Overview of Corruption and Anti-Corruption in Angola
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Corruption in Angola: An Impediment to Democracy Rafael Marques de Morais * * The author is currently writing a book on corruption in Angola. He has recently published a book on human rights abuses and corruption in the country’s diamond industry ( Diamantes de Sangue: Tortura e Corrupção em Angola . Tinta da China: Lisboa, 2011 ), and is developing the anti-corruption watchdog Maka Ang ola www.makaangola.org . He holds a BA in Anthropology and Media from Goldsmiths College, University of London, and an MSc in African Studies from the University of Oxford. © 2011 by Rafael Marques de Morais. All rights reserved. ii | Corruption in Angola Table of Contents Acknowledgements ................................ ................................................................ ......................... 1 Introduction ................................ ................................................................ ................................ .... 2 I. Consolidation of Presidential Powers: Constitutional and Legal Measures ........................... 4 The Concept of Democracy ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 4 The Consolidation Process ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 4 The Consequences ................................ ................................ ................................ ...................... 9 II. Tightening the Net: Available Space for Angolan Civil Society ............................... -
Business Success, Angola-Style
J. of Modern African Studies, 45, 4 (2007), pp. 595–619. f 2007 Cambridge University Press doi:10.1017/S0022278X07002893 Printed in the United Kingdom Business success,Angola-style: postcolonial politics and the rise and rise of Sonangol RICARDO SOARES DE OLIVEIRA Department of Politics and International Relations, University of Oxford, Manor Road, Oxford OX1 3UQ, United Kingdom Email: [email protected] ABSTRACT This paper investigates a paradoxical case of business success in one of the world’s worst-governed states, Angola. Founded in 1976 as the essential tool of the Angolan end of the oil business, Sonangol, the national oil company, was from the very start protected from the dominant (both predatory and centrally planned) logic of Angola’s political economy. Throughout its first years, the pragmatic senior management of Sonangol accumulated technical and mana- gerial experience, often in partnership with Western oil and consulting firms. By the time the ruling party dropped Marxism in the early 1990s, Sonangol was the key domestic actor in the economy, an island of competence thriving in tandem with the implosion of most other Angolan state institutions. However, the grow- ing sophistication of Sonangol (now employing thousands of people, active in four continents, and controlling a vast parallel budget of offshore accounts and myriad assets) has not led to the benign developmental outcomes one would expect from the successful ‘capacity building’ of the last thirty years. Instead, Sonangol has primarily been at the service of the presidency and its rentier ambitions. Amongst other themes, the paper seeks to highlight the extent to which a nominal ‘failed state’ can be successful amidst widespread human destitution, provided that basic tools for elite empowerment (in this case, Sonangol and the means of coercion) exist to ensure the viability of incumbents. -
Nigeria: Evidence of Corruption and the Influence of Social Norms
www.transparency.org www.cmi.no Nigeria: Evidence of corruption and the influence of social norms Query Can you provide an overview of corruption in Nigeria, presenting the existing evidence on what types of corruption take place in the country, at what levels of society, at what magnitude – and in particular, what social norms are involved? Purpose nepotism and cronyism, among others; and (ii) to preserve power, which includes electoral Contribute to the agency’s work in this area. corruption, political patronage, and judicial corruption. Content Evidence also suggests that these forms of 1. Introduction: The literature on corruption in corruption are related to the country’s social Nigeria norms. Nigeria is assessed as a neo-patrimonial state, where power is maintained through the 2. Social norms and corruption in Nigeria awarding of personal favours and where 3. Forms of corruption in Nigeria politicians may abuse their position to extract as 4. References many rents as possible from the state. Summary This answer provides an overview of the existing evidence regarding corruption and social norms, highlighting the main areas discussed in the literature related to the social mechanisms influencing corruption in the country, as well as an overview of existing evidence regarding the main forms of corruption that take place in Nigeria. Available evidence demonstrates that corruption in Nigeria serves two main purposes: (i) to extract rents from the state, which includes forms of corruption such as embezzlement, bribery, Author(s): Maíra Martini, Transparency International, [email protected] Reviewed by: Marie Chêne; Samuel Kaninda, Transparency International Acknowledgement: Thanks to the Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre (CISLAC) for their contribution. -
Foreignpolicyleopold
Foreign Policy VOICE The 750 Million Dollar Man How a Swiss commodities giant used shell companies to make an Angolan general three-quarters of a billion dollars richer. BY Michael Weiss FEBRUARY 13, 2014 Revolutionary communist regimes have a strange habit of transforming themselves into corrupt crony capitalist ones and Angola -- with its massive oil reserves and budding crop of billionaires -- has proved no exception. In 2010, Trafigura, the world’s third-largest private oil and metals trader based in Switzerland, sold an 18.75-percent stake in one of its major energy subsidiaries to a high-ranking and influential Angolan general, Foreign Policy has discovered. The sale, which amounted to $213 million, appears on the 2012 audit of the annual financial statements of a Singapore-registered company, which is wholly owned by Gen. Leopoldino Fragoso do Nascimento. Details of the sale and purchaser are also buried within a prospectus document of the sold company which was uploaded to the Luxembourg Stock Exchange within the last week. “General Dino,” as he’s more commonly called in Angola, purchased the 18.75 percent stake not in any minor bauble, but in a $5 billion multinational oil company called Puma Energy International. By 2011, his shares were diluted to 15 percent; but that’s still quite a hefty prize: his stake in the company is today valued at around $750 million. The sale illuminates not only a growing and little-scrutinized relationship between Trafigura, which earned nearly $1 billion in profits in 2012, and the autocratic regime of 71-year-old Angolan President Jose Eduardo dos Santos, who has been in power since 1979 -- but also the role that Western enterprise continues to play in the Third World. -
Workshop on Corruption and Human Rights in Third Countries
DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR EXTERNAL POLICIES OF THE UNION DIRECTORATE B POLICY DEPARTMENT WORKSHOP CORRUPTION AND HUMAN RIGHTS IN THIRD COUNTRIES Abstract Defined as abuse of public trust for personal gain, corruption is present in all countries. The participants of this workshop discussed various ways that corruption is linked to human rights violations and examined specific challenges in individual countries such as South Africa, Angola and Russia. The recommendations for the EU included supporting civil society activists more effectively, developing international standards for the independence of anti-corruption bodies, establishing a UN Special Rapporteur, setting anti-corruption benchmarks for bilateral cooperation and monitoring the links of corrupt countries with EU Member States. EXPO/B/DROI/2013/03-04-07 March 2013 PE 433.728 EN Policy Department DG External Policies This workshop on 'Corruption and human rights in third countries' was requested by the European Parliament's Subcommittee on Human Rights. BASED ON PRESENTATIONS OF: Gareth SWEENEY, Transparency International ‘Linking acts of corruption with specific human rights’ Rafael MARQUES DE MORAIS, Journalist and Angolan anti-corruption campaigner 'Corruption in Africa and the Impact on Human Rights: Angola: A Case Study' Julia PETTENGILL, Research Fellow, Henry Jackson Society, London, Founder and Chair, Russia Studies Centre 'Impact of corruption on human rights in Russia' The exchange of views / hearing / public hearing can be followed online: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/activities/committees/homeCom.do?language=EN&body=DROI -
Extractive Sectors and Illicit Financial Flows: What Role for Revenue Governance Initiatives?
U4 ISSUE November 2011 No 13 Extractive sectors and illicit financial flows: What role for revenue governance initiatives? Philippe Le Billon Anti- Corruption Resource Centre www.U4.no U4 is a web-based resource centre for development practitioners who wish to effectively address corruption challenges in their work. U4 is operated by the Chr. Michelsen Institute (CMI) – an independent centre for research on international development and policy – and is funded by AusAID (Australia), BTC (Belgium), CIDA (Canada), DFID (UK), GIZ (Germany), Norad (Norway), Sida (Sweden) and The Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs. All views expressed in this Issue are those of the author(s), and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the U4 Partner Agencies or CMI/ U4. (Copyright 2011 - CMI/U4) Extractive sectors and illicit financial flows: What role for revenue governance initiatives? By Philippe Le Billon Associate Professor, Department of Geography and Liu Institute for Global Issues, University of British Columbia U4 Issue October 2011 No 13 Contents Abstract .......................................................................................................................................................... iv Acknowledgments ........................................................................................................................................... iv Acronyms ......................................................................................................................................................... v 1. Introduction -
The Electoral Consequences of Political Scandals in Spain Pablo
The Electoral Consequences of Political Scandals in Spain Pablo Barberá New York University José Ramón Montero [email protected] Universidad Autónoma de Madrid [email protected] Raúl Gómez European University Institute Pedro Riera [email protected] European University Institute [email protected] Juan Antonio Mayoral European University Institute [email protected] Prepared for the XXII nd World Congress of Political Science, July 2012 Abstract Previous studies of the electoral consequences of corruption in Spanish local elections (Jim énez, 2007; Fernández-Vázquez and Rivero, 2011; Costas et al.., 2011) have found that voters do not necessarily punish corrupt mayors. As has been pointed out in the comparative literature, the average loss of electoral support by corrupt incumbents is small and does not prevent their reelection most of the times (Jiménez and Ca ínzos, 2006). What remains unsolved, however, is the remarkable variability in this pattern. This paper explores the micro-level variables that might mediate the effect of corruption scandal on the votes. We focus on three factors: ideological closeness to the incumbent party, political sophistication, and employment status. Our results provide only partial support for our hypothesis, suggesting that the effects of corruption are much more complex than what may seem at first sight. 1. Introduction One of the leading theories of voting behavior argues that people hold accountable incumbents for their performance in office during the previous term. According to this idea, which dates back to Key (1966), as people progressively value better the outcomes produced by the current ruler/s, they become more likely to vote for her/their reelection. -
UNDERMINING SANCTIONS Evidence Suggests Scandal-Hit Billionaire Dan Gertler Is Trying to Dodge US Sanctions Using a Suspected Money Laundering Network
UNDERMINING SANCTIONS Evidence suggests scandal-hit billionaire Dan Gertler is trying to dodge US sanctions using a suspected money laundering network 2 July 2020 On 8 March 2018, a man walks into friends, and crush his enemies, Gertler’s mining a nondescript bank on Boulevard 30 deals have drawn the interest of investigators Juin, a congested and chaotic artery and prosecutors around the world. For his former business partners in DRC, Gertler has morphed running through the heart of from lucky charm into Achilles heel. Various Kinshasa, the sprawling capital of multinational companies, such as Glencore, Och- Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). He has come to Afriland First Bank Ziff and Eurasian Natural Resources Corporation to make a deposit: $6 million, over (ENRC), who have all worked with Gertler in DRC, three separate cash deposits, into have faced or are facing investigations by American, Swiss and British law enforcement the account of an obscure company bodies into their Congolese deals.3 he had set up less than two months earlier. On 21 December 2017 – just a few months before Abihassira found himself delivering millions in The company appears to be a sham, and the cash to a Kinshasa bank – Gertler’s wheeling and provenance of the $6 million deposited at dealing finally caught up with him: he was Afriland Bank that day is unclear. The money sits sanctioned by the US for “hundreds of millions of in the company account for several months, but dollars’ worth of opaque and corrupt mining and is later sent on a circuitous journey via a oil deals” in DRC.4 Congolese middleman and another suspicious Overnight, Gertler, 18 of his companies, his family company, before some of the money is funneled foundation and any other company he owns a abroad. -
Global Witness Report Reveals How Cambodia's Political Elite Are
Cannot read this email? Click here CONTENTS August 2007 Exposing high-level illegal logging in Cambodia Dear @FIRSTNAME@, Instigating a global drive towards energy Welcome to a bumper edition of the Global revenue transparency Witness newsletter. You'll see we have more Mittal Steel agrees a better deal for the stories than ever before - since March we Liberian people have launched three exciting new investigative reports, highlighted to the US Hot Chocolate: the violent origins of the cocoa government the importance of energy in chocolate revenue transparency, drawn ethical Revealing the extent of illegal logging in investors' attention to strange goings on at Nicaragua the HSBC bank, brought important recommendations to the Congolese HSBC's environmental approach is criticised by government, and seen a real success taking investors place in Liberia. Read on for more of the latest news from our campaigns to end Pushing for reform of the Democratic Republic resource-fuelled conflict, corruption and of Congo's natural resource governance environmental destruction throughout the world. Global Witness Report Reveals how Cambodia’s Political Elite are Stripping the Country of its Natural Resources In June this year Global Witness published a damning report on illegal logging and high-level corruption in Cambodia called Cambodia’s Family Trees . The result of several years undercover research in Cambodia, the report exposes in graphic detail how a syndicate comprising relatives of Prime Minister Hun Sen and other senior officials has looted the country’s forests. Members of this group are heavily implicated in cases of kidnapping and attempted murder. The report also presents evidence of corruption by senior officials and the smuggling activities of elite military units controlled by Hun Sen. -
A Decade of Experience:REDD
A Decade of Experience Lessons Learned from Independent Forest Monitoring to Inform REDD Global Witness December 2009 Acknowledgements Global Witness would like to acknowledge support received from the UN Collaborative Programme on REDD (UN-REDD) to produce this report. Global Witness Limited (Global Witness) is a non-profit company limited by guarantee and incorporated in England (Company No. 2871809). Global Witness exposes and breaks the links between the exploitation of natural resources and the funding of conflict, corruption and human rights abuses. Global Witness carries out investigations in countries devastated by conflict, corruption and poverty and our findings from these investigations are used to brief governments, intergovernmental organisations, civil society and the media. Global Witness is recognised as the equivalent of a US public charity as described in section 509(a)(1) of the US Internal Revenue Service Code 1986. ISBN: 978-0-9562028-9-5 © Global Witness Ltd. December 2009 Disclaimer Any views expressed in this report are those of Global Witness. This document has been printed on 100% recycled paper. Table of Contents Abbreviations and Terms ii-iii 1 Introduction 1 2 Designing Independent Forest Monitoring 3 2.1 Goal and minimum standards 3 2.2 Establishing IFM 5 2.2.1 Scoping work 5 2.2.2 Host institution, agreement and stakeholder engagement 5 2.2.3 Terms of Reference 5 2.2.4 The monitoring team 6 2.2.5 Reporting Panel 6 2.3 Funding 8 2.3.1 The cost of IFM 8 3 Independent Forest Monitoring In Practice 11 4 Impacts -
April 16, 2015, 10:46 P.M. Annual Review 2010 \ 1
\ 1 CONTENTS OUR WORK 4 DIrectors’ messAGE 6 CorruPTION 8 COMPANIes 10 GoVernMents 12 THE FINAncIAL sector 12 CAse studY: KAZAKHstAN, KAZAKHMYS And THE London Stock EXCHANGE 14 ConFLICT 16 DEMocrATIC REPUBLIC OF ConGO 18 SudAN 18 LIBerIA 20 ConFLIct DIAMonds 21 CAse studY: ConFLIct MInerALS IN EAstern ConGO 22 EndING IMPunITY 24 DRC LEGAL ActIon 26 JudICIAL REVIew 26 AccountABILITY IN LIBerIA 26 LIBEL reForM 27 ForestS & CLIMATE 28 REDD+ 30 IndustrIAL scALE LOGGING 32 ILLEGAL LOGGING IN MADAGAscAR 32 EMPowerING CIVIL socIetY 33 CAse studY: MADAGAscAR’S ILLEGAL rosewood trAde 34 FundrAISING 36 THAnk You 36 IncoME And EXPendIture 37 Our donors 38 More information about all our campaigns can be found on our website www.globalwitness.org \ 3 Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) (Oslo, Norway) Donor aid and corruption (Paris) Global anti-money laundering standards (Paris) Judicial Review (London) Accountability for Liberia (The Hague, Holland) 2010: Libel reform (London) OURGLOBAL WITNESS WORK New US transparency laws (Washington) Industrial scale logging (Washington) UN REDD+ agreement (Cancun, Mexico) Empowering civil society (Peru, Ecuador) Former Soviet Union (Kazakhstan) Singapore’s demand for Cambodia’s sand Oil transparency in Sudan (China) Gaps in Angola’s oil data British banks and Nigerian corruption Minerals in the Democratic Republic of Congo Congolese legal action Oil transparency in Sudan Post-conflict Liberia Conflict diamonds (Zimbabwe) Illegal logging in Madagascar Empowering civil society to make forest use -
Effects of Scandals on Voter Turnout in Canada
Sigma: Journal of Political and International Studies Volume 32 Article 12 2015 Effects of Scandals on Voter Turnout in Canada Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/sigma Part of the International and Area Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation (2015) "Effects of Scandals on Voter Turnout in Canada," Sigma: Journal of Political and International Studies: Vol. 32 , Article 12. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/sigma/vol32/iss1/12 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Sigma: Journal of Political and International Studies by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Effects of Scandals on Voter Turnout in Canada by Terrance Kutney Although there has been much research done regarding the effects of political scandals on the voting share won by a political party, little research has been done on the effect of political scandals on voter turnout. This is especially true in the context of Canadian politics. This work analyzes the effect of the Canadian sponsorship scandal on voter turnout, primarily using the 2004 and 2006 iterations of the Canadian Election Study. It finds a positive rela- tionship between anger about the sponsorship scandal and the probability of voting. Closer analysis of the 2004 election shows that voters who were angry about the sponsorship scandal increased their political activity leading up to the election and were thus more likely to vote. Introduction On 19 May 2013, Nigel Wright resigned his position as chief of staff to the Cana- dian Prime Minister, having been implicated in what is now known as the Canadian Senate Expenses Scandal.