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Narratives of Fear and Crime in Trinidad Conjuring and Avoiding the "Bad Man"

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Narratives of Fear and Crime in Trinidad Conjuring and Avoiding the NARRATIVES OF FEAR AND CRIME IN TRINIDAD CONJURING AND AVOIDING THE "BAD MAN": NARRATIVES OF CRIME AND FEAR IN TRINIDAD By SACHA ANN GEER, BA, MA A Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctorate of Philosophy McMaster University ©Copyright by Sacha A. Geer, January 2011 DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY McMaster University (Anthropology) Hamilton, Ontario Title: Conjuring and Avoiding the "bad man": Narratives of Crime and Fear in Trinidad Author: Sacha Geer, B.A., M.A. (University ofWestem Ontario) Supervisor: Professor Ellen Badone Number of Pages: 406, viii ii Abstract: Upper middle and upper class Trinidadians are equally though differently entangled in the effects of global, regional and local processes of crime, risk and fear as their counterparts from lower classes. A recent rapid increase in violent crime and particularly a five-fold increase in murder rates in under ten years has caused a shift in lifestyle patterns and are­ imagining of social, public and private space in the country. Upper class groups conjure and employ an image of a classed and raced 'bad man' who is held responsible for increases in crime and gang violence and is the locus for anxieties for fears for personal safety and the future of the nation. My research shows that upper middle and upper classes increasingly assert, re-create and negotiate their class position with reference to changing informal rules of 'safe' behaviour and movement in reference to this conjured 'bad man'. Home spaces are created and fortified against those construed as 'risky'. Informal rules of appropriate 'safe' behaviour are negotiated and emerge through endless talk of crime. This talk re-imagines and reifies nearly all lower classes as 'risky' and the conclusions of this talk invariably lead to greater attempted isolation of upper classes from lower classes. National elections in 2007 and 2010 point to a potential long-term shift away from racialized voting patterns, even as racialized and classed stereotypes flourish. Recent successes of an ostensibly non-racial third political party point to new electoral paradigms and indicate that increases in crime and fear of crime supercede more simplistic race­ based allegiances. A paradox, between upper class attempts at increased isolation from crime and continued re-imagining of markers of classed and racialized difference on the one hand, and a perhaps historic change in voting patterns away from long held notions of racial difference on the other hand weave throughout this dissertation and point to the ways in which understandings of risk and crime can influence social change. iii For my parents, Ann and Paul Geer iv Acknowledgements: First and foremost, I would like to thank those Trinidadians who were kind enough to let me into their lives, to answer my seemingly endless stream of questions, who kept me safe and well fed, and who were so generous with their time and experiences. I respect their desire for anonymity and will not give their names, but those I write about as Marilyn, her husband Joseph, their children Junior and Frankie and their entire extended family made this dissertation possible and successful beyond my wildest expectations. Their generosity of spirit, willingness to accept me as a nearly daily, and always hungry visitor/friend/niece/daughter/sister shaped not only my time in Trinidad, but the rest of my life. To the woman I write about as Surojini, and her entire family and extended social circle, the time I spent learning about and exploring Trinidad with you and Zorina were both integral to this work and damn good fun. Thank you. I would like to thank Dr. Mark Kirton at the University of the West Indies, St. Augustine campus for his kind interest and help during my time in Trinidad. Thanks also to Zorina Shah and Elizabeth Solomon for their friendship and generosity in connecting me with others. I would have in no way been prepared for the field and for the process of writing upon return without the benefit of an extremely strong academic committee supporting and preparing me at home in Canada. Thanks to Dr. Bill Rodman who served as a fearless committee member and provided support and feedback through my comprehensive examination and prior to his well deserved retirement. To Dr. Eva Mackey, thank you for your strong critical eye, your cheerleading throughout fieldwork, and especially your guidance in all matters related to funding. To Dr. Ellen Badone, your support, both as graduate chair and on my committee have been invaluable. Your keen editing eye and quiet strength have helped me immeasurably through the final difficult stretch of this project. To Dr. Aubrey Canon, chair of the Department of Anthropology at McMaster, you are a tireless advocate for your students, and for that I will always be grateful. I would also like to thank Dr. Aisha Khan, the dissertation's external examiner, for her astute critique and kind words during my defense and for taking the time to review this work during what must surely be the busiest time of the year. To my Sarge, Dr. Douglass St. Christian, there are no adequate words. You have been so much more than an academic mentor. More even than friend, co-conspirator, sister, uncle, brother, and purveyor of fine poutine, you are a teacher in the truest, purest sense of the word. I will be forever grateful that your calling drew me to you those many years ago. I cannot reciprocate your gifts, only promise to 'pay it forward'-to teach and v be in this world in a way that is true to the gifts you have shared and explored with me. With thanks from your Sachista. This research was made possible by funding from a number of different agencies. I would like to acknowledge the following: Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council; McMaster University, McMaster Graduate Students Association; the Institute for Research on Globalization and the Human Condition at McMaster; the Ontario Graduate Fellowship for the McMaster Prestige Award; and fina:lly the Department of Anthropology at McMaster University and Dr. Eva Mackey for travel funding for conferences. Grateful thanks are due also to the staff of the Department of Anthropology at McMaster: Rabia A wan, Christine Cluney, Bonnie Kahlon, Rosita Jordan and Janis Weir for their support, chocolate, and many many laughs. This dissertation was born in part from many long discussions with my academic peers. I will forever be grateful for the support and camaraderie of Jack Conley, Samah Sabra, Lisa Brando, Meghan Burchell, Natalie Brewster, Vanessa Sage, Stacy Lockerbie, Brandi MacDonald, Ted Baker, Jairus Skye, Alenia Kysela, Sarah Blekaitis Van Geffen, and all the rest. Next, to family of all kinds. I would like to thank all of my future in-laws, David and Doreen Maddison, Sidne, Laura, and Chris Maddison as well as Ivan and Oscar Maillet for their kind encouragement and support throughout this process. To my 'other' parents, Ken and Brenda Symns, all meh Guyanese and Trini Aunties and Uncles, and the rest of the best chosen family in the world-thanks does not begin to express my gratitude. To Melissa, Christina, Matt, Justin and Shady and all the assorted spouses and children you've accumulated and created along the way. Thank you. To Bo (Margaret) Bardos, your support has been a gift. To my big brother Richard-never a sweeter or more proud brother existed. To you, Pam and Joshie, love and thanks. To my own parents, Ann and Paul Geer. Your generosity, faith, pride, support and love have made all of this possible. This dissertation is for you. You are my best example of how to be in this world with generosity and an open heart. I hope I can always live up to your example. Finally, to my partner Drew Maddison. We found one another almost at the beginning of this project. Your love, quiet patience, and unwavering support have changed my life forever. Without you, this dissertation would have been much harder and not nearly as fun. Having you in my comer is a gift and I will always be grateful to you and for you. Oh yeah ... and the Cat too. vi List of Abbreviations: CEPEP-Community Environmental Protection and Enhancement Program COP-Congress of the People DEWD-Development and Environmental Works Division DLP-Democratic Labour Party NAR-National Alliance for Reconstruction ONR-Organisation for National Reconstruction PNM-People's National Movement PP-People's Partnership ULF-United Labour Front UNC-United National Congress UNC-A United National Congress Alliance URP-Unemployment Relief Program vii Table of Contents: Title Page Descriptive Note 11 Abstract iii Dedication IV Acknowledgements v List of Abbreviations Vll Chapter One--Introduction 1 Chapter Two--Methods and Literature Review 41 Chapter Three-A Day in the Life 95 Chapter Four-Government and Elections 129 Chapter Five--2007 National Elections: Risk, Blame and Crime 172 Chapter Six-Learning Safety and Conjuring Fear 223 Chapter Seven-Talk of Crime 257 Chapter Eight-Consuming Safety Safely 291 Chapter Nine-Imagining the Future 336 Chapter Ten-Conclusion 367 References- 388 viii PhD Thesis- S. Geer McMaster Anthropology 1 Chapter One: Introduction In what follows I explore the often contradictory experiences of upper middle class and upper class Trinidadians. Like others, these groups fmd themselves located at the nexus oflocal, regional and global processes. Increasingly, the daily lives of elite Trinidadians are spent thinking about and avoiding a situation of rapidly increasing violent crime. The 10 month span over which I conducted my fieldwork in 2007-2008 saw, for example, a dramatic increase in the nation's murder rate. In the following chapters, I explore the ways in which risk and safety are understood and negotiated by these privileged groups, how safety is spoken about and discussed and how safe spaces are created.
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