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Generating Captain Cook and Paul Kane into Published Authors: Case Studies of a Book History Model for Exploration and Travel Writing1 I.S. MacLaren* Books are vital to explorers’ and travellers’ reputations. One thinks of such a consummate explorer and cartographer of North America as David Thompson (1770–1857), who did not manage to publish a book during his lifetime and long suffered in obscurity as a consequence, or of Meriwether Lewis (1774–1809) and William Clark (1770–1838), for whose explorations the generation of an official published account took fully seven years, extended beyond Lewis’s lifetime, and only occurred by dint of two editors’ efforts.2 It amounts to only a slight exaggeration to state that explorations or travels effectively were not complete until the book about them appeared. Many such books were themselves titled The Travels of …, or The Voyage of …, not always The Narrative of … The individuals themselves derived their authority from becoming the authors and first-person personae of a book as much as they did by prosecuting their expeditions, arduous though they might have been. Their movement through space and time was prelusive to the attainment of the notice if not fame that publication brought them. However, books published over the names 1 An earlier version of this paper was presented at the annual conference of the Society for the History of Authorship, Reading and Publishing, held in Montréal at the Bibliothèque et Archives nationales du Québec, Université de Sherbrooke (Longueuil campus), and McGill University, 7–10 July 2015. I gratefully acknowledge the ensuing discussion at the conference and, subsequently, two reviewers’ reports. * Professor Emeritus of history and of English at the University of Alberta, I.S. MacLaren studies world exploration and travel writing, the histories of Arctic exploration and of national parks around the world, and the literary history of early Canada, generally. 2 History of the Expedition under the Command of Captains Lewis and Clark to the Sources of the Missouri, thence across the Rocky Mountains and down the River Columbia to the Pacific Ocean. Performed during the Years 1804–5–6. By Order of the United States. Prepared for the Press by Paul Allen, [ed. Nicholas Biddle], 2 vols. (vol. 1, Philadelphia: Bradford and Inskeep; vol. 2, New York: pr. by J. Maxwell, 1814). Cahiers-papers 54 1-2 - Final.indd 7 2016-11-14 15:19:19 8 Papers of the Bibliographical Society of Canada 54/1-2 of explorers and travellers wend their way into print by a route that is anything but what the straightforward generation of eyewitness- observer-equals-author routinely implies. Relying unquestioningly on the accuracy of these books’ authoritative presentation of the individuals themselves, as well as their assessments of people and places encountered, is a precarious enterprise and, if not invariably, makes for dubious scholarly practice. The processes by which eighteenth-century British explorer James Cook (1728–79) and nineteenth-century Irish-Canadian artist and traveller Paul Kane (1810–71) came into being as authors are comparable, not in terms of biography or even of literature, but rather in terms of the history of the book as far as their attainment of authority is concerned. Their books and others of exploration or travel may be considered in terms of a four-stage model comprising (i) field notes, log-books, or diary, written daily; (ii) retrospective journal, report, or letter written at the end of a journey or of a stage of a journey; (iii) draft manuscript, whether a preliminary or fair copy, or both; (iv) and printed book, including immediately subsequent printings, translations, pirated editions, and excerpts in compilations or periodicals. Analyzing travel writing with this model sheds light on the generation of authority, a matter of some importance when historic contact among cultures is at stake.3 Although the multi-stage model may have value for studies of exploration and travel writing, generally, it aims to provide focus on the heavy reliance by readers of history, geography, and ethnohistory on the authority of individual books published over the names of explorers and travellers, often one-time authors. Only by sifting the circumstances and materials of each of these often famous individuals can one determine, case by case, how well or precariously placed that reliance is. 1 Cook’s naval career had begun in the Atlantic Ocean and featured his charting of the St. Lawrence River to permit General James Wolfe 3 I.S. MacLaren, “In Consideration of the Evolution of Explorers and Travellers into Authors: A Model,” Studies in Travel Writing 15, no. 3 (Sept. 2011): 221–41. The model, an anatomy of the genre advanced in response to the repeated finding that exploration and travel writing resists study in broad terms, posits seven stages for books of exploration and travel prior to 1550, that is, the manuscript, pre-print-dominated era, and six for books after about 1600. Cahiers-papers 54 1-2 - Final.indd 8 2016-11-14 15:19:19 Generating Captain Cook and Paul Kane into Published Authors 9 (1727–59) to move boats upstream at night in summer 1759, and to take Québec and, effectively, all of New France in mid-September. By the time he was slain in Hawai’i twenty years later, Cook had had two volumes published over his name treating his first two of three voyages to the Pacific Ocean. The title page of the first acknowledges as the book’s writer John Hawkesworth (1715–1773), a seasoned editor, and a friend and collaborator of Johnson’s, having “drawn up” An Account of the Voyages … for Making Discoveries in the Southern Hemispheres (1773), a three-volume royal quarto, “from the Journals which were kept by the several Commanders [Byron, Wallis, Carteret, and Cook], and from the Papers of Joseph Banks.”4 Eagerly anticipated partly because of the discovery in Tahiti of a culture practising what appeared to be free love, the first edition of 2,000 sets sold quickly enough at the steep price of three guineas when it appeared 9 June 1773 that “a completely re-set second edition of 2,500 sets was published only two months later,”5 in fact, 3 August.6 Not all readers were pleased with Hawkesworth’s decision to assume the first-person voice, which masks his role in the main text and puts words in explorers’ mouths, or at least in their pens.7 Hawkesworth was offered six thousand pounds for the copyright to his work by the eminent publishers of the age, William Strahan and Thomas Cadell. It was “one of the most” if not the most “lucrative 4 John Hawkesworth, An Account of the Voyages undertaken by the Order of His Present Majesty for making Discoveries in the Southern Hemisphere, and successively performed by Commodore Byron, Captain Wallis, Captain Carteret, and Captain Cook, in the Dolphin, the Swallow, and the Endeavour, 3 vols. (London: pr. for W. Strahan and T. Cadell, 1773). Hawkesworth’s draft manuscript (stage three in the model) appears not to have survived. 5 Ronald L. Ravneberg, “The Hawkesworth Copy,” Cook’s Log 26, no. 1 (2003): 3. http://http://www.captaincooksociety.com/home/detail/the-hawkesworth-copy, accessed 25 July 2015. Ravneberg gauges the value of three guineas at US$225 in 2003. 6 Ronald L. Ravneberg, “Hawkesworth’s Copy: An Investigation into the Printer’s Copy Used for the Preparation of the Second Edition of John Hawkesworth’s 1773 Account of Captain Cook’s First Voyage,” typescript (26 Aug. 2008), ii; available in portable document format from Captain Cook Society at http:// www.captaincooksociety.com/home/detail/the-hawkesworth-copy#2, accessed 25 July 2015. 7 One slight qualification is that Hawkesworth puts his name to the work’s dedication, and it is there that he advances his immodest claim that “discoveries have been made” by Cook and his colleagues “far greater than those of all the navigators in the world collectively, from the expedition of Columbus to the present time.” Cahiers-papers 54 1-2 - Final.indd 9 2016-11-14 15:19:19 10 Papers of the Bibliographical Society of Canada 54/1-2 literary contracts of the eighteenth century”;8 for instance, by contrast, Johnson had received £1,575 for his Dictionary. Several years later (2 April 1776), Boswell told Cook that Hawkesworth had “brewed ” the narrative.9 Cook was then an articulate cartographer but an inchoate writer. The book was known in some quarters as Hawkesworth’s Voyages, in others as (expedition naturalist Joseph) Banks’s Voyages, for Hawkesworth had created the voice of Cook using both the captain’s and Banks’s journals. Fascinated by the challenge of captivating the public with the “intractable novelty” of “unprecedented things” from the other side of the world, he represented Cook as a judicious, knowledgeable, virtuous, well-mannered agent of “civilized” Britain.10 Cook did not know as much. He had set sail for the Pacific again 13 July 1772. Not until the last months of that second voyage – long after Hawkesworth’s demise – did a copy of the book find its way to the explorer. Cook was miserable when he learned about its general reception, in part because Hawkesworth, a deist, had proposed that the salvific escape of HMS Endeavour from the Great Barrier Reef resulted not from God’s Providence but something else.11 The Wesley 8 Helen Wallis, “Publication of Cook’s Journals: Some New Sources and Assessments,” Pacific Studies l, no. 2 (Spring 1978): 163–94, on 165. “Paradoxically,” notes Wallis, “Hawkesworth’s literary reputation, which had been the equal almost of Dr.