas Thomas, Cook: The Extraordinary Voyages of Captain James Cook (New York: Walker, 2003), 392. 27 Williams, The Death of Captain Cook, 37, 38. 28 [Douglas, ed.], A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, 3:59.

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book, Captain Cook: The Life, Death, and Legacy of History’s Greatest Explorer (2003), into a four-part television series that aired first in 2007,29 put it more starkly: “What actually killed James Cook … was the belief that he could control every situation. That’s the tragedy of his death, his needless, pointless, stupid death.”30 (Tricolon invariably makes for stirring television.) Altogether, this view diverges from the one that Douglas published in 1784, assigning it in the first person to a fellow explorer: Our unfortunate Commander, the last time he was seen distinctly, was standing at the water’s edge, and calling out to the boats to cease firing, and to pull in. If it be true, as some of those who were present have imagined, that the marines and boat-men had fired without his orders, and that he was desirous of preventing any further bloodshed, it is not improbable, that his humanity, on this occasion, proved fatal, to him. For it was remarked, that whilst he faced the natives, none of them had offered him any violence, but that having turned about, to give his orders to the boats, he was stabbed in the back, and fell with his face into the water.31 Even though Douglas hedges the assertion by deploying aporia (“if it be true”), clearly, if implicitly, what killed the persona of Captain Cook was his own humanity, the accounts of the majority of the officers on the scene notwithstanding. Douglas had created a level-headed, humanitarian commander in the mode of an archetype that had been developed earlier in the century around George Anson (1697–1762), “a brave, humane, equal-minded, prudent commander, … his temper … so steady and unruffled that the men and officers [would] all look on him [Anson] with wonder and delight.”32 Cook thereby undergoes

29 Vanessa Collingridge, Captain Cook: The Life, Death, and Legacy of History’s Greatest Explorer (London: Ebury/Vintage, 2003); Captain Cook: Obsession and Discovery, written Vanessa Collingridge and Cam Eason, directed Wain Fimeri, Paul Rudd, and Matthew Thomason, produced Andrew Ferns, four episodes (Sydney: Australian Broadcasting Corporation, in association with Cook Films, Ferns Productions, South Pacific Pictures, and December Films Productions, 2007). 30 Vanessa Collingridge, “Northwest Passage,” Episode 4 of Captain Cook: Obsession and Discovery, 47th minute. 31 [Douglas, ed.], A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, 3:45–6. 32 The Universal Spectator (London), 25 Aug. 1744; reprinted in Documents relating to Anson’s Voyage Round the World, 1740–1744, ed. Glyndwr Williams (London: Navy Records Society, 1967), 242; qtd. Glyndwr Williams, “George Anson’s Voyage Round the World,” Princeton University Library Chronicle 54, no. 2 (Winter 2003): 288–312, on 296.

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metamorphosis as a published author, gaining greater authority as he receives “cloathing … with better Stile.” Two examples of the generation from Cook’s log-book to his journal and from his journal to Douglas’s edition indicate that both accretion and deletion occur in the process. When, in August 1778, Cook finds himself rebuffed by the ice pack on what is now Alaska’s north coast, he writes dramatically in his first-stage log-book that his ships are being squeezed between the ice and the shore:33 we found that the Ice had drifted near five leagues from half past two AM to noon. This was what I expected and most feared, and was not a little alarming, for we must inevitably be forced ashore, if we could not get without the Ice, and we had but a bad prospect as the wind was right in our teeth; the only chance we had was the ice taking the ground before us, for we had no reason to expect a harbour on so flat and shallow a coast as this.34 Compare that arresting narrative passage with the more staid description Cook wrote in the second-stage retrospective journal: “It was evident, if we remained much longer between it and the land it would force us ashore unless it should happen to take the ground before us.”35 When Douglas made his choice between the two (and perhaps other) versions available to him, he stuck with the unflappable journalist, a writer worried not to offend his reader, and so more formal, technical, nautical, and masterly, but also less immediate, less vulnerable, less engaged, and less engaging: “Our situation was now more and more critical. We were in shoal water, upon a lee shore; and the main body of the ice to windward, driving down upon us. It was evident, that, if we remained much longer between it and the land, it would force us ashore unless it should happen to take the ground before us.”36 As a consequence of Douglas’s choice, what had “alarm[ed]” the writer of the first stage of this account and thereby rendered him so endearingly human – “what I expected and most feared” – disappears by the published stage, displaced by the sangfroid of a great explorer’s published persona – or an explorer’s great published persona.

33 Surely, the circumstance must have reminded him of his plight earlier in the decade at Cape Tribulation, 11–18 June 1770, when he realized that the Great Barrier Reef was closing in on the east coast of Australia. 34 Beaglehole, ed., The Journals of Captain James Cook, 3:418n. 35 Beaglehole, ed., The Journal of Captain James Cook, 3:418. 36 [Douglas, ed.], A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, 2:456.

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An earlier example comes from entertaining, wittily presented detail that can be found only in Cook’s log-book. A portion of the entry for 30 June 1778 pertains to the Aleutian men’s “sort of bonnet, the front of which is like a scoop; it is made of wood hollowed out very thin; it hath no crown, but a circular hole to receive the head, for which reason one would think it designed to shade the face from the Sun, but as this luminary does not, I apprehend, often trouble them, I rather think it is intended to confine the hood of the upper garment close to the head.”37 Nothing as droll about the rain-soaked coast can be found in the retrospective journal’s treatment of the topic, which runs only thus: “some of them wear boots and all of them a kind of oval snouted Cap made of wood, with a rim to admet [sic] the head.”38 The published version shows Douglas willing to follow the dim lead of the second-stage narrative: “Some of them wear boots; and all of them have a kind of oval snouted cap, made of wood, with a rim to admit the head.”39 Douglas gave the world a Cook that was, time and again (if not invariably), disinterested bordering on uninterested, irreproachable, “unexeptionable.”

Figure 3. D.P. Dodd “and others who where [sic] on the Spot,” The Death of Captain James Cook, F.R.S. at Owhyhee in MDCCLXXIX. Engrvd. by T. Cook. A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean; Undertaken by Command of his Majesty, for Making Discoveries in the Northern Hemisphere … Being a copious, comprehensive, and satisfactory Abridgement of the Voyage …, 4 vols. (London: pr. for John Stockdale, Scatcherd and Whitaker, John Fielding, and John Hardy, 1784), after 3:198. Courtesy Bruce Peel Special Collections Library, University of Alberta.

37 Beaglehole, ed., The Journals of Captain James Cook, 3:459n. 38 Beaglehole, ed., The Journals of Captain James Cook, 3:459. 39 [Douglas, ed.], A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, 2:510.

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Figure 4. The Death of Captain Cook. Engrvd. by Francesco Barolozzi and William Byrne. After oil-on-canvas painting by John Webber. Courtesy Dixson Library, State Library of New South Wales, DL Pf6.

The four-stage process of textual generation in Cook’s case, from log-book entry to journal, then from journal with ghostwriter Douglas’s involvement to draft manuscript, and subsequently to printed book, can be roughly aligned with depictions of Cook’s death. According to narrative accounts written on site, Cook drowned after being stabbed. An early representation depicts him thus prostrate (see fig. 3), but subsequent portrayals bring him to his feet, erect in heroic pose, his back turned to his foes to appeal to his supporting cast out in the boats to cease fire. (See fig. 4.) This is the version that nourished the public’s imagination; based on the oil paintings by expedition artist John Webber (1751–93), the engraving by Italian etcher Francesco Bartolozzi (1727–1815) makes him more than “unexeptionable to the nicest readers”; he grows enlightened, worthy of being lauded by those who, with humanitarian abolitionist William Wilberforce (1759–1833) in the vanguard, would in a few short years champion the cause of the “dusky heathen.” It is then perhaps no wonder that, from upright and virtuous, Cook ultimately transcends the mortal coil in an apotheosis of him (see fig. 2) that theatre set designer Philippe Jacques de Loutherbourg (1740–1812) created in

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1794 after his sets helped make a success in 1785 of the pantomime Omai by John O’Keeffe (1747–1833). (Who can say what number ought to be applied to this stage of authorial generation?)40 As to other illustrations, which proceeded through the usual stages of composition analogous to many narratives, twenty-five engravers were retained to produce all the plates that the atlas for A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean comprised.41 It was a rich undertaking of a sort that the Royal Navy would deploy countless times in the nineteenth century during its unsuccessful search for a northwest passage.42 Weighty, lavishly illustrated tomes mitigated narrative accounts of failure and/ or disaster. Webber evolved his sketches into watercolours (second stage), from which, as in the death of Cook, painted oil-on-canvas versions emerged. Engravers then etched a fourth stage, which the printer published, uncoloured, in an elephant folio dwarfing the three quarto volumes of the narrative. (Although the atlas comprised more than seven dozen engravings, none has the death of Cook as its subject matter.)43 The generation of a narrative by which the explorer becomes an author seems particularly vexed in the case of Cook’s third voyage, and not just because he died. Cook was never more the writer than on his last voyage. He assiduously transformed log-book entries, usually

40 Loutherbourg’s work dates from 1794, the same year when, in a private letter to Rev. John Newton (1725–1807), of “Amazing Grace” fame, William Cowper (1731–1800) called into question Cook’s permitting himself to be worshipped while at Kealakekua Bay. However, apparently not until 1817 was that charge voiced publicly. Rev. George Young (1777–1848) deplored what Cook had allowed: “he was chargeable with a most glaring deviation from the line of duty, in permitting the inhabitants of Owhyhee to adore him as a god” (A History of Whitby and Streoneshalh Abbey; with a Statistical Survey of the Vicinity to the Distance of Twenty-Five Miles, 2 vols. [Whitby: pr. by Clark and Medd, 1817], 2:861). Presumably, then, not enough time had yet passed by 1794 that satire or even wit shaded or coloured the composition or reception of Loutherbourg’s apotheosis of Cook. 41 Joppien and Smith, The Art of Captain Cook’s Voyages, 162n, 163. 42 John Barrow (1764–1849), second (permanent) secretary of the Admiralty for much of the first half of the century, had his officers publish with his publisher- colleague John Murray II (1778–1843) lavishly illustrated quartos narrating their voyages of exploration. See I.S. MacLaren, “John Barrow’s Darling Project (1816–1846),” Arctic Exploration in the Nineteenth Century: Discovering the Northwest Passage, ed. Frédéric Regard (London: Pickering and Chatto, 2013), 19–36. 43 Robin Inglis provides an illuminating analysis of the expedition’s art along these lines. See “Encounters: View of the Indigenous People of Nootka Sound from the Cook Expedition Records,” Arctic Ambitions, 130–47.

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written every day on ship time (that is, with the day beginning at noon), to journal, all in the past tense, written in civil time (with the day beginning at midnight). But how much text he transcribed and rewrote is difficult now to know. Editor Douglas had access to journals that have long since disappeared. Williams has judged the disappearance “mysterious.”44 Whether it was Clerke who disposed of them before he himself expired, or someone else put them in a grave after Douglas had seen them remains anyone’s guess. As well, there is the matter of a narrative gap, for which Clerke is again often suspected of being responsible. As mentioned, Cook died 14 February 1779, yet, on 6 January, eleven days before the ships even moored in Kealakekua Bay, the only surviving copy of the retrospective journal (second stage) that Cook made it his policy to keep during his second and third voyages to the Pacific ends or, rather, stops. Entries in the journal for thirty-nine days, 6 January to 14 February, are thus left unwritten; meanwhile, entries in the log-book for the last twenty-nine of those thirty-nine days are absent. Do these absences reflect Cook’s normal lag time? It might be the case for the journal, although the amount of time is extraordinary; it can hardly be the case for the log-book, a genre that defines itself in terms of punctuality and the length of a naval watch, usually eight and sometimes six hours. In a log-book, a single day is a long time; hence the mystery.45

2

We do not know, and may never know, if the missing words were ever written, if they never reached England, or if they disappeared as a result of complotment by friends of Cook’s or of the Admiralty’s determination to protect and enhance his reputation. If words, words that could have burnished – or tarnished – the reputation of “the first navigator of Europe,” were destroyed, it may be that Cook’s reputation as an explorer was preserved at the cost of his authority as an author. What is certain is that our ignorance does not result from too few scholars seeking to solve the mystery. The case of Irish-Canadian artist-traveller Paul Kane marks the utter opposite.

44 Williams, The Death of Captain Cook, 2. 45 Williams, The Death of Captain Cook, 49, 50. Cook’s life as an author comes to an end two-thirds of the way down the second-to-last page of the book in which he wrote his journal, the last double-sided folio being blank (Williams, The Death of Captain Cook, Fig. 7 on 51).

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Wanderings of an Artist among the Indians of North America (see fig. 5) has attracted the attention of too few scholars with respect to its dependability as an eyewitness’s observations. A modest demy octavo, it appeared in London from Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans, and Roberts 25 February 1859,46 a fateful year in publishing, but, luckily for Kane, not a fateful month, for Wanderings appeared nine months before the world could read in book form, on 26 November, of the fate of arctic explorer Sir John Franklin (1786–1847) and his luckless crew or, on 10 December, could purchase Charles Darwin’s Origin of Species.47 Wanderings of an Artist resulted from what the extant historical documents suggest was a complicated process. What exactly occurred between the time of, on the one hand, Kane’s return with his field notes and his portrait and landscape logs to Toronto on 13 October 1848 and, on the other, the release of the book in London late in February 1859 remains difficult to discern. As to its subsequent evolution, Wanderings did not receive a second edition until 1925. Containing thirty-six notes, chiefly about people mentioned in the text, the Radisson Society edition of that year has an extensive, well-researched introduction, which focuses on many matters but not bibliography and book history, and not those ten and one- quarter years between Kane’s return and the book’s publication.48 Two

46 [Paul Kane], Wanderings of an Artist among the Indians of North America from Canada to Vancouver’s Island and Oregon through the Hudson’s Bay Company’s Territory and Back Again (London: Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans, and Roberts, 1859). For the day of publication, see advertisements published before and after the release date: “On Friday next,” Athenæum, no. 1634 (19 Feb. 1859), 243, and The Literary Gazette 2, no. 34 (19 Feb. 1859), 227; and “Now ready,” Athenæum, no. 1635 (26 Feb. 1859), 275. 47 Francis Leopold McClintock, The Voyage of the ‘Fox’ in the Arctic Seas: A Narrative of the Discovery of the Fate of Sir John Franklin and his Companions (London: John Murray, 1859); Charles Darwin, On the Origin of Species (London: John Murray, 1859). Murray issued McClintock’s book in octavo for sixteen shillings two weeks after he released Darwin’s octavo for fourteen (26 November; see “This Day. On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection,” Athenaæum, no. 1674 [26 Nov. 1859]: 693; and “Just ready. … Voyage of the ‘Fox’ in the Arctic Seas,” Examiner [London], no. 2706 [10 Dec. 1859]: 800). For a discussion of the release of Wanderings, including its sale price of twenty-one shillings, see I.S. MacLaren, “Paul Kane’s Wanderings of an Artist and the Rise of Transcontinental Canadian Nationalism,” Canadian Literature, no. 213 (Summer 2012): 16–38, on 19–23. 48 Wanderings of an Artist among the Indians of North America … By Paul Kane, ed. John W[illiam] Garvin, introd. Lawrence J. Burpee, Master-Works of Canadian Authors, vol. 7 (Toronto: Radisson Society, 1925).

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Figure 5. [Paul Kane], Wanderings of an Artist among the Indians of North America. Collection of the author.

facsimile reprintings of the second edition have appeared.49 In 1971, Russell Harper published a fresh edition of the book narrative in his Paul Kane’s Frontier.50 It includes valuable parenthetical references to Harper’s impressive catalogue raisonné of Kane’s pictorial output before, during, and after his travels. As well, Harper supplies 167 footnotes, some with bibliographical details. (An edition including reproductions of all Kane’s studio oils is scheduled to appear from the Royal Ontario Museum Press before the end of 2016.) All in all, though, for more than 150 years, Wanderings has been straightforwardly understood as entirely the work of Kane, numbering among the “master-works of Canadian authors,” as the the ill-fated

49 Wanderings of an Artist … By Paul Kane, additional introd. J[ames] G[rierson] MacGregor (Edmonton: Hurtig, 1968; Mineola, NY: Dover, 1996). 50 Paul Kane’s Frontier. Including Wanderings of an Artist among the Indians of North America, ed., with a biog. introd. and a catalogue raisonné J. Russell Harper, for the Amon Carter Museum, Fort Worth, and the National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa (Austin: University of Texas Press; Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1971) (hereafter, cited as Harper, ed., PKF).

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Radisson Society’s series of editions hailed it,51 and thus a significant record by an eyewitness to the native peoples and their lifeways in northern North America between Toronto and the Pacific Ocean during the 1840s, in many cases before settlement by Euro-North Americans overran them. Meanwhile, though, another version of Kane’s narrative has figured in a land claim involving the provincial government of British Columbia and the federal government of Canada against First Nations. In November 2006, a lawsuit by the Songhees and Esquimalt peoples of Vancouver Island was settled out of court in part because it was agreed that the autograph field writings (that is, those in Kane’s hand) were more authoritative than the book published over his name. Kane’s portrait log stipulates that “the Songeys numbar about 500. warurs[; they] live on the south end of vancouvers Island in the Straits of De Fukay.”52 Thus, it is known that, during his visit to Fort Victoria, which, according to his field notes,53 extended from 9 April to 2 June 1847, it was a Songhees village that greeted him on the shores of James Bay, Victoria’s inner harbour. That is where the British Columbia Parliament Buildings have been reposing since 1898. For whatever reason or because of whatever editorial interference/contribution/ correction/error, this information contradicts that published in the book, in which the land is occupied by a village of Klallam,54 a group that is for the most part now USAmerican, not Canadian, so not in this case entitled to claim land from the British Columbia or Canadian governments.55 Lawyers for these governments agreed that the eyewitness account, written in the traveller’s own hand, had a

51 Although it projected twenty-five titles, the “Master-Works” series managed to issue four: Wanderings, an edition of George Monro Grant’s Ocean to Ocean (both of which bear the date 1925 on the title page), Charles Mair’s Tecumseh (1926), and Alexander Mackenzie’s Voyages from Montreal (1927). (Dean Irvine’s “Editing Archives] Archiving Editions,” Journal of Canadian Studies 40, no. 2 [Spring 2006]: 183–215, on 204n3 disagrees with these dates.) In fact, the first, Wanderings, did not go on sale until January 1926 (“A Significant Event,” Canadian Bookman 8, no. 1 [Jan. 1926]: 2). 52 Paul Kane, portrait log and landscape log (1845–1848), Stark Museum of Art, Orange, Texas 11.85.4 (hereafter, SMA). 53 Paul Kane, field notes (1846–1848), SMA 11.85.5. 54 “On the opposite side of the harbour, facing the fort, stands a village of Clal-lums [sic] Indians. They boast of being able to turn out 500 warriors” (Wanderings, 209–10). 55 Not all Klallam live in US territory: several hundred dwell as the Scia’new First Nation or Becher/Beecher Bay Indian Band on southernmost Vancouver Island, east of Sooke, BC.

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worthier status than the book published long after Kane’s visit, even though it was published by the House of Longman, the longest-running publisher in the English language, in the irreproachable centre of all things known in the mid-nineteenth century.56 In part because of this agreement, in November 2006, the governments agreed to pay the Songhees and Esquimalt First Nations $31.5 million, what amounts to rent on the land where the legislature was built.57 So, the warrant is patent for attending to the other versions of Kane’s narrative than the repeatedly republished book. In Kane’s case, three stages of his narrative are extant. First, and the only stage in his own hand, are his field writings, which take the form of field notes and of logs of landscapes and portraits. These he kept in two breast-pocket-sized notebooks.58 (See figs. 6 and 7.) If there ever was one, no retrospective journal (second stage),59 written after

56 Although not in Kane’s hand, the draft manuscript (third stage) sides with the entry in the portrait log (first stage): on the “Opposite side of the harbor facing the Fort stands an Indian Village called the Saungess - it boasts of being able to turn out 500 warriors” (SMA, 11.85.2.C). The legal proceedings include Bouchard and Kennedy Research Consultants, Victoria, BC, “Aboriginal Affiliation of the James Bay Reserve,” prepared for Greg McDade, Q.C., Ratcliff & Co., North Vancouver, BC, Counsel for the Esquimalt and Songhees First Nations, 17 Apr. 2006 (copy, colln. Bouchard and Kennedy Research Consultants); Dorothy Kennedy, “Appendix C: The Presence of Clallam Visitors,” Bouchard and Kennedy, “Aboriginal Affiliation”; and Dorothy Kennedy, “Response to Dr. Leland Donald’s ‘Songhees’ Aboriginal Use and Occupancy,” 14 Aug. 2006 (colln. Bouchard and Kennedy Research Consultants, Victoria, BC). 57 CanWest News Service and The Canadian Press, “B.C. bands get $31.5M to drop claim. Deal settles dispute over land on which provincial legislature is built,” Edmonton Journal 19 Nov. 2006, A5; also http://www.canada.com/story. html?id=46f8ed28-7d7c-4960-9105-d1fe039295ae, accessed 11 June 2015. 58 SMA, 11.85.5 (field notes, 1846 to 1848) and 11.85.4 (portrait and landscape logs, 1846 to 1848, and field notes, 1845). 59 In terms of North American exploration and travel, examples of journals (second stage) now both published as books are the fair copies of the journal of the exploration expedition of 1836–39 by fur trader Peter Warren Dease (1788–1863) with Thomas Simpson (1808–40), which is held by the McCord Museum, Montreal, MCM M2714, and which was published as From Barrow to Boothia: The Arctic Journal of Chief Factor Peter Warren Dease, 1836–1839, ed. and annot. William Barr (Montréal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2002); and the journal of Walter Butler Cheadle (1836–1910) of his 1862–64 trip with William Wentworth-Fitzwilliam (Viscount Milton) (1839–77), now held by Library and Archives Canada (R700-0-4-E, 1935-125), which was published as Cheadle’s Journal of Trip [sic] across Canada 1862–1863, introd. and notes A.G. Doughty and Gustave Lanctot, The Canada Series, gen. ed. Frederick Philip Grove, vol. 1 (Ottawa: Graphic, 1931).

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Figure 6. Paul Kane, field notes, 1846 to 1848; pen and pencil on paper, bound in brown leather with brass clasp; 15.6 (height) × 8.3 (width) × 1.3 (thickness) cm; Stark Museum of Art, Orange, TX, 11.85.5.

Figure 7. Paul Kane, portrait log and landscape log, 1846 to 1848, and field notes, 1845; pen and pencil on paper; bound in brown leather with metal clasp; 12.4 × 8.3 × 1.6 cm; Stark Museum of Art, Orange, TX, 11.85.4.

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his return to Toronto or following legs of his journeys, has emerged. A draft manuscript (third stage) does exist, however. Considerably longer and more detailed than the field writings, it is contained in four larger, hardback, bound notebooks (see figs. 8–11)60 in two scribal hands, neither of them Kane’s, although some interlineations appear in his hand, and neither of them that of his wife, Harriet Peek Clench (1823–92).61 It is written entirely in the past tense; that is, it contains no sentences such as “we expect to cross on the horses,” an anticipation that concludes the stage-one field note for 4 November 1847, when Kane is on the southeast bank of Athabasca River near the mouth of Whirlpool River, in present-day Jasper National Park.62 It does, however, contain retrospective sentences, for example, a portion of the entry for 8 June 1846, when the westbound Hudson’s Bay Company brigade taking Kane between lakes Superior and Winnipeg was paddling down the Winnipeg River: “We passed to day a Catholic Missionary station called ‘Wabassemmung’ (or White dog), which on my return two years + a half afterwards I found deserted.”63

60 [Paul Kane], draft manuscript, SMA 11.85.2.A, 11.85.2.B, 11.85.2.C, and 11.85.3. 61 Harper was the first to assert that the draft manuscript was written in a single hand, and that it is Harriet’s (PKF, [48]), but in 1995 handwriting analyst Janet F. Masson rejected his assertion (Letter and Report to Bruce Eldredge, Director, SMA, 31 Aug. 1995; SMA, Kane file). She did so after comparing the two hands in the draft manuscript with the handwriting, known to be Harriet’s, in three documents: “Catalogue of Sketches of Indians, and Indian Chiefs, Landscapes, Dances, Costumes, &c. &c. By Paul Kane, Toronto, November, 1848,” Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto (hereafter, ROM) ROM92 ETH 42–50, a letter dated 3 Oct. 1884 from Harriet to her mother (colln. Jessie J. Lowe, Ninette, MB), and “A List of Pictures Sent to Mr G. W. Allan, March 6, 1856” (ROM, no accession no.; rptd. Harper, ed., PKF, 320–21). 62 There is no corresponding sentence at this juncture in either the draft manuscript (SMA 11.85.2.C) or Wanderings (343). 63 Draft manuscript, SMA 11.85.2.C. The mission goes unmentioned at this point in the field writings. Wanderings presents the information differently and slightly awkwardly: “We passed to-day the deserted Catholic mission called Wabe- samung, ‘White Dog,’ from the name of the portage next above it. This was established by Mr. Belcour, a Catholic priest, but he had left it the year before, as he found there was not enough of land near it that would pay for cultivation” (446).

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Figure 8. [Paul Kane], draft manuscript of Wanderings of an Artist among the Indians of North America, after 1848 [narrative covers 17 June to 1 December 1845, and 9 May to 1 July 1846]; pen and ink on paper, bound with tan leather spine; 21.0 × 17.1 × 1.9 cm. Courtesy Stark Museum of Art, Orange, TX, 11.85.2.A.

Figure 9. [Paul Kane], draft manuscript of Wanderings of an Artist among the Indians of North America, after 1848 [narrative covers 9 May to 6 October 1846]; pen and ink on paper, bound with tan leather spine and corners with marbled paper; 20.6 × 17.1 × 1.6 cm. Courtesy Stark Museum of Art, Orange, TX, 11.85.2.B.

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Figure 10. [Paul Kane], draft manuscript of Wanderings of an Artist among the Indians of North America, after 1848 [narrative covers 7 October 1846 to 12 September 1848]; pen and ink on paper, bound with tan leather spine and corners with marbled paper; 20.6 × 16.8 × 1.6 cm. Courtesy Stark Museum of Art, Orange, TX, 11.85.2.C.

Figure 11. [Paul Kane], draft manuscript of Wanderings of an Artist among the Indians of North America, after 1848 [content covers June 1845 to September 1848]; pen and ink on paper, bound with tan leather spine and corners with marbled paper; 21.0 × 17.5 × 1.9 cm. Courtesy Stark Museum of Art, Orange, TX, 11.85.3.

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The next extant stage is the fourth, the published book. Having but a single English-language edition in the nineteenth century, Wanderings is not known to have been pirated by a US publisher, possibly because, embedded in pages containing text, the thirteen woodcut engravings by Robert Edward Branston (1805–77)64 would have been costly to reproduce and/or their deletion would have required altering text and page numbers throughout. But the re-setting of text apparently did not impose a prohibitive cost in the case of other titles in Kane’s day.65 Besides, woodcuts, because their process – relief rather than intaglio – is identical to printing from set type, could have been reproduced reasonably by contrast with illustrations prepared by either etching, an intaglio process, or lithography/chromolithography, a planographic process. Three translations of the English first edition appeared in French, German (containing four of the eight lithographs in the English edition), and Danish; none of these are known to have had a second printing or edition.66

64 Although his name does not appear in Wanderings under the line engravings, Branston’s surname does occur in one of the publisher’s miscellaneous expense books. An entry shows that he received £34 11s. 0d. for his work on the woodcut engravings for Wanderings (Longman Miscellaneous Publication Expenses Ledger, Longman Archive, MS 1393 1/C3, 172, Museum of English Rural Life, University of Reading). 65 For example, Narrative of a Journey round the World during the Years 1841 and 1842. By Sir George Simpson [ed. Edward Martin Hopkins, Archibald Barclay, Adam Thom, and Manley Hopkins], 2 vols. (London: Henry Colburn, 1847). The first volume contains a map and 438 pages of text; the second 469 pages. (Some copies of the first volume lack the single-paragraph preface.) An overland Journey round the World, during the Years 1841 and 1842. By Sir George Simpson, Governor-in-Chief of the Hudson’s Bay Company’s Territories (Philadelphia: Lea and Blanchard, 1847). A single volume, An Overland Journey contains a “Preface to the American Edition” and two parts. “Part I” contains 273 pages of text and “Part II,” beginning, for some reason, at page 17, extends to a page numbered 230. 66 Édouard Delessert, transl., Les Indiens de la Baie d’Hudson. Promenades d’un Artist parmi Les Indiens de l’Amérique du Nord depuis Le Canada jusqu’a [sic] l’Île de Vancouver et L’Orégon a [sic] travers le Territoire de la Compagnie de la Baie d’Hudson (Paris: Amyot, 1861); Luise Hauthal (née Velthusen), transl., Wanderungen eines Künstlers unter den Indianern Nordamerika’s von Canada nach der Vancouver’s-Insel und nach Oregon durch das Gebeit der Hudsons-Bay- Gesellschaft und zurück (Leipzig: Matthes, 1862); I.K., transl., En Kunstners Vandringer blandt Indianerne i Nordamerika: fra Canada til Vancouvers ø og Oregon gjennem Hudsons-Bai-Kompagniets Territorium og tilbage igjen (Copenhagen: F. H. Gibes, 1863).

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Taken together, these three surviving versions of Kane’s narrative continue to pose a bewildering challenge. Even just a single passage that permits comparison of the model’s first, third, and fourth stages is instructive. By June 1846, Kane had reached Upper Fort Garry, now Winnipeg. From there he decided to try to catch up with the recently departed spring buffalo hunt, which Métis had initiated in about 1820 and during each year of which they killed about 250,000 bison. (The annual fall hunt harvested about as many.) Kane found one of three hunting parties on the banks of the Pembina River. His field notes at that point read thus: the 21th we layd by all this day as it was Sunday 22 They camp broke up this morning made a cetch of it, with they manner of cetching a refracktey horse 23d Viseted the dry da= =nce mounten the In =dans before they gow out on a ware excu =rtion they dance here for 3 days and nights with out eating or drinking all that if they can stand it go out with they partey all that can not remane at with they campt67 While aspects of the account will be discussed momentarily, it may be noted here that the one or more sketches of the camp and the horse that the field notes mention have not been located. The next stage is the third, the draft manuscript. In it, the reader encounters a bewildering number of changes and three variants. In all three, there emerge complete sentences and rather more sense at the cost of Kane’s

67 Paul Kane, field notes (1846–1848), SMA 11.85.5; line breaks in the original are retained.

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own fist, his inimitable spelling, and even his turns of phrase (such as “if they can stand it” / “all that can stand it”): June 21st We laid by the whole of this day on account of its being Sunday, a day they usually observe with due decorum June 22nd Our camp broke up this morning, presen- ting a most extraordinary spectacle the carts, nearly 600 in number winding off for miles in the dis- tance, filled chiefly by women + children – the men all on horseback adding greatly to the picturesque interest of the scene – Sketch No 38 June 23rd We visited this morning the “Dry-dance Mountain” where the Indians before they go out on a war excursion have a custom of dancing for three days + three nights without eating or drinking – this they perform from a belief that those who are found unequal to the endurance of this fatigue + abstinence are doomed to be unsuccessful in the contest – and such are therefore left behind –68 From 16 through 26 June according to the dates given in the field notes, the draft manuscript’s versions attain a textual complexity not found in any other portion of the third-stage narrative. These versions cover the events of eleven days, from the Tuesday when Kane arrives at Upper Fort Garry to the following Friday when he was thrown from his mount after, surprised by the sudden appearance of a buffalo bull emerging from behind a knoll, the horse plunged into a “badger hole.” The first hardback book of the draft manuscript (11.85.2.A) contains two versions of these eleven days’ events, one coming right after the other. The unidentified hand that begins writing in this book in ink ceases in mid-word (“sur,” for surprised69) three-quarters of the way down a page, and the next page, which reverts from the buffalo hunt to introduce the Red River settlement again,70 is the first one written by the draft manuscript’s second hand, also unidentified, also written in ink.71 Altogether, twelve pages of this first hardback book of the

68 Draft manuscript, SMA 11.85.2.A; line breaks in the original have been retained. 69 See Wanderings, 87. 70 See Wanderings, 73. 71 Of the four hardback bound books held at SMA, the first (SMA 11.85.2.A) begins with Kane’s departure from Toronto 17 June 1845 and extends beyond

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draft manuscript, pages originally numbered 77 through 88, have their content struck out, and the overlap of the eleven days’ events follows on a little more than seventeen pages, numbered 78 through 94 (although the page numbers themselves, and for that matter all the subsequent page numbers in the first hardback book, are struck out in graphite). The first version of the 16–26 June account, quoted above, is struck out with a single line diagonally through the page. The second is not; however, it alone has strikeouts in graphite of single or several words and with interlineations in graphite in Kane’s hand. In terms of the wording covering 21–23 June, the days quoted above from the field notes (first stage), these interlineations by Kane constitute changes both minor, as in the addition of a definite article or the alteration of punctuation, and major, as in the addition of the phrase “of the singular cavalcade” that the hunters on horses and their families in Red River carts present to the eye of Kane’s persona, which is evolving in its authoritative tone. The draft manuscript’s second version reads thus, with Kane’s interlineations shown in brackets and interlineations written in ink in the second hand shown in parentheses: I was received by the band with [^the] greatest cordiality. they numbered about 200 [^two hundred] hunters[,] besides women and children. who [^They] (^live) during these hunting excursions in lodges formed of dressed Buffalo hides. they are always accompanied with ennumerable (^by) [^an immense number of] dogs, who

the Métis buffalo hunt in June 1846 to the discussion of liquor prohibition in the United States, which topic ends the seventh chapter of Wanderings (98). The second (SMA 11.85.2.B) begins with Kane’s departure from Toronto 9 May 1846 (the beginning of the third chapter of Wanderings [42]) and extends to his arrival at and departure from Fort Edmonton 6 October 1846, which brings the book’s reader up to the mention of Sturgeon Creek (in today’s St. Albert, AB) on the second page of its eleventh chapter (Wanderings, 143). The third (SMA 11.85.2.C) narrates travels that occurred between 6 October 1846 and 12 September 1848, when the eastbound Kane may be found one day’s travel east of Rainy Lake, ON, one month and one day shy of his arrival back in Toronto on 13 October (a date given only in a letter by Kane [but not in his hand] to Sir George Simpson dated 22 October 1848 [Hudson’s Bay Company Archives, Archives of Manitoba, D.5/23, fos. 125–125d]). The fourth book (SMA 11.85.3) uses eighteen pages to narrate again Kane’s travels from 17 June to 1 December 1845; thereafter, the book is filled with notes about some of the people and places that Kane sketched both on that six-month trip in 1845 and on his subsequent one, which lasted about thirty months, from early May 1846 to mid-October 1848.

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follow them from the settlements for the purpose of feeding on the offal and remains of the slain Buffalo – these dogs are very like wolves both in appearance and disposition, and no doubt are a cross breed between the wolf and dog. (^A great many of them) they acknowledge no particular master and are sometimes dangerous in times of scarcity. I have [^myself] known themselves myself to attack the horses and eat them. our camp broke up on the following morning: and proceeded on their rout to the open plains. the carts containing the woman [sic] and children, [and each decorated] with some flag or [^other conspicuous] emblem. stuck up on a pole[,] so that the hunters might recognize their own from a distance[;] woound [sic] off in one continuous line extending for miles[,] accompanied by the hunters on horseback. – d[D]uring the forenoon whilst the line [^of mounted Hunters and carts] were wending round the margins of a small lake I took the opportunity of making [^a] Scetch_No [^of the singular cavalcade.] The following day we passed the Dry dance Mountain[,]where the Indians before going on a war excursion (^party) have a custom of dancing and fasting for three days and nights -[.] t[T]his done by [^practise] is always observed by young warriors going to battle for the first time – to accustom them to the privations and fatigues which they must expect and endure to undergo[,] and to prove their strenght [sic] + endurane [sic]. should any sink under the fatigue and fasting of this ceremony, they are invarably [sic] sent back to the camp – with the women and childrein [sic].72

72 Draft manuscript, SMA 11.85.2.A; line breaks in the original are retained, with overly long lines presented in the customary manner.

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As will be seen momentarily, almost all the details added by this second version appear in the fourth stage of the narrative, Wanderings. These include the number of hunters; the lodges they erect while on a hunting trip; the dogs and all details about them; the flags or other emblems fastened to the carts; the awkward shift from first to third person in the “our camp … their route” sentence; the sight of “the singular cavalcade” wending off in one continuous line extending for miles, hunters on horseback, their families in carts; the “small lake”; the substitution of “fasting” for the ampler wording, “without eating or drinking”; and the harsher-sounding sentence pronounced on those who do not succeed in the fast and dance, that is, “sent back” to “the women and children” rather than “left behind,” and sent back only because they could not complete the initiation, not because, given that failure, they were deemed to be “doomed” to failure once the hunt began. Moreover, the book elides the same details that this second version subtracts from the first: the daily dates, observation of the Sabbath, the number of carts, and the sketch number (“Sketch No 38”). The account has undergone transformation to an extent that can only be regarded as substantive. Yet, a third version exists in the draft manuscript, and it reverses much of the change that the second effected. The third version occurs in the second (11.85.2.B) of the four books and, like the second version in the first of four books, appears in the hand of the writer who takes over 11.85.2.A. It begins under the date 20 June, when the artist arrived “at the Pambenaw river,” where the Métis gave him “a very cordial reception”: MayJune 21st We laid by the whole of this day on account of its being Sunday, a day they usually observe with due decorum MayJune 22nd Our camp broke up this morning, presen- ting a most extraordinary spectacle the carts, nearly 600 in number winding off for miles in the dis- tance, filled chiefly by women + children – the men all on horseback adding greatly to the picturesque interest of the scene – Sketch No 38 MayJune 23rd We visited this morning the “Dry-dance Mountain” where the Indians before they go out on a war excursion have a custom of dancing for three days + three nights without eating or drinking – this they perform from a belief that those who are found unequal to the endurance

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of this fatigue + abstinence are doomed to be unsuccessful in the contest – and such are therefore left behind73 The daily dates reappear in this version, corrected from May to June in ink, as does the Métis’ observance of the Sabbath. The number of hunters does not reappear, but the number of carts does. Meanwhile, the “singular cavalcade” rides out of the text, replaced by a “scene” endued for the first time with “picturesque interest,” if not with the margins of a small lake. Those failing the three-day ceremony are once again only “left behind,” not sent back, but the first version’s inference that they “are doomed to be unsuccessful in the contest” is once again drawn. No interlineations occur in Kane’s hand, and yet surely this is a subsequent version to the second; after all, the two versions in the first book occur in a narrative that begins in June 1845, while this third version, in the second book (11.85.2.B), forms part of a narrative that begins in May 1846 in the hand of the writer that took over the first book and completed the narrative as far as it extends, all the way to 12 September 1848. The last words of this second book furnish further evidence regarding the order of composition because they form the beginning of a sentence completed in the same hand at the beginning of the third hardback book (that is, 11.85.2.C). Although one must allow for the remote possibility that the narrative that begins in May 1846 and takes its reader to September 1848 (that is, 11.85.2.B and 11.85.2.C) pre-dates the one that begins in June 1845 and halts in the middle of the buffalo hunt only one year later (that is, 11.85.2.A), the evidence of the alteration in handwriting would seem to argue against it. However, that inference leaves one with the puzzle that, arranged in the order presented here, the last of the three versions does not most nearly approximate the text of the fourth stage, the one familiar to readers of Wanderings. Of the three versions in the draft manuscript, the second, the one written in the second hand but with Kane’s interlineations in it, most nearly resembles the passage in Wanderings, which follows: I was received by the band with the greatest cordiality. They numbered about two hundred hunters, besides women and children. They live, during these hunting excursions, in lodges

73 Draft manuscript, SMA 11.85.2.B; line breaks in the original are retained.

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formed of dressed buffalo skins. They are always accompanied by an immense number of dogs, which follow them from the settlements for the purpose of feeding on the offal and remains of the slain buffaloes. These dogs are very like wolves, both in appearance and disposition, and no doubt, a cross breed between the wolf and dog. A great many of them acknowledge no particular master, and are sometimes dangerous in times of scarcity. I have myself known them to attack the horses and eat them. Our camp broke up on the following morning, and proceeded on their route to the open plains. The carts containing the women and children, and each decorated with some flag, or other conspicuous emblem, on a pole, so that the hunters might recognise their own from a distance, wound off in one continuous line, extending for miles, accompanied by the hunters on horseback. During the forenoon, whilst the line of mounted hunters and carts were winding round the margin of a small lake, I took the opportunity of making a sketch of the singular cavalcade. The following day we passed the Dry Dance Mountain, where the Indians, before going on a war party, have a custom of dancing and fasting for three days and nights. This practice is always observed by young warriors going to battle for the first time, to accustom them to the privations and fatigues which they must expect to undergo, and to prove their strength and endurance. Should any sink under the fatigue and fasting of this ceremony, they are invariably sent back to the camp where the women and children remain.74 As is the case in only the second version of the draft manuscript, Wanderings does not provide the number of carts, but the “singular cavalcade” rides back into the text; Wanderings excises the dates and the sketch number, but the lake resurfaces; and the dogs attract attention, but the Métis’ observance of the Sabbath does not.75 The

74 Wanderings, 79–80. The book also introduces paragraph breaks, chapters, and both chapter synopses and running headers in caps atop the rectos, “canine camp-followers” being the one for this passage (Wanderings, 79). 75 As to the last of these discrepancies, does the elision render the savagery of the Métis unqualified? In fact, besides not working or travelling on the Sabbath during a hunt, Métis in the 1840s routinely took a Roman Catholic priest with them, to have him pray for them. (On both the Fall 1845 and Spring 1846 hunts, the accompanying priest was Georges-Antoine Belcourt [1803–74] [James Michael Reardon, George Anthony Belcourt: Pioneer Catholic Missionary of the Northwest, 1803–1874 (St. Paul, MN: North Central Publishing, 1955), 73].) Métis regarded prayer as needful because buffalo hunting was dangerous work, partly because bison, being wild, were unpredictable, partly because gopher/badger holes could kill a horse and rider, partly because, by the mid-1840s, the hunt

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proximity of the published version to the second, not the third, of three draft-manuscript versions, together with the resemblance of the other two draft-manuscript versions to each other, is bemusing. It seems that the base text ought to have been the last of the three, but, if all three existed when he wrote his interlineations, Kane did not choose it. And why the version he did choose to edit loses its function of correcting the first because it does not influence the content of the third, only exacerbates one’s bemusement. Moreover, who – was it Kane, or someone else, who had full editorial control or, alternatively, over whose shoulder Kane supervised the editing? – ignored the third version? Did that person know of the existence of all three? Who, one is left wondering, wanders most: Kane, an unknown writer, or those of us left to interpret the extant remains? Turning to the greatest alterations, those between the eyewitness’s field notes and the book, one readily notices a cumulative difference that is stark; yet, with Kane’s interlineations in the second version of the draft manuscript seemingly approving them, the alterations presumably do not misrepresent the artist’s wishes. The platoon of canines (to which the published persona of Kane elsewhere – and notably often – expresses a great aversion) and the obloquy against them displaces the “refracktey horse” that, depending upon how one reads the field note, was the subject of one of his sketches.76 Following

succeeded most when conducted in the no-man’s land – now the northern part of North Dakota – that in the 1840s Dakota Sioux and Nakota Sioux were claiming in opposition to both Métis and the Saulteaux (Plains Ojibwe/Chippewa) who usually accompanied the Métis on their hunts. Interactions often turned and always threatened to turn violent; hence the preparations as if the hunt were a battle. The elision of this particular detail regarding the Sabbath and the neglect by Kane to mention a priest’s presence are of concern in extra-bibliographical respects. Also, in Spring 1846, because epidemics of measles, influenza, and the gastroenteritis that the nineteenth century called the bloody flux raged in Red River and its environs (indeed, the man who guided Kane back to Upper Fort Garry from the buffalo hunt died shortly after reaching that post), Métis more than desired, they “insisted that he [Belcourt] accompany them on the summer hunt” (Reardon, George Anthony Belcourt, 73). 76 Mention of the sketch numbered thirty-eight in the first and third versions in the draft manuscript, which is in Kane’s hand both times, disappears from the book. Examining his portrait log and landscape log (1845–1848) (SMA 11.85.4), one wonders if Kane hoped for a greater number of illustrations in his book than the twenty-one it has. Meanwhile, the number does not accord with the number of sketches he records as having made up to June 1846. Even if the sequence includes sketches from the trip made in 1845, the narrative of which starts the draft manuscript in 11.85.2.A, the number does not approach

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the second version of the draft manuscript’s account, the subject of the book’s sketch becomes a flag- or other emblem-bedecked “singular cavalcade” rather than either the encampment in the Pembina River valley or the horse.77 The book retains the second version of the draft manuscript’s more patronizing tone in stating that the young warriors who fail to fast and dance for three days (no longer, apparently, are they forbidden from slaking their thirst) are “sent back” among “the women and children.” They are those who, to paraphrase the field note, can’t stand it. It could well be that the Métis men in camp played a vital role in protecting the women and children from Sioux raiders, but the third and fourth stages allow for nothing of the sort because of the implication of punishment that they mete out. Meanwhile trotting away in all but the field note is Kane’s spelling, which one comes, albeit only in time, to regard as charming (for example, the risible note sounded by the rendering of sketch as “cetch” and of catching as “cetching”). Similarly, the turn of phrase that adds colour to the persona of Kane’s field notes in calling the hunt a “ware excurtion,” which the first draft-manuscript version honours, is vitiated into a regular party in the second draft-manuscript version and in the book. As to distancing the persona of Kane from the trip and hunt, the draft manuscript and book both, it has already been mentioned, switch awkwardly within one sentence from the first person – “Our camp” – to the third – “their route.”

thirty-eight. To add to the uncertainty, one needs also to note that in Kane’s portrait and landscape logs the number thirty-eight does not correspond to a work depicting an encampment or a horse. 77 The whereabouts of a sketch depicting the hunters travelling is today unknown unless it is any of three very preliminary, uncoloured graphite outlines, which all appear only to be aides-mémoire (ROM 946.15.69, Harper, ed., PKF, catalogue raisonné [hereafter, CR] IV-63, reproduced twice in Kenneth R. Lister, ed., Paul Kane the Artist: Wilderness to Studio [Toronto: ROM, 2010] [hereafter, Lister, ed., PKtA], 130 and 224; ROM 946.15.76, Harper, ed., PKF, CR IV-64, not reproduced in Lister, ed., PKtA; and ROM 946.15.77, Harper, ed., PKF, CR IV-70, reproduced in Lister, ed., PKtA, 224), and which surely Kane would have finished, as he did no fewer than four depictions of a Métis encampment (SMA 31.78.117, Harper, ed., PKF, CR IV-65; Art Gallery of Ontario 103726, lacking from the CR of Harper, ed., PKF, reproduced in Lister, ed., PKtA, 222; ROM 946.15.70, Harper, ed., PKF, CR IV-69, reproduced in Lister, ed., PKtA, 222; and ROM 946.15.72, Harper, ed., PKF, CR IV-67, reproduced in Lister, ed., PKtA, 222) before promulgating any of them as an illustration for even the draft manuscript. Kane painted a studio oil-on-canvas work, a composite of these drawings, for his patron, George William Allan (1822–1901) (ROM 912.1.24, Harper, ed., PKF, CR IV-68, reproduced in Lister, ed., PKtA, 225).

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One wonders if justice can be done to the substantive textual changes among these stages of the narrative. Even if the itinerary remains intact, the published version has journeyed far from the field note, and the draft manuscript’s three versions indicate better than any other point in the narrative how the third stage fitfully evolved some time before May 1855 (a matter that will receive discussion momentarily), and how it involved Kane and two other writers even before landing up in London on the desk of a “reader” at the House of Longman. Where the role played by Kane the “author” ends and someone else takes it up remains difficult to identify. Even if one has not, to the author’s knowledge, been attempted in editions of exploration and travel writing, this case warrants a three-columned edition, with the field writings and draft manuscript presented so that the order of their contents match that of the base text of the first edition of Wanderings, it being the logical choice as base text only because it is widely known. However, there is need also for transcriptions in their continuous entirety of the field writings and of the draft manuscript, for no editor could anticipate the needs of scholars to locate any particular passage of the field writings or draft manuscript in terms of the text that precedes and succeeds it in the original of the first- and third-stage narratives. Perturbations raised by the texts in this passage for June 1846 are not allayed by the addition of the painter’s visual account, which Kane often failed to record with specificity. In the case of this field note, an undocumented, unidentified Dry Dance Mountain in the only field sketch that appears to relate to this passage rises modestly from the bare prairies (see fig. 12), as it does today from comparatively vegetation-rich farmland (see fig. 13). No studio oil-on-canvas painting or engraving of this scene is known to exist, but the finished watercolour, reproduced here, appeared as “Pambino River,” number 233 in Kane’s exhibition, which he opened in Toronto 9 November 1848, less than a month after his return, and at which apparently he was present daily for the nine or ten days that he kept it open.78 (The

78 The number 233 appears, like all numbers corresponding to the exhibition catalogue, in the middle of the verso, in graphite, and in Kane’s hand. The spelling of the title may be found both on the ninth page of Harriet Peek Clench’s manuscript catalogue (ROM 92ETH45) and in the printed version (Catalogue of Sketches of Indians, and Indian Chiefs, Landscapes, Dances, Costumes, &c. &c. by Paul Kane [Toronto: pr. for Scobie and Balfour, 1848], 8). The rising land was first identified as Dry Dance Mountain by David Alexander Stewart (1874–1937), a Winnipeg teacher, Presbyterian minister, physician, and amateur historian

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Figure 12. Paul Kane, Pembina River. 1846, watercolour and pencil on paper, 13.49 × 22.86 cm. Courtesy Stark Museum of Art, Orange, TX, 31.78.126. (Dry Dance Mountain is depicted as the rise in the background.)

Figure 13. Gerhard Ens, Dry Dance Mountain, June 2014. Courtesy the photographer.

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240 works exhibited in Toronto may be regarded as coming between the stages of the field note and the finished studio oil-on-canvas painting, or, in verbal terms, between the field note or chronicle and the published narrative or annal; consequently, they may be seen to align with the sketches that Webber finished in watercolours during and after Cook’s third voyage. Given the mere four weeks between his return and the opening of the exhibition, the possibility that Kane completed the colouring of all 240 graphite sketches, the first eighty in oils, only in the second half of October and the first days of November seems untenable; however, it must be allowed that any one of them could have been coloured upon his return. Of greater likelihood is his colouring field sketches during extended periods spent at fur-trade posts, particularly Fort Edmonton and Norway House in the first half of 1848. At least one work still shows a colour code in graphite, reminding him how to finish the graphite sketch.79) Moving to Kane’s pictorial record, generally, one might dwell on an example from portraiture to study the evolution of first-stage field work into studio oil painting and published image. Such an example is Kane’s depiction of Kee-akee-ka-saa-ka-wow, a Cree leader. According to Ted Brasser, “in native memory he is known as Loud Voice.”80 Kee-akee-ka-saa-ka-wow is the spelling used by Library and Archives

interested particularly in the fur trade, in one of two articles that he published about Kane’s art while it was still owned by Paul Kane II (1854–1922), who lived in Rathwell, MB, and, for a short period at the end of his life, in Winnipeg (see “An Artist in Western Canada 60 Years Ago,” Manitoba Free Press 5 Jan. 1907: 21, 24–25, on 24). 79 The subject is Slave Falls, on the Winnipeg River (Stark 31.78.131, Harper, ed. PKF, CR IV-16). This was exhibited in Toronto as no. 200. On its verso, Kane wrote in graphite “The Slave falls” and the following: “N 1 durtey yallow 2 depe oringe 3 dark brown 4. the trunks of the treese white 5 dark olivee.” So, one grows both wary and weary of the polarization of field sketch and studio painting, as in, although hardly only, Ann Davis’s pronouncement that “his field studies are usually ‘accurate,’ spontaneous, and bright; his canvases, completed in the studio, are more often ‘aesthetic,’ composed, and mannered,” as well as her stark remark that “Kane never confused the two types of production” (A Distant Harmony: Comparisons in the Painting of Canada and the United States of America [Winnipeg: Winnipeg Art Gallery, 1982], 54). 80 “The Wanderings of an Artist: Paul Kane Unmasked,” The Plains Indians of North America: The Silent Memorials: Artifacts as Cultural and Historical Documents: Essays in Honor of John C. Ewers, vol. 2 of The People of the Buffalo, ed. Colin F. Taylor and Hugh A[ylmer] Dempsey, 2 vols. (Wyk auf Foehr: Tatanka Press, 2005), 56–66, on 59.

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Canada, the present owner of Kane’s field sketch (see fig. 14),81 but the name has been spelled many ways since Kane met the man.82

81 In the lower left-hand corner of the recto of this field portrait, an attempt – Kee-akee-ka-saaka-wow – to spell the Cree’s name is in the hand of Allan, Kane’s patron. Much of the black ink that mars the rectos of Kane’s field sketches with suggested titles was the work of his grandson, Paul Kane III (1889–1959), but not, understandably, in the case of the sketches that never found their way to him. These include the ten held by Library and Archives Canada, which were sold out of the Allan family by his daughter, Maude Cassels (1859–1933). The sale to David Ives Bushnell, Jr., (1875–1941) occurred in 1931. In 1981, after the works spent fifty years at the Peabody Museum, Harvard University, Library and Archives Canada purchased all but two of them (Jean L’Espérance, “Bushnell Collection of Canadiana,” research notes, typescript, Library and Archives Canada). 82 In his field notes, under the date 15 September 1846, Kane spelled the name Caw-ke-kis suw-k-way, “the man that allways speekes” (SMA 11.85.5), and he spelled it Kee.a.Kee Ka sa.coo way, “the one that gives the ware hupe,” in his portrait log (SMA 11.85.4, no. 94). “Ka-ah-Kee-Ka-sahk-a-wa-ow, (The man that gives the war whoop) The head Chief of the Crees” is the spelling in Clench’s manuscript version of the 1848 exhibition catalogue. This portrait appeared as the eighty-fourth of 240 finished field works (ROM 92ETH45, 4); and “Ka-ah-ke-ka-sahk-a-wa-ow – The man that give the war whoop – The head chief of the Cree tribe” is the spelling in the published version (Catalogue of Sketches, 4). Even by the time of the third-stage narrative’s composition, presumably in the early 1850s, the name appeared as both “Kee-a-kee-ka-sa-coo-way” and the same letters but without hyphens (SMA 11.85.2.B and 11.85.2.C). Kee-akee-ka- saa-ka-wow is the spelling that Harriet used in the list of the 100 oil-on-canvas works that Kane painted in his studio in Toronto and delivered 6 March 1856 to his patron, Allan (“A List of Pictures” [ROM, no accession no.]; both working with the single copy of this list, also in the collections of the ROM, Harper and Lister transcribe the name differently. Understandably, because Clench’s hand renders the letters a and c similarly, Harper read the third-to-last portion as sac; Lister as saa [Harper, ed., PKF, 321, no. 69; Lister, ed., PKtA, 342]). Kee-a-kee-ka-sa-coo-way is the spelling in the text of the first edition of Wanderings (1859), where the name occurs three times (126, 399, and 400), but Allan’s spelling, Kee-akee-ka-saa-ka-wow, appears in the book’s list of illustrations and in the caption beneath the chromolithograph rendered by the firm of Vincent Robert Alfred Brooks (1815–85) (Wanderings, [xviii] and facing 402. Brooks would not yet have been as renowned as the award of a gold medal at the International Exhibition held in London in 1862 for his edition of Shakespeare’s Songs and Sonnets would make him [Ruari McLean, Victorian Book Design & Colour Printing (London: Faber & Faber, 1963), 114–15]). For the second edition in English, which contains no chromolithographs, Garvin adopted the spelling Kee-a-kee-ka-sa-coo-way (John Garvin, ed., Wanderings, xlii, 86, and 280 [twice]; presumably, Garvin took this spelling from the list that Harriet, who married Kane in Cobourg, ON, on 16 September 1853, wrote in

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Figure 14. Paul Kane, Kee-akee-ka-saa-ka-wow. Watercolour over graphite on paper, 11.4 × 13.4 cm. Courtesy Library and Archives Canada, 1981-55-44.

The Cree, who ought probably to be known as Kakiishiway/ Kakisheway (see note 90, below), is much more formally and nobly

1856, although he retitled that list “Catalogue of Paintings by Paul Kane in the Royal Ontario Museum of Archæology, in Toronto” and re-ordered the titles into regional groupings).

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presented in the studio oil (see fig. 15),83 which features bold colouring and an altogether neater presentation of the man’s now uniformly black hair, including the lock that falls down over the forehead and bridge of the nose. This notable feature has been described as “after the manner of the Cree,”84 but, in 1841, USAmerican painter George Catlin (1796–1872) had published his depiction of a fifty-year-old Blackfoot man with the same haircut,85 “a broad flat lock, cut straight over [his] eyes,” as Maximilian Alexander Philipp, Prince of

83 In the year after Allan died, his family sold his collection of Kane’s studio oils to Edmund Osler (1845–1924). After they spent nearly a decade on the walls of University College, University of Toronto, Osler deposited them with the ROM. Established in 1912, the museum opened its new building two years later (ROM912.1.42, Harper, ed., PKF, CR IV-132, reproduced in colour in Lister, ed., PKtA, 343). 84 David I. Bushnell, Jr., Sketches by Paul Kane in the Indian Country, 1845–1848, Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 99, no. 1 (Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1940), 14. 85 George Catlin, Letters and Notes on the Manners, Customs, and Condition of the North American Indians. Written during Eight Years’ Travel amongst the wildest Tribes of Indians in North America, in 1832, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, and 39, 2 vols. (London: pr. for the author, 1841), pl. 11, facing 1:28; the age of the man is given at 1:29. Kane might have seen Catlin’s Indian Gallery in Liverpool, Manchester, or Edinburgh, but it had left London in May 1842 after Catlin’s lease at Egyptian Hall had expired (Brian W. Dippie, Catlin and his Contemporaries: The Politics of Patronage [Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1990], 98), and Kane did not reach England until late October of that year, staying only until the following spring. So the oft-repeated claim that he saw the gallery in London and even met Catlin persists without evidence. But before he travelled west in 1845, had he already an inchoate interest in Indians, he might have known, if not read and owned a copy, of Catlin’s Letters and Notes, and it is possible that, as early as 1838, Kane was in one of the USAmerican cities – Pittsburgh, Cincinnati, Louisville, New Orleans, Philadelphia, Washington, or New York – where Catlin exhibited a nascent form of his gallery between 1833 and 1839 before sailing it to England 25 November 1839. (In just how many venues Catlin exhibited his growing gallery appears to remain undetermined. John C. Ewers states suggestively that it was more than one or two: “he began exhibiting his paintings in Pittsburgh in 1833 and thereafter showed them in other midwestern river towns” [“George Catlin, Painter of Indians and the West,” Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1955 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1956), 483–528, on 490]; Brian W. Dippie adds Louisville [“Green Fields and Red Men” George Catlin and His Indian Gallery, ed. George Gurney and Therese Thau Heyman (Washington: Smithsonian American Art Museum, 2002), 27–61, on 41], and perhaps there was some exhibit in New Orleans [see Loyd Haberly, Pursuit of the Horizon: A Life of George Catlin Painter & Recorder of the American Indian (New York: Macmillan, 1948), 84]; subsequently, after further field trips, exhibits were opened “at Clinton Hall [New York City] late in 1837,” then in Stuyvesant

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Wied-Neuwied (1782–1867) had described the feature in 1839 and as Johann Karl Bodmer (1809–93), the Swiss artist whom he hired to travel with him up and down much of the Missouri River 1833–34 to record his researches, had depicted it among neighbouring native groups in such works as Assiniboin Indians (also known as Pitetapiu, an Assiniboin Indian), the engraving of which by Charles-Michel Geoffroy (1819–82) had been published for a narrow market in 1839 and was consequently probably unknown to Kane.86

Institute on Broadway to accommodate the crowds, before stops in Washington, Philadelphia, and Boston [Ewers, “George Catlin,” 490].) 86 Maximilian Alexander Philipp, Prince of Wied Neuwied, Reise in das innere Nord-Amerika in den Jahren 1832 bis 1834, 2 vols. (Koblenz: J. Hölscher, 1839–1841); Travels in the Interior of North America. By Maximilian, Prince of Wied [Abrdgd.], transl. Hannibal Evans Lloyd (London: Ackermann, 1843), 199; qtd. Bushnell, Jr., Sketches by Paul Kane, 14. Bougeard printed the engraving Assiniboin Indians in Paris 15 November 1839. Engravings of Bodmer’s works were sold in both hand-coloured and uncoloured sets, both in the eighty-one-work Atlas Kupfer zu Maximilians reise durch Nord-America (Koblenz: J. Hölscher; Paris: Arthus Bertrand; London: Ackermann, 1843), probably within reach of only the wealthiest book collectors, and in much more modest groupings. Assiniboin Indians appeared as tableau 32 in Bodmer’s Atlas. Pitaätapiú, Assinboin Man, Bodmer’s original watercolour, drawn if not yet coloured in June 1833, is reproduced in colour in Karl Bodmer’s America, introd. William H. Goetzmann, text for the plates David C. Hunt and Marsha V. Gallagher ([Omaha]: Joslyn Art Museum and University of Nebraska Press, 1984), 198, and in Robert J. Moore, Native Americans: A Portrait: The Art and Travels of Charles Bird King, George Catlin, and Karl Bodmer (New York: Stewart, Tabori, and Chang, 1997), 242. Studies of Bodmer’s works that feature a book history dimension include the three essays and annotations to plates in W. Raymond Wood, Joseph C. Porter, and David C. Hunt, Karl Bodmer’s Studio Art: The Newberry Library Bodmer Collection (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2002). This source also reproduces in colour Bodmer’s watercolour bust of an unidentified man wearing the hair lock in the manner here under discussion (Pl. C10, on [156]). Another is Karl Bodmer’s North American Prints, ed. Brandon K. Ruud (Omaha: Joslyn Art Museum; Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2004). In terms of book history of possible direct relevance to the case study of Kane, details include the unlikelihood that, while in Europe in the early 1840s, Kane saw or knew about Bodmer’s works, which attain a much higher quality of artistry than George Catlin’s or even Kane’s. As suggested above, engravings of his finished watercolours would almost certainly have been too expensive to have found their way to Kane, who does not appear to have had any wealthy contacts in Britain or Europe. The enormous sum of 25 guineas that Ackermann charged, in December 1843 (about nine or ten months after Kane had left England en route back to North America), for the single quarto volume of Maximilian’s Travels in the Interior, would have put that publication beyond Kane’s reach. Its second volume is an imperial-folio atlas containing

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eighty-one intaglio or aquatint hand-coloured engravings that retain the “impeccable fidelity” of Bodmer’s watercolours (William J. Orr, “Karl Bodmer: The Artist’s Life,” Karl Bodmer’s America, 348–76 on 162). When they appeared in their three-country format, the aquatint prints, some made on copper, some on steel, others on steel-faced plates (David C. Hunt, “A Publication History of Karl Bodmer’s North American Atlas,” Wood, Porter, and Hunt, Karl Bodmer’s Studio Art, 99–122, on 104), ranged in date over at least forty-eight months, from 1 January 1839 to 1 December 1842. The prints sold by subscription from publishers Rudolph Ackermann and Company in London, Arthus Bertrand in Paris, and Jakob Hölscher in Koblenz, either separately or in smaller groups in advance of the entirety of them in the second-volume Atlas that accompanied Lloyd’s English translation. Bodmer spent a decade in Paris. He exhibited his Indian gallery at the salon of l’Académie Française in 1836 and established a studio. From it, he supervised the production by “as many as twenty-six engravers … over a period of about seven years” of the plates from which the prints were struck (Hunt, “Publication” 105). They were made available on “at least three different weights and finishes of paper, in colored and also black-and- white editions (or combinations thereof)” (Lorie A. Vanchena, “Bodmer, Karl,” Germany and the Americas: Culture, Politics, and History, ed. Thomas Adam, 3 vols. [Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 2005], 3:152–55, on 155; probably based on Hunt, “Publication” 104, following George P. Tomko, “The Western Prints of Karl Bodmer,” Prints of the American West: Papers Presented at the Ninth Annual American Print Conference, ed. Ron Tyler [Fort Worth: Amon Carter Museum, 1983], 46–56, on 48). It is possible that no more than 355 complete sets were made. How many of these were all coloured and bound as the Atlas is unknown, perhaps as few as sixty for the first, German edition (Hunt, “Publication” 106). This dedication, if not obsession, set the project in a league containing few other such publications, for example, the atlas of eighty-seven engravings published sixty years earlier illustrating Cook’s third voyage, the gigantic Birds of America (1827–1838) by John James Audubon (1785–1851), and McKenney and Hall’s History of the Indian Tribes of North America (1836, 1842–1844), which, “committing forty people to working on the prints, including twnety-five [sic] women who hand-colored them” for the first volume (Moore, Native Americans, 73), was one of the most expensive publications undertaken in the United States during the nineteenth century (judged by one effusive source as “one of the most innovative and important public works projects ever undertaken by an official of the U.S. government” [Moore, Native Americans, 50]), the first volume appearing in Philadelphia in early 1837, the subsequent ones in New York between 1842 and 1844, with all three volumes costing a stiff $120 (Moore, Native Americans, 75). Ackermann advertised the English edition of Maximilian’s Travels as “two elegantly-bound volumes” comprising a “splendid work” that “must prove highly gratifying to all persons who feel interested in the fate of the Red Men,” together with “a volume of coloured Plates, far superior in every respect to anything that has hitherto accompanied a similar work” (“Travels in the Interior,” The Art- Union: A Monthly Journal of the Fine Arts, 5 [1 Dec. 1843]: 301). Ackermann and Company precipitated into bankruptcy in 1855. This fate must have given London publishers pause when it came to overly illustrated,

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The alteration effected by Kane in his studio oil continues with restoration to facial colour from the eyes down to the mouth, which appears light green in the sketch,87 and a higher forehead marked by thinner/shallower horizontal lines. The differences in the face shift the emphasis away from what has been called the “unkempt” aspect of “an individual with heavy features,”88 who explained to Kane that he was not wearing his finest attire “as he was then mourning the death of four of his relations who had been killed by the Blackfoot the year before,”89 and towards the dignity of a noble savage who is what Wanderings calls “the head chief of all the Crees.”90

overly ambitious publications of exploration and travel. In December 1859, even John Murray, who had by then spent three decades publishing large quarto editions of British arctic exploration narratives, brought out the book disclosing the fate of Sir John Franklin and his gallant crew, McClintock’s Voyage of the ‘Fox’, only in octavo. 87 This particular feature of the field sketch has not been discussed in the literature, but the reproduction of the work on the web site of Library and Archives Canada shows a distinct difference in colour between, on the one hand, the portion of the face between where the red around the eyes ends and the red of the chin and lower cheeks begins, and, on the other, the unpainted forehead. 88 Bushnell, Jr., Sketches by Paul Kane, 14. 89 Wanderings, 401–02. 90 This is a patently inaccurate claim given the vast territorial expanse that western Cree inhabited during the 1840s (from York Factory on Hudson Bay to Lake Winnipeg, and as far west as the upper North Saskatchewan, Athabasca, Smoky, and Peace rivers on the eastern slopes of the Rocky Mountains). Rather, the literature of the treaty era of the 1870s knew Ka-kii-shi-way as “the principal Chief ‘Loud Voice’” of Cree people in a part of the West. He was one of thirteen Cree signatories with whom the Canadian government negotiated Treaty 4 at Qu’Appelle Lake, SK 15 September 1874 (Alexander Morris, The Treaties of Canada. With the Indians of Manitoba and the North-West Territories. Including the Negotiations on which they were based, and other Information relating thereto [Toronto: Willing and Williamson, (1880)], 80). (A variant spelling is Kakisheway.) As Sarah Carter notes, Nathaniel McKenzie of the Hudson’s Bay Company confirmed that Kee-a-kee-ka-sa-coo-way could be heard “from a long distance, quite distinctly in the early mornings calling up his tribe from their slumbers and the echo was often heard, when he raised his voice in measured tones, in the Qu’Appelle valley” (N[athaniel] M[urdock] W[illiam] J[ohn] McKenzie, The Men of the Hudson’s Bay Company 1670 A.D.-1920 A.D. [Fort William, ON.: Times-Journal, 1921], 125; qtd. Sarah A[lexandra] Carter, Lost Harvests: Prairie Indian Reserve Farmers and Government Policy [Montréal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1990], 47n165). In 1975, Plains Cree Chief Dan Ochapawace (Ochapawace First Nation is located about 200 kilometres east of Regina and 100 kilometres south of Yorkton, SK), a descendant of Kee-a-kee-ka-sa-coo-way’s, told Theodore J. Brasser, then Plains Ethnologist, Canadian Museum of Man (now, Museum of Canadian History),

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Figure 15. Paul Kane, Kee-akee-ka-saa-ka-wow. Oil on canvas, 75.9 × 63.4 cm. Courtesy Royal Ontario Museum, 912.1.42.

Three other alterations between field sketch and studio painting serve to refashion this man. The first is the drama that the provision of a dark background in the studio canvas lends the stony-faced figure. The second is the replacement of his non-descript leather jerkin with a very detailed, fancy shirt. The third is the replacement

Ottawa, that Loud Voice refers to the Thunderbird who was the man’s guardian spirit (Brasser, email message to the author, 28 Aug. 2015). Kakisheway was more than eighty years old when he died in 1884 (Carter, Lost Harvests, 47).

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of the ornamented wolf skin with both the highly ornamented pipe stem and the feathered headpiece, both festooned with enough detail and colour to upstage the person of the man by the ceremonial attire of his office.

Figure 16. Paul Kane, Portrait of Kee-akee-ka-saa-ka-wow with Pipe-Stem. Chromolithograph engraved by Vincent Brooks. Wanderings of an Artist among the Indians of North America, facing 402. Courtesy Bruce Peel Special Collections Library, University of Alberta.

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In the treatment of Kakisheway in Wanderings, it is no wonder that a parenthetical sentence appears: “(He, however, put on his good clothes for me afterwards, when I took sketch No. 15, as I told him that the picture would be shown to the queen).”91 Were it not inserted, the remainder of the narrative profile, dwelling visually on the man’s appearance because he was in mourning, would have contradicted the facing page’s visual account, the chromolithograph entitled Portrait of Kee-akee-ka-saa-ka-wow with Pipe-Stem, in which the figure is shown wearing highly ornamented ceremonial attire. (See fig. 16.)92 Without such a pictorial complement, the draft manuscript, as one would expect, lacks any such parenthetical sentence, and there is nothing like it in either Kane’s field notes or portrait log. In the same vein, the field notes and log make no mention of Kane’s accompanying Kakisheway “to the camp, situated a few miles from Fort Pitt”93 in order to see a ceremony with the pipe stems in use. The persona of Kane first undertakes this visit in the third stage, the draft manuscript (11.85.2.C). Its presence helps account for the leader’s having his ceremonial garments available to don for Kane’s depiction of him as a noble savage. That is the logic implicit in the narrative at its third and fourth stages. In fact, however, relying only on the details provided in the first stage, one could legitimately infer that Kane did not accompany him to his camp, and that he composed his studio painting using no more than the facial features of the figure in the field sketch and supplying the shirt, the headpiece, and

91 Wanderings, 402. 92 Deployed in publications as early as the 1830s, chromolithography “required use of a series of plates, to each of which was applied a different colored ink to produce a multi-color illustration” (William H. Goetzmann, Looking at the Land of Promise: Pioneer Images of the Pacific Northwest [Pullman, WA.: Washington State University Press, 1988], 31n; see also Peter C. Marzio, The Democratic Art: Pictures for a 19th-Century America: Chromolithography, 1840–1900 [Boston: D. R. Godine, 1979], 64–90; Bernard F. Reilly, Jr., introd., Gale Research Company, Currier & Ives, A Catalogue Raisonné: A comprehensive Catalogue of the Lithographs of Nathaniel Currier, James Merritt Ives and Charles Currier, including Ephemera associated with the Firm, 1834–1907, 2 vols. [Detroit: Gale, 1984], 1, xxi–xxxvi; Bryan Dewalt, “Printing Technology,” History of the Book in Canada: Volume Two: 1840–1918, ed. Yvan Lamonde, Patricia Lockhart Fleming, and Fiona A. Black [Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2005], 96–97; and Mary C. Williamson, “Illustrated Books, Periodicals, and Commercial Print,” History of the Book in Canada: Volume Two, 284–94.) 93 Wanderings, 400.

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the pipe stem either from other sketches or from the garments and objects that he sketched or collected during his travels.94 Thus, Kane’s creation of a picture in the studio, which could be said to amount to no more or less than supplying a visage for three artifacts, would seem to have required that additions – like the visit to the Cree camp – be made to the subsequent stages of the narrative in order to support the implicit claim to authenticity made by the evolving pictorial record. This example both underscores and illustrates the comment made by Bruce Trigger regarding the habit of Euro-North American artists to treat native people “more like props than like actors.”95 Brooks’s chromolithograph in the first edition retains the accoutrements exhibited in the oil painting and is generally faithful to it, even replicating the hand that is not found in the field sketch and that Kane introduced in his painting on too small a scale vis à vis the size of the head and shoulder. The eyebrows are thinner, so the figure looks slightly less daunting than in the studio oil, the red paint does not extend very much under the left eye, the cheek bones are thrown less into relief, one fewer feather appears beneath the pipe stem, and the shirt’s ornamentation does not extend as far on the edge of the shoulder, but these comprise slight variants; there is no

94 These include several watercolour sketches of pipe stems (Library and Archives Canada 1981-55-45, ROM 946.15.99, 946.15.100, and 946.15.101 [Harper, ed., PKF, CR IV-137, IV-135, IV-136, and IV-134), and the Plains Cree pipe stem now held by the Manitoba Museum (H4–42–2), the description of which states that the original owner was “Kiakikasacuwe” (in 1941, after her father died, the museum acquired it from Jocelyn Baker [1897–1986], grand daughter of Allan, daughter of George William Allan, Jr. [1860–1940] and Muriel Hester “Moogie” Wragge, and wife of Ralph Dennistoun Baker [1895-1960], after it had spent years travelling each summer and fall between the family’s winter and summer homes in Winnipeg [where Allan, Jr. moved from Toronto in 1879] and on Allan’s Island, named after him in Lake of the Woods): Flat stem wrapped with a cotton carpet binding braid and then covered with pieces of red strouding, rawhide strips quilled in green and white. Golden eagle tail feathers, hackles[,] feathers dyed red and two pileated woodpecker scalps and bills. There is a large bunch of split owl feathers and a whole stuffed golden eagle head at front end. From stem hang a fan of golden eagle tail feathers and a loose bunch of same. Fan feathers decorated with quilled rawhide strips, tufts of human hair, ermine skin and feathers and two bunches of brass bells. (Manitoba Museum, Winnipeg; Catalogue Notes, Document 64, Catalogue no. H4-42-2) 95 Bruce G. Trigger, “The Historian’s Indian: Native Americans in Canadian Historical Writing from Charlevoix to the Present,” Out of the Background: Readings on Canadian Native History, ed. Robin Fisher and Kenneth Coates (Toronto: Copp Clark Pitman, 1988), 19–44, on 37.

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mistaking the engraving for another work of Kane’s. In this case, one of six among the eight chromolithographs in Wanderings for which there exist both a field sketch and a studio painting, the differences between sketch and painting far exceed the ones between painting and published chromolithograph.96 Of the thirteen letterpress woodcut engravings, four have no field sketches, but two have no studio paintings, so it is clear that Kane took with him to England in March 1858 an assortment of his work to be considered as illustrations for his book, should he find a publisher. The decision about which would become chromolithographs and which woodcuts might have involved the two engravers, Brooks or someone from his company and Branston, or someone at Longman. The identity of the decision maker is unclear, and it remains intriguing that all the chromolithographs illustrate the second half of the book, that is, from chapters 13 through 25. None represents anyone encountered or anywhere visited by Kane on his 1845 trip to upper Lake Huron, Mackinac Island, Sault Ste. Marie, and Wisconsin Territory, or on his outward trip in 1846 to the Pacific Ocean. Returning to the verbal record from the visual, one can see that the generation of an author-artist from Kane the traveller was complicated in many respects. It involved three of the four stages identified in the model, and the timing of the third stage, even the extent of it, remains unclear.97 Each stage left substantial, unique evidence that

96 The two chromolithographs that lack field sketches with even a remotely similar composition are Portrait of a half-breed Cree Girl (frontispiece, better known as the portrait of Cunnewabum, the girl with whom the persona of Kane dances at the ball at Fort Edmonton) and Group of Six Indian Chiefs (facing 424). These depend on paintings now titled Cunnawa-bum (ROM 912.1.41, Harper, ed., PKF, CR IV-214, reproduced in Lister, ed., PKtA, 335) and Six Black Feet Chiefs (ROM 912.1.50, Harper, ed., PKF, CR IV-154, reproduced in Lister, ed., PKtA, 357). Kane’s patron permitted the second of these to be exhibited along with three others at the Exposition Universelle in Paris in 1855 (Lister, ed., PKtA, 42n94). 97 Apart from the four notebooks at SMA, another source reveals that more revising occurred before Kane delivered his narrative to the House of Longman takes the form of a printing of the first eight paragraphs of the book’s third chapter in Toronto in 1855, three years and nine months before Wanderings appeared in London (“Literary and Artistic Celebrities. No. IV. Paul Kane,” Anglo-American Magazine 6, no. 5 [May 1855], 401–6). Because the text resembles that of the book far more nearly than do the two versions of that stretch of narrative in the draft manuscript once owned by Paul Kane II and Paul Kane III (SMA 11.85.2.A and 2.B), one could surmise that it succeeds the draft manuscript, but no evidence has as yet surfaced to buttress a conclusion that a version of the entire narrative existed in 1855 of which the eight paragraphs published in May comprise but a

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should neither be collapsed into a single account nor interpreted in isolation from the others. Together and separately, they exert a

wee excerpt. The paragraphs published in 1855 are set in the third person. They possess at least two variants from the book’s version that could be regarded as substantive: in the first paragraph, the magazine’s “enthusiastic painter repaired to Lachine” (403), whereas, in the book, “I repaired to Lachine” (42); in the eighth, at Sault Ste. Marie, the magazine’s Sir George Simpson “was utterly astonished at beholding the indomitable artist, and his amazement was not lessened when he learned the mode of his conveyance” (404), whereas Longman’s Simpson is just “astonished,” although his “amazement” endures (45). (Nothing like this sentence occurs in either of the draft manuscripts [11.85.2.A and 11.85.2.B] that cover this portion of Kane’s travels.) The appearance of this version in May 1855 prompts several questions. Does the surviving draft manuscript in the four books date from no later than the early months of 1855 and perhaps much earlier? Did the principal writers for / editors of the Anglo-American Magazine, who in 1855 were priest of the Church of England and author Robert Jackson Macgeorge (1808–1884) and historian Gilbert Auchinleck, prepare a different draft manuscript, which succeeded the four notebooks comprising the extant draft manuscript? (On these writers’ involvement with the magazine, see James John Talman, “Macgeorge, Robert Jackson,” DCB 11 [1881–90], 558; Talman does not mention any connection between Kane and Macgeorge.) Did Longman publish the book from a manuscript on which Macgeorge and/or Auchinleck worked, the whereabouts of which, if still – or ever – in existence, are at present unknown? (Documents written in Macgeorge’s hand or Auchinleck’s have yet to be located for purposes of comparison with the two hands in the four notebooks.) Or does the periodical’s celebration of Kane possibly share its authorship with the three papers first published over his name by the Royal Canadian Institute? (The first of these is “The Chinook Indians,” Canadian Journal: A Repertory of Industry, Science, and Art; and a Record of the Proceedings of the Canadian Institute 3 [1854–55]: 273–79, and listed in the same volume’s annual report of the institute as one of thirty-three “Communications” “read before the Canadian Institute” at meetings held from December 1854 through April 1855, presented as “On the Habits and Customs of the Chinook Indians,” at the 31 March 1855 meeting [398], not much more than one month before the Anglo-American Magazine published its article; rptd. Daily Colonist [Toronto] 6 Aug. 1855 [1–2], 7 Aug. 1855 [1–2], 8 Aug. 1855 [1–2], 9 Aug. 1855 [1]; rptd. Canadian Journal of Industry, Science, and Art, new ser., 2, no. 7 [Jan. 1857]: 11–30. The second is “Notes of a Sojourn among the Half-Breeds, Hudson’s Bay Company’s Territory, Red River,” Canadian Journal of Industry, Science, and Art, new ser., 1, no. 2 [Feb. 1856]: 128–38. The third is “Notes of Travel among the Walla-Walla Indians,” Canadian Journal of Industry, Science, and Art, new ser., 1, no. 5 [Sept. 1856]: 417–24. [That these papers were “read before the Canadian Institute” by Allan, not by the artist himself, even though he was made a member in 1855, is confirmed by Conrad Edmund Heidenreich, “Report to the Royal Canadian Institute on the Identification of the Paul Kane Picture owned by the R.C.I. (May 11, 1995),” Toronto: Royal Canadian Institute, typescript.])

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bearing on our understanding of nineteenth-century North America. It must have taken a formidable enterprise involving at least one and probably several participants over a decade to generate an author able to be published in London and an artist worthy of exhibiting in Paris out of an under-educated portrait painter from the back of beyond, Canada West. Questions persist. The identities of more than one amanuensis/“reader”-editor/ghostwriter have not come to light. Possibly, Wanderings amounts to no more or less than a favour done by Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans, and Roberts at the behest of the Hudson’s Bay Company, geographically the world’s largest-ever private monopoly, even to this day, but, if it was, why was the print run of 1,020 copies one-quarter larger (or only one-quarter larger) than the normal print run produced by Longman at the time?98 Kane entered into a share-profit agreement with the publisher; perhaps he and the Hudson’s Bay Company, which is very favourably presented in the book, anticipated the presentation of an unusual number of copies.99 If that was the case, perhaps more than normal attention was paid to readying the narrative and illustrations for the press, this despite errors in the book and, time and again, risibly erroneous efforts at rendering words in French. Generating a traveller with no formal education into an author could hardly have been a unique experience for Longman. The twenty-one shillings charged for the demy octavo was not excessive, given that it contained twenty-one illustrations as well as a map (prepared by London cartographer Edward Weller [1819–1884]). One cannot help but wonder if Kane himself was possibly if not probably easily overtaken by the publishing juggernaut when he arrived in England, relegated to playing the role of a very interested bystander watching as his persona was generated, clothing him in better style.

98 I thank Iain Stevenson, University College London, for the observation about the size of the print run. The number of copies printed is recorded in Divide Ledger 1853–1869, MS 1393 1/A6, Longman Archive, Museum of English Rural Life, University of Reading. There too is found the confirmation of the share- profit nature of Kane’s contract with the publisher. 99 On the company’s practice of obliging influential travellers with all the assistance it could muster, see Ted Binnema, Enlightened Zeal: The Hudson’s Bay Company and Scientific Networks, 1670–1870 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2014).

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RÉSUMÉ

Plusieurs explorateurs et voyageurs ne furent publiés qu’une seule fois au cours de leur carrière. Il était aussi normal pour eux de se faire aider par un rédacteur. En fait, le terme « rédacteur » avait alors un sens plus étendu que ce n’est le cas aujourd’hui. Jusqu’à quel point le rédacteur jouait-il un rôle dans le processus de publication d’un récit de voyage ? Il est crucial d’aborder cette problématique en privilégiant le cas par cas. Souvent, plusieurs versions d’un même récit existent, allant du journal de bord ou des notes de terrain au livre publié. Dans cet article, l’auteur décrit le processus de publication de ces récits et chacun de ses stades, lesquels ont leurs propres caractéristiques (et peut-être même leurs propres auteurs). En dévoilant les différentes étapes de ce processus, l’auteur remet en question l’hypothèse répandue que l’observateur ainsi que l’artiste / l’auteur publié n’étaient qu’une seule et unique personne. Par l’analyse des cas d’un explorateur (Captain Cook, un navigateur du dix-huitième siècle) et d’un voyageur (Paul Kane, un artiste du dix-neuvième siècle), l’auteur met au jour l’instabilité de l’autorité textuelle de l’époque. Les lecteurs d’aujourd’hui devraient donc être vigilants lorsqu’ils jugent de la véracité d’un livre publié ou d’une œuvre d’art dérivé d’un voyage d’exploration.

Cahiers-papers 54 1-2 - Final.indd 56 2016-11-14 15:19:40