Marketing Fragment 6 X 10.5.T65

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Marketing Fragment 6 X 10.5.T65 Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-70329-1 - To the Threshold of Power, 1922/33: Origins and Dynamics of the Fascist and Nationalist Socialist Dictatorships, Volume I MacGregor Knox Frontmatter More information To the Threshold of Power, 1922/33 Origins and Dynamics of the Fascist and Nationalist Socialist Dictatorships Volume 1 To the Threshold of Power is the first volume of a two-part work that seeks to explain the origins and dynamics of the Fascist and National Socialist dictatorships. It lays a foundation for understanding the Nazi and Fascist regimes – from their respective seizures of power in 1922 and 1933 to global war, genocide, and common ruin – through parallel inves- tigations of Italian and German society, institutions, and national myths; the supreme test of the First World War; and the post-1918 struggles from which the Fascist and National Socialist movements emerged. It emphasizes two principal sources of movement: the nationalist mythol- ogy of the intellectuals and the institutional culture and agendas of the two armies, especially the Imperial German Army and its Reichswehr successor. The book’s climax is the cataclysm of 1914–18 and the rise and triumph of militarily organized radical nationalist movements – Mussolini’s Fasci di combattimento and Hitler’s National Socialist Ger- man Workers’ Party – dedicated to the perpetuation of the war and the overthrow of the post-1918 world order. MacGregor Knox has served since 1994 as Stevenson Professor of International History at the London School of Economics and Polit- ical Science. He was educated at Harvard College (B.A., 1967) and Yale University (Ph.D., 1977), and has also taught at the University of Rochester (United States). His writings deal with the wars and dicta- torships of the savage first half of the twentieth century and with con- temporary international and strategic history. They include Mussolini Unleashed, 1939–1941 (1982); The Making of Strategy: Rulers, States, and War (edited with Williamson Murray and Alvin Bernstein) (1994); Common Destiny: Dictatorship, Foreign Policy, and War in Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany (2000); Hitler’s Italian Allies: Royal Armed Forces, Fascist Regime, and the War of 1940–43 (2000); and The Dynamics of Military Revolution, 1300–2050 (edited with Williamson Murray) (2001). Between his undergraduate and graduate studies he spent three years in the U.S. Army, and served in the Republic of Vietnam (1969) as rifle platoon leader with the 173rd Airborne Brigade. © Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-70329-1 - To the Threshold of Power, 1922/33: Origins and Dynamics of the Fascist and Nationalist Socialist Dictatorships, Volume I MacGregor Knox Frontmatter More information To the Threshold of Power, 1922/33 Origins and Dynamics of the Fascist and Nationalist Socialist Dictatorships Volume 1 MacGregor Knox The London School of Economics and Political Science © Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-70329-1 - To the Threshold of Power, 1922/33: Origins and Dynamics of the Fascist and Nationalist Socialist Dictatorships, Volume I MacGregor Knox Frontmatter More information cambridge university press Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, Sao˜ Paulo, Delhi Cambridge University Press 32 Avenue of the Americas, New York, ny 10013-2473, usa www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521878609 C MacGregor Knox 2007 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 2007 Printed in the United States of America A catalog record for this publication is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Knox, MacGregor. To the threshold of power, 1922/33 : origins and dynamics of the fascist and nationalist socialist dictatorships / MacGregor Knox. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn-13: 978-0-521-87860-9 (hardback) isbn-13: 978-0-521-70329-1 (pbk.) 1. Totalitarianism. 2. Fascism – Italy – History. 3. National socialism – Germany – History. I. Title. jc481.k527 2007 320.53 3–dc22 2007002272 isbn 978-0-521-87860-9 hardback isbn 978-0-521-70329-1 paperback Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of urls for external or third-party Internet Web sites referred to in this publication and does not guarantee that any content on such Web sites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate. © Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-70329-1 - To the Threshold of Power, 1922/33: Origins and Dynamics of the Fascist and Nationalist Socialist Dictatorships, Volume I MacGregor Knox Frontmatter More information Per Tina, come sempre Fur¨ Tina, wie immer © Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-70329-1 - To the Threshold of Power, 1922/33: Origins and Dynamics of the Fascist and Nationalist Socialist Dictatorships, Volume I MacGregor Knox Frontmatter More information Contents List of Figures and Maps page ix Preface xi Abbreviations xiii Introduction: Dictatorship in the Age of Mass Politics 1 part i: the long nineteenth century, 1789–1914 1. Latecomers 19 1. Peculiarities of the Old Order 19 2. Revolutions from Above, 1789–1871: Politics, Society, Myths 32 2. Italy and Germany as Nation-States, 1871–1914 58 1. Economic Expansion, Social Ambition 58 2. The Politics of Stunted Parliamentarism 78 3. The Instruments of War 100 4. The National Myths 109 5. Fateful Peculiarities: The View from 1914 131 part ii: from war to dictatorship, 1914–1933 3. The Synthesis of Violence and Politics, 1914–1918 143 1. The Meaning of the War: The Inner Circle from Euphoria to Resentment 146 2. The Meaning of the War: “August Days” and “Radiant May” 169 3. The Meaning of the War: Fragmentation, Defeat, Denial, Wrath 182 4. Structural Transformations and the End of All Legitimacy 223 4. Kampfzeit: The Road to Radical Nationalist Victory, 1918–1933 232 1. Postwar Italy and Weimar Germany: Structures and Forces 233 2. The Perpetuation of the War: Ideas and Institutions 281 3. “Without Armistice or Quarter”: Fascism and National Socialism 300 vii © Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-70329-1 - To the Threshold of Power, 1922/33: Origins and Dynamics of the Fascist and Nationalist Socialist Dictatorships, Volume I MacGregor Knox Frontmatter More information viii Contents 4. To Rome and Berlin, 1921–1922/1930–1933 361 5. Out of the National Pasts. 389 Conclusion: Into the Radical National Future: Inheritances and Prospects of the New Regimes 399 Frequently Cited Works 407 Index 421 © Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-70329-1 - To the Threshold of Power, 1922/33: Origins and Dynamics of the Fascist and Nationalist Socialist Dictatorships, Volume I MacGregor Knox Frontmatter More information List of Figures and Maps figures 2.1 GDP of the Powers, 1870–1945 page 62 2.2 GDP of the European Powers and Japan, 1900–1945 63 2.3 The German Lead: Industrial Production as Percentage of GDP, 1850–1940 64 2.4 Percentage of the Workforce in Industry, 1849–1939 65 2.5 Per Capita GDP, 1900–1945: Germany, Northwest Italy, and the Powers 67 2.6 Stunted Parliamentarism: The Italian Franchise to 1913 82 2.7 The German “Five-Party System,” 1871–1918: Parties, Votes, and Reichstag Seats 92 2.8 The Unraveling of Bismarck’s System: The Popular Vote, 1871–1912 96 3.1 The Hammer of War: Armies and Peoples on Trial, 1914–1919 186 4.1 Economic and Political Trajectories: Italy and Germany from 1918 234 4.2 The Italian Civil War, 1919–1922: Strikes, Unemployment, Death 250 4.3 Rise, Decline, and Triumph of the “Anti-System” Vote 258 4.4 For or Against the Republic? The First Round, 29 March 1925 259 4.5 Against the Republic: The Election of Paul Ludwig Hans Anton von Beneckendorff und von Hindenburg, 26 April 1925 260 4.6 The Caporetto of Liberalism: 16 November 1919 270 4.7 Fragmentation in Two Dimensions, 1913–1921 272 4.8 From PSI Local Power to Fascist Mass Movement, 1920–1921 312 ix © Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-70329-1 - To the Threshold of Power, 1922/33: Origins and Dynamics of the Fascist and Nationalist Socialist Dictatorships, Volume I MacGregor Knox Frontmatter More information x List of Figures and Maps 4.9 At the Epicenter: Agricultural Strikes, PSI-PPI Political Control, and Fascist Civil War in Emilia-Romagna, 1920–1921 318 4.10 Liberal Italy’s Last Election, May 1921 327 4.11 The Final Elections, 1928–1932: Votes and Percentage of the Popular Vote 355 4.12 Catastrophe, 1929–1932 372 4.13 Last Victory of the “Lesser Evil,” March–April 1932 378 maps 1 The Western Front, 1918 (Adapted from maps by the Department of History, U.S. Military Academy, West Point, NY http://www.dean.usma.edu/history.) 156 2 The German Reich, 1914–1933 (Adapted from Andreas Kunz, Institut fur¨ Europaische¨ Geschichte – Mainz, “Deutschland nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg Ende 1921,” http://www.ieg- maps.uni-mainz.de.) 238 3 Italy: War and Civil War, 1915–1922 (Adapted, with thanks, from Adrian Lyttelton, The Seizure of Power: Fascism in Italy, 1919–1929 [New York, 1973], 436–37, and from maps by the Department of History, U.S. Military Academy, West Point, NY http://www.dean.usma.edu/history.) 308 © Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-70329-1 - To the Threshold of Power, 1922/33: Origins and Dynamics of the Fascist and Nationalist Socialist Dictatorships, Volume I MacGregor Knox Frontmatter More information Preface This is an unfashionable book.
Recommended publications
  • An Analysis of the Role of Long Term Factors for the the Collapse of Democracy in Weimar Germany and Their Legacy for the Post Second World War Europe
    AN ANALYSIS OF THE ROLE OF LONG TERM FACTORS FOR THE THE COLLAPSE OF DEMOCRACY IN WEIMAR GERMANY AND THEIR LEGACY FOR THE POST SECOND WORLD WAR EUROPE by YAKUP CEKĠ BĠLMEN Submitted to the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in European Studies Sabancı University May 2012 AN ANALYSIS OF THE ROLE OF LONG TERM FACTORS FOR THE THE COLLAPSE OF DEMOCRACY IN WEIMAR GERMANY AND THEIR LEGACY FOR THE POST SECOND WORLD WAR EUROPE APPROVED BY: Assoc. Prof. Halil Berktay …........................... (Dissertation Supervisor) Prof. Meltem Müftüler Bac …........................... Prof. AyĢe Kadıoğlu …........................... DATE OF APPROVAL: 12.06.2012 ii © Yakup Ceki Bilmen 2012 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED iii To the beloved memory of my grandfather Yaakov Jak Maya iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost I want to express my gratitude to my thesis adviser Assoc. Prof. Halil Berktay without whose guidance this thesis wouldn't be the same. Throughout the process of writing he provided me with enlightening feedbacks and discipline which were so fundamental for this thesis. The opportunity to work with him did not only lead me to write this thesis but also to broaden my horizon about a very crucial period of European history. I want to thank my fiancée Karen Ġcin for all her understanding throughout this occupied period of my life for the long hours that I have spend to write this thesis, which I should have normally spend with her. Finally I want to thank my mother Fortune Maya, my brother Avi Bilmen, my grandmother Beki Maya and my uncle Marko Maya for all their support during this process and for always encouraging me to pursue the opportunities for more education.
    [Show full text]
  • Marketing Fragment 6 X 10.5.T65
    Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-87860-9 - To the Threshold of Power, 1922/33: Origins and Dynamics of the Fascist and Nationalist Socialist Dictatorships, Volume I MacGregor Knox Excerpt More information introduction Dictatorship in the Age of Mass Politics [L]ong voluntary subjection under individual Fuhrer¨ and usurpers is in prospect. People no longer believe in principles, but will, periodically, probably [believe] in saviors. – Jacob Burckhardt Burckhardt, Basel patrician and pessimist, was right. From his university chair in neutral Switzerland, the nineteenth-century pioneer of the history of culture saw Bismarck’s founding of the German Reich in 1866/71 as the overture to a “world war” or an “era of wars” that would destroy the cultivated elite that Burckhardt exemplified. In the “coming barbaric age,” mass politics and industry would create a nightmare world under the domination of vast military- industrial states whose miserable inhabitants would serve out their regimented days “to the sound of the trumpet.”1 The rulers of those states would differ markedly from the dynasties of the past. Equality, as Burckhardt’s contemporary Tocqueville also suggested, could serve as foundation for wholly new varieties of despotism. In Burckhardt’s jaun- diced view the egalitarianism of the French Revolution and Rousseau’s doctrine of the inherent goodness of humanity had destroyed all foundation for legiti- mate authority. The result – from Robespierre and Napoleon to the future of “terrifying simplifiers” that Burckhardt saw coming upon Europe – was rule by force in the name of the people. In the “agreeable twentieth century” of Burck- hardt’s imagination, “authority would once again raise its head – and a fearful head.” Mass politics and the levelling force of the market would compel the world to choose between the “outright democracy” that Burckhardt disdained and the “unlimited lawless despotism” that he feared.
    [Show full text]
  • Hitler's Italian Allies: Royal Armed F
    Cambridge University Press 0521790476 - Hitler’s Italian Allies: Royal Armed Forces, Fascist Regime, and the War of 1940-43 MacGregor Knox Excerpt More information © Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 0521790476 - Hitler’s Italian Allies: Royal Armed Forces, Fascist Regime, and the War of 1940-43 MacGregor Knox Excerpt More information INTRODUCTION: DEFEAT ± AND HUMILIATION Defeat was inescapable. Mussolini's associate and senior partner, Adolf Hitler, challenged by December 1941 the same world of enemies that had destroyed his royal predecessor, the Emperor Wilhelm II. For all its operational-tactical brilliance, stunning initial victories, and plunder, the Axis coalition of National Socialist Germany, Fascist Italy, and Imperial Japan possessed less than half the economic power of its ene- mies. Barring improbable levels of incompetence or irresolution in Britain and the United States, that crushing imbalance doomed the Axis in the intercontinental war of attrition that emerged from Hitler's failure to destroy Soviet Russia, Imperial Japan's attack on Pearl Harbor, and the FuÈhrer's immediately following and wholly eccentric declaration of war on the United States.1 In that global struggle, Hitler's Fascist allies were a pygmy among giants. The fatal consequences of the miscarriage of Nazi Germany's 1. Even a renewal of his 1939±41 alliance with Stalin might not have saved Hitler, for after mid-1945 the Americans could destroy cities ± or point targets such as Reich Chancellery and FuÈhrer headquarters ± with nuclear weapons. For a brilliant but ultimately unpersuasive effort to locate the war's turning point far later than December 1941, and in part at the operational-tactical level, see Richard Overy, Why the Allies Won (London, 1995).
    [Show full text]
  • 'Something Is Wrong with Our Army…' Command, Leadership & Italian
    Journal of Military and Strategic VOLUME 14, ISSUE 1, FALL 2011 Studies ‘Something is wrong with our army…’ Command, Leadership & Italian Military Failure in the First Libyan Campaign, 1940-41. Dr. Craig Stockings There is no question that the First Libyan Campaign of 1940-41 was an Italian military disaster of the highest order. Within hours of Mussolini’s declaration of war British troops began launching a series of very successful raids by air, sea and land in the North African theatre. Despite such early setbacks a long-anticipated Italian invasion of Egypt began on 13 September 1940. After three days of ponderous and costly advance, elements of the Italian 10th Army halted 95 kilometres into Egyptian territory and dug into a series of fortified camps southwest of the small coastal village of Sidi Barrani. From 9-11 December, these camps were attacked by Western Desert Force (WDF) in the opening stages of Operation Compass – the British counter-offensive against the Italian invasion. Italian troops not killed or captured in the rout that followed began a desperate and disjointed withdrawal back over the Libyan border, with the British in pursuit. The next significant engagement of the campaign was at the port-village Bardia, 30 kilometres inside Libya, in the first week of 1941. There the Australian 6 Division, having recently replaced 4 Indian Division as the infantry component of WDF (now renamed 13 Corps), broke the Italian fortress and its 40,000 defenders with few casualties. The feat was repeated at the port of Tobruk, deeper into Libya, when another 27,000 Italian prisoners were taken.
    [Show full text]
  • The United States and Fascist Italy: the Rise of American Finance in Europe
    84 • Italian American Review 8.1 • Winter 2018 The United States and Fascist Italy: The Rise of American Finance in Europe. By Gian Giacomo Migone. With a preface and translated by Molly Tambor. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015; originally published in Italian in 1980. 405 pages. Gian Giacomo Migone has written a powerful argument for the continuities of U.S. economic policy from the post–World War I period to the post–World War II period, a primary goal of which was the stabilization of Europe as an outlet for U.S. capital and manufactured goods. In this project, Mussolini was a key component. Instead of viewing him as the destroyer of democracy in Italy, many Americans saw him as the guarantor of stability and a willing partner in U.S. capitalist expansion in the 1920s. This commitment required peace, which Mussolini dutifully offered, contrary to all his bellicose rhetoric, because he needed U.S. investment to stabilize his fledgling dictatorship. It was only the Depression and the contraction of U.S. economic involvement in Europe that broke this close relationship and led Italy down the path of imperialism and war. Migone’s argument is premised on the fact that after World War I the United States needed to keep expanding its production and needed outlets for its excess capital. For this to happen, Europe had to be stabilized, debts owed to the United States had to be settled, and any nationalist agendas, specifically French desires to keep Germany weak, had to be eliminated. Europe, and specifically Italy, went along with this U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Hitler and Mussolini: a Comparative Analysis of the Rome-Berlin Axis 1936-1940 Written by Stephanie Hodgson
    Hitler and Mussolini: A comparative analysis of the Rome-Berlin Axis 1936-1940 Written by Stephanie Hodgson This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. Hitler and Mussolini: A comparative analysis of the Rome-Berlin Axis 1936-1940 https://www.e-ir.info/2011/07/29/hitler-and-mussolini-a-comparative-analysis-of-the-rome-berlin-axis-1936-1940/ STEPHANIE HODGSON, JUL 29 2011 Nazi Germany and fascist Italy have often been depicted as congruent cases[1] during the period in discussion in which their supposed inherent links formed the basis of their relationship. These inherent links include their common ideology, albeit there are minor differences,[2] their similar foreign policy, expansionist aims and finally common enemies – Britain, France and communist Russia. Furthermore, they shared parallel leadership principles and referred to as Duce and Führer (both mean leader), and additionally both held great hostility towards parliamentary democracy.[3] Although these factors hold a great deal of truth and certainly some weight, it is difficult to argue that the Rome-Berlin axis was established purely on this basis. This paper will predominately argue that Germany and Italy had little in common but common enemies and more significantly the shared aim of both wanting to assert themselves as revisionist powers of the interwar period. Thus, their alliance was one of more convenience than anything else in that both powers were aware that they needed an ally within Europe as a means of achieving their ambitious and aggressive foreign policies.
    [Show full text]
  • On the Fiery March: Mussolini Prepares for War'
    H-Italy Davidson on Strang, 'On the Fiery March: Mussolini Prepares for War' Review published on Saturday, May 1, 2004 G. Bruce Strang. On the Fiery March: Mussolini Prepares for War. Westport: Praeger, 2003. xv + 375 pp. $49.95 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-275-97937-9. Reviewed by Jason W. Davidson (Mary Washington College) Published on H-Italy (May, 2004) Dominant scholarship on the foreign policy of fascist Italy stresses rational strategic thinking. MacGregor Knox, the most widely cited historian to make this argument, makes the case that Benito Mussolini had consistent, expansionist foreign policy goals based in Italy's national interest and that he steadily worked to achieve them within the international political environment of his day.[1] G. Bruce Strang's On the Fiery March offers a strikingly different perspective--for Strang, Mussolini's "mentalite", or worldview, provides a better explanation than a focus on strategic, rational factors. On the Fiery March is provocative because it provides a much-needed counter to current orthodoxy. The book's central argument did not ultimately convince this reader, however. Strang dedicates the book's first chapter to outlining his argument. Because Mussolini dominated foreign policy decision making, Strang argues, the focus should be overwhelmingly on Mussolini. Specifically, Strang argues that we should focus on Mussolini's mentalite, which he defines as "a set of related intellectual constructs that represented a coherent, though not necessarily rational, framework for interpreting both history and contemporary events" (p. 13) The fascist dictator's worldview consisted of five different sets of ideas: anti-bolshevism, opposition to freemasonry, opposition to democracy, anti-Semitism, and social Darwinism.
    [Show full text]
  • Marketing Fragment 6 X 10.5.T65
    Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-70329-1 - To the Threshold of Power, 1922/33: Origins and Dynamics of the Fascist and Nationalist Socialist Dictatorships, Volume I MacGregor Knox Index More information Index Adowa, battle of (1896), 72, 79, 107, Albertini, Luigi (1871–1941), 108, 110, 117, 137 and Fascist participation in government Adriatic, (1922), 366 and note 393 postwar settlement in, 243, 279, 300 and Italian war aims, 220 supremacy in, as Italian war aim, 100, urges war on Salandra (1914–15), 180 113, 162, 163, 166, 167, 175, 178, Alsace-Lorraine, 70, 92, 187, 238 (Map 180, 181, 220, 223, 242, 251, 271, 2), 285, 294 302, 305–06 annexed by Germany (1871), 57, 91, agriculture, and rural social groups, 130, 146 German (see also Rittergut), 46, 97, ancestor-worship, see great men, cult of, 99, 224, 316, 400 in Germany laborers, 22, 24, 42, 69, 265–66 anti-Semitism (see also Hitler, ideology landlords, 24, 26, 41, 46, 73, 99, of), 193, 225, 379, 387 in Austria, 98 peasant proprietors, 21, 24 in Britain, 132 serfs, serfdom, 21, 24, 34, 42, 51 in France, 133, 134–36 Italian, 44, 59, 61, 66, 68, 224–25, in Germany, 35 and note 36, 66, 92, 316–17 and note 221, 400 97, 99, 127–29, 137 note 184, braccianti, 68–69, 85 and note 48, 190, 191–92, 200, 246, 265, 267, 226, 248, 275, 312, 313, 317, 318, 268, 284–86, 331, 332, 333, 335, 364 336, 402 contract laborers, 68, 317 in Italy, 118–19, 221, 401 landlords, classe proprietaria, 24, apocalypse, ideological role of, 41, 46, 53, 70, 87, 213, 225, 248, in Marxism, 110, 129 275, 280, 314, 317
    [Show full text]
  • Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini As Test Cases
    University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 1986 Nature of totalitarian diplomacy: Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini as test cases Gary Lee Frazer The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Frazer, Gary Lee, "Nature of totalitarian diplomacy: Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini as test cases" (1986). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 5233. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/5233 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. COPYRIGHT ACT OF 1976 Th is is an unpublished m a n u s c r ip t in w h ic h c o p y r ig h t su b ­ s i s t s . Any further r e p r in t in g of it s contents must be appro ved BY THE AUTHOR. Ma n s f ie l d L ib r a r y Un iv e r s it y of Montana Date : _____ 1 THE NATURE OF TOTALITARIAN DIPLOMACY: ADOLF HITLER AND BENITO MUSSOLINI AS TEST CASES by Gary Lee Frazer B.A., University of Montana, 1980 B.A., University of Montana, 1981 Presented in p a rtia l fu lfillm e n t of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts UNIVERSITY OF MONTANA 1986 Approved by: Chairman, Board of Examiners ff£an, Gradua UMI Number: EP40697 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted.
    [Show full text]
  • Army Transformaation
    ARMY TRANSFORMATION: A VIEW FROM THE U.S. ARMY WAR COLLEGE Edited by Williamson Murray July 2001 ***** The views expressed in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. This report is cleared for public release; distribution is unlimited. ***** Comments pertaining to this report are invited and should be forwarded to: Director, Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 122 Forbes Ave., Carlisle, PA 17013-5244. Copies of this report may be obtained from the Publications and Production Office by calling commercial (717) 245-4133, FAX (717) 245-3820, or via the Internet at [email protected] ***** Most 1993, 1994, and all later Strategic Studies Institute (SSI) monographs are available on the SSI Homepage for electronic dissemination. SSI’s Homepage address is: http://carlisle-www.army. mil/usassi/welcome.htm ***** The Strategic Studies Institute publishes a monthly e-mail newsletter to update the national security community on the research of our analysts, recent and forthcoming publications, and upcoming conferences sponsored by the Institute. Each newsletter also provides a strategic commentary by one of our research analysts. If you are interested in receiving this newsletter, please let us know by e-mail at [email protected] or by calling (717) 245-3133. ISBN 1-58487-059-1 ii CONTENTS Foreword .......................... iv 1. INTRODUCTION Williamson Murray .................... 1 2. NEW AGE MILITARY PROGRESSIVES: U.S. Army Officer Professionalism in the Information Age David R. Gray .....................
    [Show full text]
  • Archived Content Information Archivée Dans Le
    Archived Content Information identified as archived on the Web is for reference, research or record-keeping purposes. It has not been altered or updated after the date of archiving. Web pages that are archived on the Web are not subject to the Government of Canada Web Standards. As per the Communications Policy of the Government of Canada, you can request alternate formats on the "Contact Us" page. Information archivée dans le Web Information archivée dans le Web à des fins de consultation, de recherche ou de tenue de documents. Cette dernière n’a aucunement été modifiée ni mise à jour depuis sa date de mise en archive. Les pages archivées dans le Web ne sont pas assujetties aux normes qui s’appliquent aux sites Web du gouvernement du Canada. Conformément à la Politique de communication du gouvernement du Canada, vous pouvez demander de recevoir cette information dans tout autre format de rechange à la page « Contactez-nous ». CANADIAN FORCES COLLEGE / COLLÈGE DES FORCES CANADIENNES CSC 31 / CCEM 31 IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTERS OF DEFENCE STUDIES TRANSFORMATION BY INNOVATION: DEFENDING CANADA AND ITS INTERESTS By /par Maj/maj P.R. Kouri This paper was written by a student attending La présente étude a été rédigée par un stagiaire the Canadian Forces College in fulfilment of one du Collège des Forces canadiennes pour of the requirements of the Course of Studies. satisfaire à l'une des exigences du cours. The paper is a scholastic document, and thus L'étude est un document qui se rapporte au contains facts and opinions which the author cours et contient donc des faits et des opinions alone considered appropriate and correct for que seul l'auteur considère appropriés et the subject.
    [Show full text]
  • Studying Inter-War Fascism in Epochal and Diachronic Terms: Ideological Production, Political Experience and the Quest for ‘Consensus’
    Aristotle A. Kallis Studying Inter-war Fascism in Epochal and Diachronic Terms: Ideological Production, Political Experience and the Quest for ‘Consensus’ When G. Allardyce published his famous polemical article ‘What Fascism is Not’, in which he endeavoured to demolish the heuris- tic value of any generic definition of the concept of fascism,1 very few people could have envisaged the dramatic revival of aca- demic interest in the comparative study of fascism in the 1990s. Allardyce’s diatribe was emblematic of the then prevalent historiographical view that the various inter-war dictatorships in Europe presented more (and more serious) divergences than actual similarities, and that the generic framework of analysis should have been dropped in favour of individual accounts in their specific national context. Overwhelmed by the breadth and diversity of empirical evidence, historians appeared much more alert to, and fascinated by, individual characteristics than the challenge of constructing a general model for banding together this unique historic experience in Europe. It simply seemed extremely hard to entrench the intellectual validity of the term ‘fascism’ vis-à-vis the significantly more acceptable mainstream categories of nationalism, authoritarianism, conservatism and populism. The concept, just like the ideology that it attempted to codify, could not claim its own autonomous position in an other- wise overcrowded colony of well established ‘-isms’! It took historical research another decade to abandon its previous maximalist efforts to produce all-embracing, ‘ideal’ categories and to turn instead to a minimalist methodological solution — to debate the ideological essence of fascism while, allowing ample space for accommodating its various national European History Quarterly Copyright © 2004 SAGE Publications, London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi (www.sagepublications.com), Vol.
    [Show full text]