THE DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATIONAL ROLE OF SCHOOLS OF ARTS IN ENGLAND AND THEIR INFLUENCE ON THE DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATIONAL ROLE OF SCHOOLS OF ARTS IN AUSTRALIA.
A REPORT
Presented as part of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Education at the University of New South Wales
by
David H. McDowell
February, 1975 UNIVERSITY OF N.S.W.
3891)9 -2.JliL.75 LIBRARY SUMMARY This Report deals with the historical and social factors responsible for the rise of popular education.
These factors are seen as religious, philosophical, industrial and political.
The moral outlook of the religious Non-conformists and the philosophical outlook of the Utilitarians coupled with the advent of the Industrial Revolution focused the work of the Mechanics' Institutes from the outset on the education of the labouring "mechanical" workers in the industrial arts.
The Mechanics’ Institute/Schools of Arts movement spread almost simultaneously to Australia and was promoted by persons of the same outlook as those who initiated the movement in England. The Institutes in Australia followed those in the Mother Country. Mechanics' Institutes/Schools of Arts in both countries were the forerunners in the provision of technical education until government responsibility took over the task. Initially, they were the backbone of elementary educational provision to the labouring class. In this role they attempted to illustrate the moral and intellectual benefits of self-improvement.
In England, many Mechanics' Institutes were taken over by the State in the latter part of the nineteenth century and converted into technical colleges. In Australia, the State system of education which arose left the Schools of Arts to fall into decay. The Mechanics' Institute/Schools of Arts movement in both England and Australia played a most important role in the development of public education. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
During the course of preparing this Report, many
individuals and organisations gave me generous help.
While in England in 1974, the library of London
University's Institute of Education extended to me, as a visitor, extensive reference and borrowing facilities.
My thanks is particularly due to the Assistant Librarian.
Birbeck College of London University allowed me to examine original documents of the London Mechanics'
Institute and I am particularly grateful to the Staff of the Clerk's Office.
At Manchester, Dr. Dame Mabel Tylecote offered valuable advice and information for which I am very appreciative. The library Staff of the University of Manchester Institute of
Science and Technology also kindly discussed, and made available, documents relating to the Manchester Mechanics'
Institute.
Various public library Staff in England and in Sydney, as well as Staff of other organisations including those of the main library of Manchester University, were also extremely helpful.
My thanks is due to Mr. C. Field, my former lecturer in
History of Education at the University of New South Wales.
He was helpful and encouraging in initial discussion and guidance. I am grateful, too, to Prof. L.M. Brown who supervised the preparation of this Report for checking the draft and for his valuable guidance.
All short-comings in the Report, are, of course, entirely ray own. CONTENTS
CHAPTER PAGE
I INTRODUCTION - Background to the Social Climate - The Growth of Educational Societies, Clubs and Classes ...... 1
II THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FIRST SCHOOLS AND INSTITUTES FOR MECHANICS - Birbeck's Class at Glasgow - Edinburgh, the First School of Arts for Mechanics - The Glasgow Mechanics' Institute - The London Mechanics' Institute - The Manchester Mechanics' Institute .... 24
III DEVELOPMENT OF THE MECHANICS' INSTITUTES IN BRITAIN - London and Manchester as examples of the movement in the first years - The Mechanics' Institutes from their Establish ment until Government Provision - Develop ment of Government Responsibility and the Mechanics' Institutes ...... 37
IV THE MECHANICS' SCHOOL OF ARTS MOVEMENT IN AUSTRALIA TO 1850 - British Influence and the Moral View of Popular Education- The First Mechanics' Institute at Van Diemen's Land - Carmichael and the founding of Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts - Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts to 1850s - The establishment of other Schools of Arts in Australia to 1850s ...... 67
V FURTHER DEVELOPMENT OF SCHOOLS OF ARTS IN AUSTRALIA FROM 1850 - New Aims, Changes and Technical Education to 1900 - The Early Twentieth Century and Bondi School of Arts - Schools of Arts by 1930s and later ...... 101
VI CONCLUSION ...... 120
BIBLIOGRAPHY 129 1
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
BACKGROUND TO THE SOCIAL CLIMATE
It is widely accepted that the Mechanics Institute /
School of Arts movement was initiated by Dr, George Birbeck, founder of a mechanics* class at Glasgow in 1800, and a founder of the London Mechanics* Institute in 1823.
Although Birbeck was undoubtedly a decisive figure in the founding and development of the movement, many other influences and conditions were also responsible. Besides the influence and work of Birbeck*s contemporaries, historical and cultural factors were crucial. These factors are many sided but may be said to be of a religious, political, industrial and philosophical nature.
This chapter attempts to give a brief outline of the major relevant factors broadly from the Restoration to the early nineteenth century; but concentrating mainly on the period of the 1790s and the first years of the 1800s which was the time when Birbeck began his work. RELIGION 1 Non-Conformists and the Restoration
The restoration of the monarchy in 1660 confirmed the establishment of the Church of England and the nobility.
The religious non-conformists were made, in effect, second- class citizens which meant among other things, being deprived of places at the English universities. For example, the 1662 Act of Uniformity required all clergy, dons,
schoolmasters and tutors to subscribe to a declaration of 2
conformity to the Church of England's liturgy and to repudiate any obligation to change the government in church or state
It is from this kind of background which sprang conflict between the established church and government on the one side and the non-conformists on the other. The conflict led to the non-conformists forming their own schools and the Academies of higher learning in which I they tended to favour the place of science in the curriculum.
2 The Church of England Evangelicals
Within the Church of England various evangelical movements arose in the latter part of the eighteenth century. The evangelicals took on a more radical progessive approach to social problems and needs. One such group was the Clapham Sect, which enjoyed support from Cambridge scholars. One of their number was William Wilberforce M.P., who was the main evangelical spokesman in parliament to 1825 and was responsible for much social reform some of which was connected with education. Wilberforce was one of the first supporters in 1823 of the new London Mechanics Institute. In this connection he joined forces with other radicals and progressive elements of society. In the 1790s the Bishop of London supported many of the evangelical reform moves within the Church of England. An important innovation of the evangelical movemwnt was the launching of Sunday Schools during the 1780s. An evangelical churchman, Robert Raikes began the schools on
I. Lawson J. and Silver H., A Social History of Education in England, p. 164. 3
Sundays for street urchins. The idea was taken up and
expanded by the Methodists, and much later, other non
religious groups were to adopt the idea.
3 Methodism
The effect of Methodism on education is a controversial
issue. Some saw it as "a reading religion" concerned with
education, while others argue that Methodism, by concen
trating on the regeneration of the adult, lacked the emphasis
on the child. However, they were quick to take on the idea
of the Sunday School although the primary motive was, at first,
solely to teach people to read - to read the Bible. But
Class Meetings were also held and much discussion took place.
^^sley himself stated: "Reading Christians will be knowing
Christians and he set the example by providing his congreg
ation with books which synthesised much current knowledge of
science like his own "Primitive Physic".1 Methodist clubs
and societies arose which were a means of self-education and
determination and which trained many working class leaders.
These were especially important in the early years of moves
towards trade-unionism.^
In the wider social sphere, Methodists with Evangelicals
are said to have been perhaps the main influences in setting
O the social tone of the Tatter eighteenth century. They had
"breathed new life into dissent" by the early years of the
nineteenth century^ and many of the great industrial families
of the north clung to non-conformism.
lo W.H.G. Armytage, Four Hundred Years of English Education, p.52 20 E.J. Hobsbaum, Primitive Rebels 30 R.K. Webb, Modern England from the Eighteenth Century to the Present, p. 127 40 S.G. Checkland, The Rise of Industrial Society in England, p.29!i 4
It is further claimed by some that Methodism began the union of religion with popular education in the wider field of philanthropyIf the poor were to lead moral/ useful and happy lives they must be taught to read the Bible and the result was that by 1797 there were over 1,000 Sunday
Schools with 69,000 pupils. The importance of this develop ment lies in appearance of Adult Schools which arose largely from the success in teaching children to read in the Sunday Schools. The first English Adult School of which there is any o record was established by William Singleton, a member of the Methodist New Connection Church at Nottingham in 1798 and aided by Samuel Fox, a Quaker. The Methodists had finally broken with the Church of England in 1795 and fragmented later to the left in politics. 4 Unitarians and Quakers
At the time of the evangelical revival within the established church, some English Presbyterians were leaning towards or becoming Unitarians. Unitarianism was (and is) noted for radical religious views and "left-wing" political and philosophical ideas. While they denied the divinity of Christ and the existence of the Trinity in favour of the one-ness of God, they took a more humanistic view of mankind. Man's development and future depended on his own effort and upon his treatment of his fellow beings. Like the Congreg- ationalists and Baptists who began to turn their emphasis from rigid Calvinism in favour of active good works, the Unitarians and Quakers were especially concerned with social problems rather than mere theology.
It is significant that entwined with the humanist values 1. R0 Peers, Adult Education. A Comparative Study, p.6. 20 R« Peers, p.10. 5
of the Unitarians and Quakers was their interest in science and "natural philosophy". Their concern with the natural world was especially manifest in their Academies.1 As early as 1689 Independents and Presbyterians established a fund to support Academies. Two noted Academies opened in 1729 at Daventry and in 1733 at Kendal. The "missionaries of science and mathematics" taught Natural Science by making experiments and descanting on their purpose. The Academies were marked by what is sometimes termed today as a liberal education; there was an "attempt to know and do everything" whereas in the traditional seats of learning of the estab lishment, concentration was directed towards the "higher" classical subjects. In addition, the Academies encouraged studies of the mind - or knowledge of self - self-awarness. It does not seem surprising, therefore, that the Dissenters were among the foremost of the social and educational reformers at a time when lack of knowledge and social distress were prevalent among the population of the increasingly industrialsing towns. The Dissenters'interest in science and natural phenomena combined with their social conscience, and respect for knowledge directed their attention to the workers involved in the new mechanical arts. Indeed many of the inventors,scholars, entrepreneurs and skilled craftsmen were middle-class Dissenters.
INDUSTRY, SCIENCE AND MECHANICAL ARTS
Early in the seventeenth century, Samuel Hartlib, a German, Baconian and Puritan had brought with him ideas which fused religious and scientific aims and sought to discover "the best experiments of industrial practices in
1. W.H.G. Armytage, Four Hundred Years of English Education, p.52. 6
husbandry and manufactures".1 2 *He 4also suggested a centre for models and philosophical apparatus where "artists and mechanics" could freely resort for "experiments" and "trials 2 of profitable inventions".
The eighteenth century saw increasingly a drawing together of theory (science) and practice (manual work). 3 By 1760, when John Wesley was at the height of his career the industrial revolution was "taking off".
The use of steam power is said by some to be the key to the industrial revolution which created the need for so many new skills. For the first time, power was independent of natural processes (wind and water). Forms of steam pump were devised and improved as early as 1663 (Marquis of Worcester)t 1698 (Thomas Savory) and 1705 (Thomas Newcomen). When James Watt in one of his early successes improved the pump in 1769, the period was marked by the major difficulty of the lack of skilled engineers and mechanics.^ Reliance was placed on blacksmiths. Matthew Boulton, with whom Watt formed a business partnership, is credited with the venture of training his workmen. The new inventions and improvements continually created a demand for new types of workers. For example, the old Millwrights who had hitherto constructed and maintained watermills became mechanics. Clockmakers and mathematical instrument makers became precision toolmakers, (new invent ions in machine tools became important 1790 - 1800). Another example of the somewhat sudden acceleration of scientific industrial technique may be seen in iron and steel. 1. W.H.G. Armytage, Four Hundred Years of English Education, p.20 2. W.H.G. Armytage, p.22. 3 o R.K. Webb, Modern England from the Eighteenth Century to the Present, p. 124. 4. Edmund Seddon, Modern Economic History, p.71. 7
During the eighteenth century Abraham Darby recognised the
difficulty of using coal for smelting iron because the sulphur in coal made iron brittle. In 1783 Henry Cort
devised a method of rolling and puddling (stirring) iron
until impurities were removed, thereby making it malleable.
Similarly, in the 1740s processes began to be advanced for manufacturing higher grade steel which required a knowledge of the carbon contenta
The well-known methods and new innovations advanced
for textiles manufacture (spinning and weaving) from the early eighteenth century brought forth a demand for machinery and specially skilled operators.
Thus the worker, skilled in the art of, say, weaving, was now also a mechanical operator. But, secondly, the
skilled industrial artist often needed a knowledge of science. Before 1799 bleaching of textiles was achieved by exposure to the sun. In that year Tennant of Glasgow used chlorine which is but one example of the increasing involvement by ordinary workers with the use of chemicals.
Similarly, until 1783, printing of cloth was a laborious process of hand stamping. Now, the rotary press required workers with some knowledge of mechanics to carry out the art.
Until the early nineteenth century there was either no, or very little, instruction for the new mechanics. The industrial revolution itself was largely effected by men educated along the more utilitarian lines in the private schools and academies'^ such as ironmaster Matthew Boulton and John
Wilkinson; or those with little or no formal schooling such as the working mechanics like Newcomen, pioneer of the steam? engine and ex-blacksmith, Brindley the canal engineer and ex-wheelwright and James Hargreaves the inventor of the______1. J.Lawson and H. Silver, A Social History of Education in England, p. 218 8
Spinning Jenny/ a weaver and carpenter.
It was to the growing number of private schools and teachers who increasingly supplied instruction for a fee in scientific/ technical and commercial subjects (unknown at
Oxford and Cambridge) that the excluded Dissenters went.
The Dissenters also patronised the various literary, scientific and artistic clubs which were frequented by educated men who attended for intellectual discussion and improvement.^ But, what about the workers?
POLITICS
The working class movement did not come into full force until the nineteenth century. Yet, as we have seen, radicals were beginning to make their voices heard. From the French
Revolution (1789) other radicals apart from the religious became more prominent. People like Tom Paine and Robert
Owen were now creating platforms for the working class movement which was to become impressive progressively well into the nineteenth century.
Although the Restoration in 1660 set up the monarchy firmly in position, nevertheless the struggle of the parlia mentarians was aimed at limiting the power of the fcing. A major step towards this end occurred with the "Glorious
Revolution" in 1688 when Protestant William and Mary 2 replaced James II on the English throne. From this time 3 monarchy by divine right in England was dead, and the idea 4 of the King-in-Parliament began to be a reality. Although the King retained many powers, clear limits had been, set
1. J. Lawson and H. Silver, A Social History of Education in England, p. 219. 20 R.K. Webb, Modern England from the Eighteenth Century to the Present, p. 43. 3. R.K. Webb, p. 44. 4. S.E. Finer, Lecture on Comparative Government. 9
and the indispensability of Parliament to the governing process was assured. This was a partial victory for the
Dissenters."1" This involvement brought them well into the political arena, a characteristic which was to become clearer Many of the early English radical reformers were inspired by the American Revolution. Edmund Burke (a Whig), who had been an agent for the colony of New York saw the American Revolution as a further development of the reforming principles of 1688. Many saw the second of John Locke's Two Treatises on Government as support for revolt when certain basic rights were threatened. The American war and domestic difficulties had converted most 2 Dissenters to reform.
The French Revolution, too, inspired many radicals in England to campaign for reforms. Webb states that: "Ferment in a society may go on making gradual changes, or it may be suddenly speeded up by some external challenge or catastrophe. The latter happened in England, because of the revolution in France. The enthusiasm for reform was beginning to be heard not only from "liberal noble Whigs" or "non-conformist radicals" but in addition, from new levels of society, and in a new way. Numerous societies were formed which "read, thought, questioned, and planned; they held meetings, borrowed French rhetoric and distributed propaganda with great enthusiasm.By 1794 both reformers and anti reformers had turned extreme, and by the 1790s the 5 government shifted to repressive policies. After the 1. R.K. Webb, Modern England from the Eighteenth Century to the Present, p.60. 2. R.K. Webb, P. 91. 3. R.K. Webb, P. 128. 4. R.K. Webb, P- 130. 5. R.K. Webb, P- 131. 10
French Revolution, for instance, the Sunday Schools were a
special target for opposition to popular education and Pitt considered introducing a Bill for their supression.1 Giving ideas to the lower classes through education would, some considered, not only make them unhappy with their station but might be dangerous to the Realm. The voice of liberalism, however, continued and
emphasised the need for education. The secularists' activities were expressed by the Paine, Carlile and Owen tradition. Thomas Paine (1739 - 1809) came from a Quaker family. His publications, "Rights of Man" (1791-2) and "Age of Reform" illustrated the secularist radicals' position against the "king and church mob". Above all, the secularists demanded national, secular education. The education issue was fundamental to their interpretation of life. Paine had said: "one good schoolmaster is of more use than a hundred priests".
Robert Owen (1771 - 1858) held that education was central to a new moral world. Hence, later, the Sunday Schools became attached to nearly every Social Institution, Secular 2 Hall and Hall of Science set up by the Owenite Socialists.
Owen, in 1800 took over a cotton mill at New Lanark near Glasgow, a firm in which Jeremy Bentham and other philan thropists later became partners. Here he had a chance to put into effect social theories. Political events, both external and domestic, thus added to the agitation for social reform, which for many 1. H. Silver, The Concept of Popular Education, p.17. 20 E. Royal, Radical Politics 1790-1900, Religion and Unbelief, p. 59. 11
included the importance of educational reform and provision. Educational provision for working people was becoming socially as well as industrially necessary in the view of the various reformers at the dawn of the nineteenth century.
PHILOSOPHY AND SOCIETY Not only were the needs of the working population inadequately catered for from the aspect of education and job training, but their lot was so much the worse for the long working hours, the crowded conditions, and the lack of protective industrial law. And there was little hope or opportunity for advancement. The problem of the seventeenth century pauper was now becoming a problem of the unemployed or illiterate, poorly skilled worker in crowded towns. Industrial developments were about to outstrip social needs. Education therefore began to be seen by many as an answer to difficulties. Helvetius and the French philosophers had considerable influence in England. Education could do everything. For Helvetius, education had total influence over human conduct.^ In 1819 James Mill outlined Helvetius* view of mankind as being "equally susceptible of mental excellence". If this be true, said Mill, "the power of education embraces every thing between the lowest stage of intellectual and moral rudeness, and the highest state, not only actual but of possible perfection. And if the power of education be so immense, the motive for perfecting it is great beyond expression.".12 Mill also wrote: "The question whether the people should be educated is the same with the question 3 whether they should be happy or miserable". 1. J. Lawson and H. Silver, A Social History of Education in England, p. 229. 2. J.S. Mill, "Education" Supplement to Encyclopaedia Britannica, pp. 18-19. 3 o J.S. Mill; Quoted by T. Kelly, George Birbeck, p. 63. 12
Social justice was the basis on which the Utilitarians, Jeremy Bentham and James Mill based their argument. As happiness is the aim of men, anything which would bring the greatest happiness to the greatest number was useful and should be promoted,, Thus, although the Utilitarians believed in men pursuing their own self-interest, the "greatest happiness for the greatest number" was not incon sistent with government intervention in spheres in. which individual action was inadequate, e.g. poor relief, health and education.
The Utilitarians probably inherited much of their line of thinking not only from Helvetius but also from the line of English philosophers such as Hobbes and Locke who wrote much on the individual and his relations with the "system". Bentham also drew much from David Hume who is held by some k to be perhaps the greatest of English eighteenth century philosophers. Hume undermined intuitionism and demolished intellectual certainty in either religion or science and provoked men into re-thinking their position.1 * 3Hume also influenced Adam Smith who in 1776 published his famous 2 "Wealth of Nations". 3 Thomas Hobbes, writing in 1651 at a time when revolut ionary political chaos in England was feared, argued that the individuals source of security and happiness depended upon his reliance on and loyalty to the sovereigh to whom he should consent authority and power. Government was valuable only for what it does. Hobbes' estimate of 4 government was secular and utilitarian. Thus the 1. R.K. Webb, Modern England from the Eighteenth Century to the Present, p. 120. 20 R.K. Webb, p. 89. 3. T. Hobbes, Leviathan. 40 G.Ho Sabine, A History of Political Theory, p. 467. 13
advantages of government are tangible and they should accrue to individuals. But Hobbes was concerned with peace, not welfare.
John Locke had something in common with Hobbes. (When
Hobbes died at 91 Locke was 47). For Locke, men should be free to operate their own life, property and liberty, and laws were necessary to ensure this. The government should not interfere with the individual unless by his consent.
But the individual as a rational member of the community had obligations to the State. Although the individual possessed basic freedom, he may be obliged, as being contracted to the society and government by his position in society, to surrender to the government's will. Govern ment for Locke, however, is nothing more than a contract between it and the community to carry out certain admin istration in the interests of the community. For Locke, as for Helvetius, man was at birth nothing, and became what education (by which Helvetius meant circumstances in general) made him."*' We may see the liberal line of Locke's thought developed by the Utilitarians from the aspects of government provision, the individuals operation of his own interests and what education could do for him.
Bentham, in his "Chrestomathia" included in his curriculum for secondary education vocationally orientated subjects. Education for Locke, also, seemed to serve a 2 3 practical and vocational end. ' Bentham's subjects were set forth as reading, writing, arithmetic, history, geography, drawing, mathematics, natural history, mechanics, magnetism
1. J. Lawson and H. Silver, A Social History of Education in England, p. 229. 2,3. Lawson, and Silver, p. 175. Curtis and Boultwood, An Introductory History of English Education, p. 249. 14
and electricity, geology, physiology and "technology or arts and' manufactures".
For Locke, men were to be educated "according to their social rank". Similarly, the Utilitarian view was that there was a need to educate the different social classes for their different social roles. The idea that a man had his station in life still stood. However, the working class could and should be educated. James Mill wrote: "a very high degree is attainable by them.... a firm foundation may be laid for a life of mental action, a life of wisdom, and reflection, and ingenuity, even in those by whom the most ordinary labour will fall to be performed"."1'
John Stuart Mill later spelled out further the Utilit arian view as he saw it in terms of individual benefit through education. Society is also a benefactor. Education would make better individuals; but the end was the summation of the successes, and their interpretation, in terms of the 2 benefits to society as a whole.
It was typical of the earlier Utilitarians, James Mill and Jeremy Bentham that they were connected with Dissenter: s and Radicals, Evangelicals and progressive M.P.s in efforts to reform. For example, Bentham, Edwin Chadwick and a number of Unitarians were concerned with reform in factories 3 which involved the labour and part-time education of children.
Bentham and Mill were involved with the education of adults. They directly influenced (through Birbeck and I. J. Mill, "Education" Encyclopaedia Britannica, pp.18-19. Quoted in Lawson andSilver, p. 231, op.cit. 20 L.M. Brown, "A John Stuart Mill Centenary" Australian University, Vol. 5. 30 R.K. Webb, Modern England from the Eighteenth Century to the Present, p. 241. 15
others) and supported (morally and financially) the beginnings of the Mechanics Institute Schools of Arts movement and in particular the London Mechanics* Institute."1 " 2
Their works were, in the 1790s, already being included in the library of at least one society - The Newcastle-on-Tyne 2 Philosophical Society.
THE GROWTH OF EDUCATIONAL SOCIETIES, CLUBS AND CLASSES
UP TO THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
10 Some Miscellaneous Societies
Miscellaneous societies connected with learning grew up after the Restoration and rapidly increased towards the end of the eighteenth century.
1.1 The Royal Society. This society was founded in 1662 and contributed much to science during the generation after 3 its foundation. Later, it declined into more of a gentle men's club. It was the Royal Society which commissioned
Captain James Cook's first voyage in order to specifically observe the transit of Venus in 1769. The naturalist and botanist who sailed with Cook, Joseph Banks, was later a 4 president of the Society.
1.2 Royal Society of Arts. The Society of Arts (made
"Royal" in 1908) was founded in 1754 and was (and is) connected more directly with education. It was formed
"for the encouragement of arts, manufactures and commerce" by similar classes of persons as the Royal Society, i.e.
"Nobility, Clergy, Gentry, Merchants, etc." who subscribed to a fund. Kelly states that the Society was founded in a deliberate attempt to divert attention towards the direction
1. See Chapter II hereunder. 2. J. Lawson and H. Silver, A Social History of Education in England, p. 230. 3 o R.K. Webb, p. 32. 40 R.K. Webb, p. 89. 16
of applied science. Nearly a century after its foundation it was responsible for suggesting plans for the Great Exhibition of 1851 which were taken up by its president at that time, Prince Albert. The Society became involved as an examining body in 1856 for the artisan classes. The candidates entered through their mechanics' institute or similar body. The Society has extended its examinations to other subjects and today pupils in British secondary schools as well as those in technical colleges and colleges for further education may take the Society's examinations.
1.3 The Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge. This Society was formed about 1790 and was supported initially by the well-known evangelists Hannah More and William Wilberforce. These people were devoted to the poor working class and the children of the poor. They revolted against the "village despots" who tended to believe that working people had no need for knowledge or learning. Hannah More and othersywent out to teach were labelled "Borough- mongers „ . 1
1.4 The Royal Institution was founded in 1799. Thomas Webster, largely responsible for its foundation, taught chemistry and natural philosophy to workers and instructed them in bricklaying. The aim of this society was to illustrate to the working classes the application of science 2 to the "useful purposes of life". The Liverpool Royal Institution was formed some years after for the "promotion of literature, science and the arts". It was to be a teaching institution to provide a liberal education to the
1. H. Silver, The Concept of Popular Education, p. 38. 2. M. Tylecote, The Mechanics' Institutes of Lancashire and Yorkshire, p.3. 17
middle classes. According to Kelly, it was the most famous adult educational organisation in nineteenth century Liverpool.^ 1.5 Libraries were becoming more popular. For many years up to the dawn of the nineteenth century libraries and pamphlets began to take an important place in the dissemination of knowledge and various views. Libraries were set up by societies and groups of all kinds. Some libraries became foundations for mutual improvement societies. The New Birmingham Library was established in 1796 in the rooms of the Brotherly Society. Another special Artizans Library developed in 1799 from a Sunday School organised 2 by Messrs. T. and S. Carpenter. In some cases, libraries were the forerunners of mechanics* institutes. The Liverpool Mechanics'and Apprentices* Library and Reading Room was established by the editor of the Liverpool Mercury in 1823. The foundations were here created for the Liverpool Mechanics' School of Arts which opened in 1825.
2. Literary and Philosophical Societies Philosophical here meant "scientific". These Literary and Philosophical Societies were seen as the more permanent, institutional and influential societies. They were patronised largely by dissenting middle-class educated people who were familiar with scholars, scientists and philosophers. Many of these societies grew up in the large provincial towns. Some examples would include the well- known Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society founded
1. T. Kelly, Adult Education, in Liverpool - a Narrative of Two Hundred Years. 2. T. Kelly, George Birbeck, p.67. 18
in 1781 and whose membership included Robert Owen and later many of the supporters and founders of the new Mechanics Institute. The Birmingham Lunar Society was at its peak in the 1780s but disappeared by 1800. The Newcastle-on-Tyne Philosophical Society which contained the works of Helvetius and Bentham in its impressive library was a well-known Society.1 2 3 4
Many literary clubs were started by middle class groups who met in London coffee houses for discussion topics of interest. Some isolated clubs were, however, organised 2 for or by skilled craftsmen. One such example was the Spitalfields Mathematical Society founded as early as 1717.
3. Sunday Schools, Adult Schools and Mutual Improvement Societies Mention has already been made of the Sunday Schools which arose largely from the evangelical movement. These schools branched out in various ways. The more notable result was the Adult Schools and the "Sunday schools" which the Owenites and Secularists later set up for workers. An example of another kind of miscellaneous off-shoot 3 from the Sunday Schools is found at Birmingham in 1789. In that year the teachers in the Sunday Schools of Birmingham founded the "Sunday Society" for the instruction of young men, not only in reading, but in writing, arithmetic and other subjects. From this society there developed a class for "mutual improvement in useful knowledge" which included construction of apparatus to illustrate the principles of mechanics and other applied sciences.'1 As the result of 1. J. Lawson and H. Silver, A Social History of Education in England, p. 230. 2. Lawson and Silver, p. 219. 3. R. Peers, Adult Education, A Comparative Study, p. 13. 4. J.W. Hudson, The History of Adult Education, p. 25. 19
the interest thus shown, a library was founded in 1795 with the object of "dissemination of knowledge by the aid of books among the working classes". In 1796 the Sunday Society became the "Birmingham Brotherly Society".
Many other local independent societies grew up for "mutual improvement". One was developed in 1817 by Timothy Claxton, a journeyman mechanic. He set up, with the help of fellow mechanics, an establishment for "the mutual instruction of each other on all subjects connected with the arts, sciences, manufactures and commerce but more particularly on such matters as lead, or may seem to lead, to c any improvement in the mechanical arts".'1' The Glasgow Gas Workmen's Institution became a type of Mutual Improvement Society. It had its origins in a works library formed in 1821 at the suggestion of the manager, 2 James Neilson (who later invented the hot-blast furnace). Later, organisations such as trade unions set up Mutual Improvement Societies. 4o Private Schools, Tutors and Lecturers
Besides the academies and schools set up by the Dissenters and the evangelical movement, growing numbers of private classes and teachers gave instruction in scientific, technical and commercial subjects which were not taught at 3 Oxford or Cambridge. These lectures and private organisations were numerous. Kelly draws attention to many. Among examples of lecturers are : William Whiston who was deprived of his Cambridge Chair of Mathematics for heresy. He began to lecture on astronomy I. To Kelly, George Birbeck, p. 69. 2o T. Kelly, p. 210 3o J. Lawson and H. Silver, A Social History of Education in England, p. 218 20
and experimental philosophy. Peter Shaw delivered perhaps the first lecture on chemistry in 1731. John Theophilus Desaguliers who was Grand Master of the Freemasons lectured earlier in his career on mechanical and experimental philosophy as early as 1712 or 1713. In 1774 Bryan Higgins established a school of practical chemistry for noblemen and gentlemen. ■*" The many societies, some of which are mentioned here, were active in arranging lectures by eminent people.
John Anderson who "was one of those oddities in which 2 the eighteenth century world of learning abounded" became a travelling tutor after graduating at Glasgow University in 1745. Later he took up an appointment at Glasgow University and at the time of his death held the post of Professor of Natural Philosophy. Anderson is of special interest here for two reasons. First, in the practical science course ("experimental philosophy") which he held, science was applied to arts and trades, and "town's people of almost every rank, age and 3 employment" attended. Secondly, Anderson made a bequest for an institution to be set up in Glasgow for "the Public, for the good of Mankind, and the Improvement of Science...". It was at this new Anderson's Institution, as it was called, that Birbeck was to form his famous mechanics' class in 1800o After Birbeck left, the class carried on and more than twenty years later, after a disagreement, the mechanics formed their own independent Mechanics' Institute. Meanwhile L To Kelly, George Birbeck, p. 58. 2. T. Kelly, p. 20. 3. T. Kelly, p. 21. 21
Birbeck in London was closely concerned in forming the London Mechanics' Institute; and in Edinburgh an associate of Birbeck was responsible for the founding of the Edinburgh School of Arts for mechanics engaged in the mechanical arts. WITH AND AFTER THE MECHANICS INSTITUTES
Before dealing with the founding of the Mechanics' Institutes/Schools of Arts in more detail it may be desirable, to distinguish four other organisations frequently linked with the mechanics' institutes. These institutions followed after the mechanics' institutes, in some cases branching off from a mechanics' institute, in other cases beginning as independent organisations. This applies more to three, viz. Atheneums, Lyceums and Literary and Scientific Instit utions. A fourth, the Working Men's Colleges was, generally, a later development, of the 1840s. These organisations were designed to meet special circumstances and difficulties which their founders felt were lacking elsewhere. As mentioned in Chapter Three, questions such as curriculum, fees and popular entertainment encouraged the forming of the Athenaems and Lyceums, although, in addition many Lyceums were more of a middle-class, skilled workers' organisation. They were, however# short-lived in general.1 2 The Working Men's Colleges developed from the Working Men's Association, "the main practical work of the Christian 2 Socialists". Closely connected with their beginnings in
the 1840s was Frederick Denison Maurice. His father "was a Unitarian Minister, a radical in politics, a believer in social reform and a modernist in religion". 3 Maurice s 1. See Chapter Three. 2. F.D. Maurice (Ed. Introd. W.E. Styler), Learning and Working, p. 4. 30 Maruice (Styler), p.l. 22 =
father and others such as Joseph Priestley were critical of the political and religious institutions of existing society and believed they prevented the full development of man as a rational creature and his attainment of true happinesso1 But in addition, Maurice and his associates believed that the College for working men should include humane studies of which theology is the basis. A bible class and a course on the history of the Church should be given.
As will be noted in Chapter Three, the Mechanics' Institutes resisted any attempt to include religious or political studies in their classes. They found it necessary to charge fees at a certain rate and initially they generally excluded popular entertainment. Unlike the Atheneums and Lyceums, the Working Men's Colleges survived albeit weakly. Few exist today as independent bodies with some assistance from local education authorities. The Literary and Scientific Institutions appeared a couple of years after the Mechanics' Institutes. These were originally designed for middle-class workers "engaged in commercial and professional pursuits". They provided similar facilities to the mechanics' institutes. It was only in London that the Literary and Scientific Institute retained the middle-class character. After a short time they tended to merge with the functions of the local Mechanics' Institute.
Kelly makes an important point concerning the various societies which were forming: "It must be borne in mind that the distinction between the various types of institution at this time .... was by no means as sharp in
1. F.D. Maurice, p.3. 23
practice as the convenience of the statistician would make desirable. Mechanics' Institutions changed into Literary and Scientific Institutions; Mechanics' Libraries and Mutual Improvement Societies developed into Mechanics' Institutions; Mechanics institutions and Literary and Scientific Institutions not infrequently declined into libraries or mutual improvement societies; and these changes of function were not always accom panied by a change of name. Any statistical computation is therefore bound to be arbitrary and almost certainly underestimates the full extent of the movement." 1
The movement can be seen as whole but with variations in origin and development according to different local circum stances and personalities. We can, however, see the first moves by Birbeck to begin, first, a class for mechanics, which in turn, developed into institutions specifically for mechanics and those engaged in the mechanical applications
to the arts of manufacture. This movement was to-set the base for technical education. While most Institutes in Britain became technical colleges or university colleges, many in Australia became libraries and halls for entertainment
1. T. Kelly, George Birbeck, p. 212. 24
CHAPTER TWO
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FIRST SCHOOLS AND INSTITUTES FOR MECHANICS BIRBECK1s MECHANICS CLASS AT GLASGOW
George Birbeck came from a Quaker family in the north of England. Birbeck's education followed a pattern of many non-conformists who were excluded from the English universities. He began medical studies under a Dr. Thomas Garnett and proceeded to Leeds Infirmary where he continued studies in pharmacy and surgery. Birbeck then, at the age of eighteen, entered Edinburgh University in the 1794-5 session to continue his study of medicine. The University records from 1796 show that he covered anatomy, surgery, theory and practice of medicine, practice of surgery, (which he took three times), botany (twice), obstetrics and chemistry. In addition he took physics and ethics. During this period Birbeck became acquainted with many academics of various disciplines and became interested in a variety of subjects including British Constitution. According to Goddard, Birbeck took down lectures on moral philosophy in shorthand. Birbeck's work with mechanics began with his appointment as Professor of Natural Philosophy at Anderson's Institution. Reference has already been made to Anderson's intentions^ in setting up his intended "university" which became the Anderson Institution. He wanted "experimental philosophy" to be provided for all ranks of society including tradesmen and mechanics. He intended the work as an extension of his course at Glasgow University. Anderson's course in "experimental philosophy" at Glasgow had become, under his
1. See Chapter One hereunder, p.20. 25
management, a course in practical science, or, as it was later described "the application of science to the arts", which specifically meant the application of science to the processes of industry (industrial arts) and agriculture (agricultural arts). ^ It has been suggested that Anderson was influenced by the stimulation which the study of science 2 received in the wars with France. Anderson*s Glasgow University classes were open to the public: "Any person, not a student.... may attend the lessons of Experimental 3 Philosophy without a gown". Although fees were payable, Anderson issued some gratis tickets to tradesmen to attend these lectures. In his will, which made provision for what became Anderson's Institution, Anderson commented: ".... the Course of Experiments I have given annually for many years according to the plan in my Institutes of Physics at Glasgow University .... the Manufacturers and Artificers in Glasgow, have become distinguished in a high degree for their General Knowledge, as well as for their Abilities, and Progress in their several Arts."4
Teaching began at Anderson's Institution in 1796 with the appointment of Dr. Thomas Garnett as Professor of Natural Philosophy (the post which the recently graduated George Birbeck was to take over three years later). Kelly points out that Anderson, in setting out the functions of his proposed institution, was against mere vocational skills and mechanical arts as such being included in the curriculum. However, Anderson made provision for a course in "natural science", no doubt after the style of the course he himself conducted at Glasgow University.
10 Jo Muir, John Anderson, Pioneer of Technical Education... Quoted in Kelly. 2. W.H.G. Armytage, Four Hundred Years of English Education. 3<> Matriculation Albums of the University of Glasgow, 1854, II 578o Quoted by Kelly. 40 Jo Muir, p. 147. 26
The lectures to "all" which Garnett began at Anderson*s Institution may be seen in the following example to be aimed at the middle classes,, A description of some courses
read as followsi
1st. A Course of Lectures on the Arts and Manufactures connected with natural philosophy will be demonstrated mathematically, and illustrated by Experiments; after which, the application of each branch to the Arts and Manufactures, will not only be shewn and illustrated by Working Models of the different kinds of machinery, but the processes themselves will be performed before the Students, such as Bleaching, Dying, Calico printing, Etching, Metallurgy, etc. etc. 2nd. A Popular Course of Lectures on Natural Experimental Philosophy.... 3rd. A Popular Course of Lectures in Chemistry...^ Fees ranged from £3.3s to £l.ls. per course "admitting a lady and gent or two ladies". It was, therefore, against this background, that Birbeck began his work at Anderson's Institution after replacing Dr. Garnett. Birbeck immediately (in March 1800) made an original innovation: he began a "Mechanics' Class", free of charge, "calculated chiefly for working tradesmen". Twenty-three years later, in a speech which he delivered on the occasion of the opening of the London Mechanics' Institution, Birbeck said:
"At the commencement of the present century, whilst discharging the duties of Professor of Natural Philosophy and Chemistry, in Anderson's Institution at Glasgow, I had frequent opportunities of observing the intelligent curiosity of the "unwashed artificers", to whose mechanical skill I was often obliged to have recourse... I behdld through every disadvantage of circumstance and appearance such strong indications of the existence of unquestionable
I. T. Kelly, George Birbeck, p. 26 - 27
spirit and such emanations from "the heaven lighted lamp in man" that the question was forced upon me, Why are these minds left without means of obtaining that knowledge which they so ardently desire and why are the avenues of science barred against them, because they are poor? It was impossible not to determine that the obstacle should be removed: and I therefore^resolved to offer them a gratuous course, .. "1
In 1800 at the beginning of his first mechanics' class Birbeck in a statement also said:
"... I have become convinced that much pleasure would be communicated to the mechanic in the exercise of his art, and that the mental vacancy which follows a cessation from bodily toil, would often be agreeably occupied, by a few systematic philosophical ideas, upon which, at his leisure, he might meditate..." 2 These two extracts from Birbeck's own words together with his general work illustrate what he seemed to have in mind: the interests of mechanics. Firstly, to provide a "means of obtaining that knowledge which they so ardently desire"; secondly, to communicate pleasure to the mechanic and to provide material "upon which at his leisure he might meditate". This early motive appears to be more concerned with the welfare of the mechanics themselves than with "the general good" or the welfare of science and technology which characterised some later developments in the movement. Birbeck*s work in Glasgow encountered financial diffic ulties. The Institution found difficulty in paying Birbeck and fees were later charged by the Institution for all of Birbeck's classes. As Garnett had previously, Birbeck found it necessary to supplement income by giving private tuition and medical work. Birbeck had paid for much equipment and expenses from his own pocket and with the Institution's
1. Mechanics' Magazine I (1823-4) 178-9. Quoted in Kelly, p.28 2. Imperial Magazine. VII 22. Quoted in Kelly, p. 29. 28
increasing difficulty to pay him, he felt obliged to leave in order to "conjoin some other employment". Birbeck went to work in London but the mechanics' class continued in Glasgow. It was not until more than twenty years later that moves began to set up independent institutes especially for mechanics' classes.
EDINBURGH SCHOOL OF ARTS - THE FIRST MECHANICS * INSTITUTE The Edinburgh School of Arts was founded in 1821 by Leonard Horner. Horner's brother, Francis Horner, was a friend and fellow student of Birbeck whilst at Glasgow University. Leonard Horner's idea for a school for the mechanics of Edinburgh came from a knowledge of Anderson's and Birbeck's work in Glasgow and also from a conversation with a watchmaker who pointed to the difficulty of securing' training for his workmen.'*' Descent of the Edinburgh School of Arts from Birbeck's class in Glasgow is seen from Horner's own statement that the Edinburgh experiment was suggested to 2 him by students at the Andersonian Institution of Glasgow. The outstanding feature of the Edinburgh School of Arts at the time was the idea of instruction in the sciences in relation to their application to the arts. Instruction in the arts themselves was attempted also, but was later 3 abandoned. The aim of the Edinburgh School of Arts was distinctly vocational. It was to provide education for mechanics "in such branches of Physical Science as are of practical advantage in their several trades". Another feature to be noted was that the Edinburgh
School of Arts was initiated by, and supported and financed
1. T. Kelly, George Birbeck, p.57. 20 Speech: opening of a hall at Leeds Mechanics' Institute 1841. Quoted in Tylecote, p.14. 3. M. Tylecote, The Mechanics' Institutes of Lancashire and Yorkshire, p. 15. - 29
by persons of the middle class of societyHorner was prominent in commerce. Subscribers were patrons rather than members and the directorate of the School of Arts was chosen from these annual subscribers. Horner defended the control by an elite. He stated that mechanics need have no say in the running of the institute and that they should 2 purchase the service provided as any other commodity. The Edinburgh School of Arts, however, proved to be very efficient.
Controversy has arisen from time to time as to the 3 first mechanics' institute to be established. Hudson claimed that the first was the classes of the Brotherly 4 Society at Birmingham. Like many branches of the Sunday Society and SundaySchools movement, it taught a variety of subjects to a variety of working people. Mechanics were often among the persons who attended the various lessons, but the classes were not specifically designed for mechanics and they certainly did not constitute a mechanics' institute. Similarly, the Spitalfield Mathematical Society in London as well as many other societies, held classes such as mathematics for mechanics. Timothy Claxton claimed to have started the first mechanics1 institute, but as we have seen, his group was in 1817, although named a "mechanical institution" rather a Mutual Improvement Society. Birbeck's class at Glasgow was distinct in that it was specifically for mechanics and was free. It was not an "institute" of itself, but it inspired in the example of Horner, the setting up of one.
GLASGOW MECHANICS' INSTITUTE Birbeck's mechanics' class in Glasgow flourished under Birbeck's successor, Dr. Ure. Soon after the Edinburgh 1. To Kelly, George Birbeck, p. 219. 20 M. Tylecote, The Mechanics'Institutes of Lancashire and Yorkshire, p.16. _ , _ 3o J.W. Hudson, The History of Adult Education. 4I See Chapter One hereunder. 30
School of Arts was founded, a dispute in Glasgow between the mechanics' class and the Anderson's Institution arose as to the ownership of the library and some equipment. The result was that many of the workingmen of the class withdrew from the Institution and founded in 1823 an independent school of arts for mechanics. Later in the year, the school was entitled the Mechanics' Institution and Birbeck accepted the invitation to become its Patron. Its name later became the "Mechanics' Institute", The Glasgow and Edinburgh schools were the same in that their classes were vocational and were especially for mechanics.
The Glasgow Mechanics' Institute was notable and different from the Edinburgh School of Arts for two reasons. Firstly, the Glasgow term "Mechanics' Institute" (rather than "School of Arts") spread throughout Britain as new independent schools for mechanical arts grew up; Secondly, the Glasgow school was democratic in organisation, and management was in the hands of the mechanics themselves. However, while boasting its independence the Glasgow Mechanics' Institute was eventually forced by financial difficulties to accept support from the wealthy. Birbeck, as Patron of the Glasgow Mechanics' Institute became deeply involved in plans for a London Mechanics' Institute.
LONDON MECHANICS' INSTITUTE
Several men were associated with the foundation of the London Mechanics' Institute. Like the Edinburgh foundation, the London institute was initiated by well-known middle-class citizens. The main persons involved were J.C. Robertson, Editor of the Mechanics' Magazine, Thomas Hodgskin, also associated with the Mechanics' Magazine, Francis Place, 31
Henry Brougham and George Birbeck. During the lifetime of these founders* the popular belief was* as it is today* that Dr. George Birbeck was the principal founder. Kelly* however* holds the view that, although Birbeck had intentions of continuing the work in London which had developed in Glasgow from his classes, nevertheless Robertson actually conceived the idea of a London Mechanics' Institute.^
At the end of 1823, Robertson, Hodgskin* Place* Birbeck and other interested persons held a private meeting at the Crown and Anchor Tavern in The Strand, London. With Birbeck in the chair, and many industrial employers also attending the meeting, discussions took place concerning the training of men for the new and expanding types of industrial machinery. At a second meeting some days later, more than 2,000 people attended, including many working mechanics and industrialists. At this second meeting, resolutions were put forward which called for the establishment of the London Mechanics1 Institute, for the "instruction of Mechanics at a cheap rate, in the principles of the arts they practice, as well as in all other branches of useful knowledge... calculated to improve extensively their habits and conditions, to advance the arts and sciences* and to add largely to the power, resources and prosperity of the country". It was also stated in the resolutions that "such institutions are likely to be most stable and useful when entirely or chiefly supported and managed by mechanics themselves". The resolutions proposed to establish lectureships in the arts
I. To Kelly, George Birbeck, p. 77. 32
and sciences, a library of reference and circulation, a reading room, a museum of models, a school of design/, an experimental work-shop and a laboratory provided with instruments and apparatus. Annual subscription was not to exceed one guinea, while "friends of knowledge and improvement" were to be invited to contribute money books, etc.
These resolutions reflect the influences which were present in the movement. The motive that seemed to prompt Birbeck earlier (i.e. his overriding interest in the individual mechanic) are seen. But the "prosperity of the country" is now emphasised, and thirdly, the Glasgow influence is marked in that there was a call for support and management by the mechanics themselves. Fourthly, the utilitarian and other radical feelings are strong; for instance the typically non-conformist/humanist senti ments expressed in the phrase "friends of knowledge and improvement". It is significant that persons such as Jeremy Bentham,
James Mill, J.C. Hobhouse (Radical M.P.) and other well- known figures took great interest in the movement generally and were among the first monetary contributors to the
London Mechanics' Institute, as were Birbeck, Brougham and Place.
As soon as the Institution came into existence a collection of books began. A reading room was opened in
1824 and less than a year later a library was functioning. Classes (or schools, as they were called) began almost immediately. Some difficulty was experienced with accommodation, so that the schools were commonly held in - 33
members* homes as a temporary measure. The first school, begun in December 1824, was a class in arithmetic. In
the following months, schools were added in mathematics, drawing, geography and French.
Laboratory apparatus, machinery and other items were
donated and otherwise acquired during the first year. In
1825 lectures were delivered covering a wide variety of
topics such as acoustics, telescopes and microscopes,
mechanical inventions, electricity and the "theory of the winds". This diversity was not without its critics.
Birbeck delivered many lectures on mechanics which were often recorded and noted for their clarity and
simplicity. Kelly reports a typical lecture on weaving
and the power loom, references to which are recorded in the London Mechanics1 Institute minutes of August and December 1824 and published in the London Mechanics *
Register. Kelly tells us:
Birbeck brought with him M. de Bergue, inventor of the loom, and he had on the platform not only a model of a loom which could be operated either by hand or by power, but a weaver to work it. He described and demonstrated the operation of the machine, and concluded by trying to show that its use would be beneficial to the workers in the long run, whatever temporary disturbance it might cause. In support of this thesis he cited a number of authorities, including his friend James Mill. He perceived, in the principles governing the distribution of wealth 'those characters, which display the beauty and harmony of the Universe'; and he declared that ' no system could be devised, calculated more extensively and effectually, to promote the happiness of a world peopled like our own, than that which "self-love and social are the same".'
1. T. Kelly, George Birbeck, p. 102 34
Here we see an example of the elaborate use of demon stration and the fact that the lecture was probably very relevant to the actual jobs of many workers present - mechanical workers connected with the art of weaving. Secondly, we note again the direct influence of utilitarian philosophy which is brought into the lecture; and illust rating the direct influence of men such as James Mill.
The successful boom years and the years of decline in the mechanics' institutes often appear to coincide with the economic situation of the country as a whole. The first years of the London Mechanics' Institute were very successful with membership increasing. The years 1824-5 were extremely prosperous for industry in England and membership of the London Mechanics' Institute increased from 750 at the end of the year 1824, to a membership of
1887 a year later.
MANCHESTER MECHANICS' INSTITUTE
In 1823 moves began in Manchester which resulted in the founding of the Manchester Mechanics' Institute in April, 1824. This was the first of the large provincial Mechanics' Institutes to be established. Like the London
Mechanics' Institute which became as Birbeck College, part of London University, so the Manchester Mechanics'
Institute became the College of Science and Technology, then the Institute of Science and Technology and later the
University of Manchester Institute of Science and Technology,
Today* UMIST is renowned for courses such as chemical engineering and paper technology while its other courses in mathematics and languages are related to business and managerial studies. The Faculty has thereby retained the distinct vocational aspect and maintains close links with industry. 35
Many of the founders of the Manchester Mechanics'
Institute were directly involved in industry and commerce and were anxious to see Manchester develop its already notable industrial and commercial life. The founders were also from similar backgrounds to that of Birbeck and the
founders of the London Mechanics' Institute. According to
Tylecote, their aims in Manchester "were first and foremost,
interested in the advance of Manchester's commerce and
industry, and some had a particular preoccupation with technical developments".^ We can see the backgrounds and
interests of the founders in what is known of them. The
seven prominent founders were: Religious/Political Occupation affiliations William Fairbairn Unitarian Engineer, employer. Thomas Hopkins ? Municipal affairs. Richard Roberts ? Mechanical inventor. George Wood Unitarian, later ) Whig M.P. ) Business partners. George Phillips Joseph Brotherton Pastor of theBible Retired from Christians; Radical business. M.P. connected with Reform Bill Benjamin Heywood Unitarian, later Banker. Whig M.P.
Several were members of the more intellectual organis ations such as the Manchester Literary and Philosophical
Societyo It is significant, too, that while they noted 2 the London action, they were greatly influenced by the
1, Mo Tylecote, The Mechanics' Institutes of Lancashire and Yorkshire, p.130. 20 M. Tylecote, quoted from the Mechanics' Magazine, p.129. 36
type of organisation of the Edinburgh School of Arts and they looked to it as a model on which to build their institute in Manchester. Therefore, the institute was to be placed under the control of "patrons" or directors. To the founders in Manchester, the Edinburgh School of Arts, so
managed, had produced harmony as well as success.1 2Glasgow was at first run entirely by the mechanics and London maintained two-thirds of the committee members from among the mechanic members.
The meeting at which the Manchester Mechanics * Institute was founded was chaired by Heywood who is popularly regarded as the founder. In an opening address, Heywood stated that the personal advantages to the mechanics would be new opportunities for "pleasant and refreshing employment" in their leisure time. However, the theme of the address, as was the aim of the founders, was the idea of a relationship between principles and practice. Formed for "Mechanics and Artisans" the Manchester Mechanics Institute would enable its members " to become acquainted with such branches of science as are of practical applic ation in the exercise of that trade..." for "there is no Art which does not depend, more or less, on scientific principles, and to teach what these are, and to point out their practical application, will form the chief objects of this Institution.
1. M. Tylecote, The Mechanics* Institutes of Lancashire and Yorkshire, p. 130. 2. Manchester Mechanics1 Institute, Annual Report, 1828, p.23 Quoted by Tylecote, p. 131. - 37
CHAPTER THREE
DEVELOPMENT OF THE MECHANICS' INSTITUTES IN BRITAIN
LONDON AND MANCHESTER AS EXAMPLES OF THE MOVEMENT IN THE FIRST YEARS
LONDON The London Mechanics' Institute provides an example of the controversies which arose as to the introduction of religious and political instruction and the introduction of entertainment. In general, religious and political connect ions were kept out of the institutes but later a need was seen to introduce some forms of social activities. Almost from the outset at the London Mechanics1 Institution there were pressures for Christian principles to be included in the lectures. Birbeck, the utilitarians, radicals and
some non-conformists (especially Unitarians and Quakers) believed that education would make men more virtuous. But people like the evangelicals held that without Christian training, education failed to fit men for their "ultimate destiny" which was the "higher object" of all education.
Further, according to Wilberforce, to leave men ignorant of Christianity, would amount to "training up a race of self-conceited sceptics". However, not only was the notion of religious instruction resisted at the early London
Mechanics* Institute, but various religious groups were not at first permitted to rent the main lecture theatre.
Likewise, attempts at "political" instruction were resisted. Thus, when proposals were put forward for
Hodgskin to lecture on Political Economy, the proposals were rejected. Objections were also made when various political 38
or social movements applied to rent the lecture theatre.
Robert Owen, however, was at first in 1830 allowed to rent the theatre for a series of Sunday lectures. After further
objections Owen's use of the theatre was terminated. Eventually, the objections were relaxed; Hodgskin began
to deliver his political economy lectures and certain
groups only were permitted to rent the theatre.
We find, therefore, an attempt in the early institutes
(of which London was a good example) to remain independent financially and managerially, and also free from political
and religious colouring. Despite this caution, however, the Mechanics1 Magazine noted that the public was regarding the Institution as the headquarters of "church and State
-tinkers of the day". No doubt this was partly due to the radical/non-conformist/Benthamite views towards education;
for popular education widely accepted by the dissenters was in itself regarded by some as a radical move destined to make "trouble" for the Establishment of Church and State, Coupled with the development of radicalism in this period was the vast expansion in instruction, both by the
elementary classes (schools) method and by the lecture method. There was some criticism of the wide variety of courses and lectures being held. In a letter to the
Mechanics' Magazine in 1826, complaint was made that:
Now it is of the heavens, and now of coalpits - now of longitude, and now of shorthand - now of two and two, and now of the National Debt - now of the Newtonian system, and now of the Scotch and Quaker rag system; that the members are lectured to, and all within less than the short space of a lunar month. 39
During this period too, social events were introduced. The Minutes of the London Mechanics* Institute of 1829 refer to "musical entertainment" and a steamboat excursion.
Moves were also made for the opening of a common room for conversation between 8 pQm. and 10 p0m0
For a short period in 1832/3 a school for 62 pupils was conducted but difficulties forced its closure. By the mid 1830s the adult classes and lectures continued to expando Difficulties arose as to space for the classes and because of this rules were introduced concerning attendanceo
After 1828 subjects such as Latin had been introduced which tended to attract lawyers* clerks. These subjects may have been introduced specifically to cater for the lawyers* clerks enrolled from the nearby Inns of Court.
In the 1830s charges were made that the Institute was becoming a "Clerks College". Kelly shows, however, that the term "Clerks College" during this period was unjustified.
Charles Toplis, Vice-President to the Select Committee on
Arts and Manufactures in 1835 analysed the occupations of members of the Institute0 From this list, classified in some detail by Kelly, Gentlemen, Professional People etc0 account for 2%; Merchants, Shopkeepers, Shop Assistants:
9%7 Clerks and Warehousemen: 12%; miscellaneous occupations such as Artists, Labourers, Schoolteachers and Messengers:
3%; while the remaining 50% comprised tradesmen including students and apprentices and 16% unclassified. Toplis described about one-third as true mechanics. - 40
The economic boom period coincided with the success of the Institute during the 1830s. After 1837, however, the
London Mechanics' Institute saw a decline in membership.
It was during this period that a trade depression occurred in England. It was also a period when there was a shift in population which involved people moving out of inner
London to the outskirts and surrounding towns which were expanding. The 1830s saw a number of new flourishing
Institutes in outer London which attracted many of the
LondonMechanics' Institute's members. The Institute was to go through many other changes. The period saw the rapid mushrooming of institutes in many of the other centres in England, first in the large provincial cities and then almost immediately in the surrounding towns.
MANCHESTER Heywood, after six years of the existence of the Manchester Mechanics' Institute, began to call for more elementary studies, recreation and amusement activities.
He also advocated moral instruction. As in London,
Manchester began to expand not only its variety of activ ities generally but also its educational subjects. After 1830 there was an upsurge in the popularity of the Manchester
Mechanics' Institute.
Like London, too, Manchester began to experience con troversy as to the subjects provided for tuition. For example, it was argued that the provision of a history course would lead to political debates which in turn would raise prejudice against the Institute. - 41
Another change, as far as Manchester was concerned, was that after some serious disagreements, the Institute became democratic in organisation. Gradually, the directors were elected and the board came to consist entirely of members who had had "experience of its Institute's advantage" replacing the founding and nominated "patron" directors. The Presidents and Vice-
Presidents, however, remained citizens of standing in the community who gave their name to the cause.
As the activities of the Institute in Manchester became established and popular, it was being stated that "perhaps the attendance and subscriptions arise more from Clerks in Counting Houses and Assistants in Warehouses than from labouring Mechanics".'1 " 2 The Manchester Mechanics' Institute continued to prosper. Even during the trade depressions of the 1840s when other 2 institutes were badly affected, Manchester thrived. The
Manchester Institute, did however, suffer a loss of many members from the late 1830s onwards, picking up in the mid 1840s, and then declining again. Besides the trade depression, other organisations already mentioned caused some loss of membership to the Institute. There was the temporary break-away New Mechanics' Institution at the time of the "patron," type of oligarchical organisation. The Manchester Athenaeum of 1836 (offering more elementary and "social" classes) drew members from the Institute. The
1. A letter, 1826, quoted by Tylecote, p. 135. 2. M. Tylecote, TheMechanics' Institutes of Lancashire and Yorkshire, p. 140. - 42
Manchester School of Design,1 later the School of Art (fine arts) , and now part of Manchester Polytechnic, was estab lished in 1838-9 and took with it specialists from the
Institute. The Lyceums also developed around this time in the 1830s.
The Athenaeums, which began in Manchester, were, according to Kelly, probably modelled at first on the early literary and scientific institutes and catered for the intelligent middle classes. Later they became less restricted, wider in scope and became an alternative name, for Mechanics1 Institute. Lyceums, on the other hand, were working class orientated and aimed at providing educational facilities at a cheap rate as well as entertainment. The
Lyceums were, on the whole, a failure and many eventually amalgamated with, or became, mechanics' institutes.
It seems that in the Manchester area especially, where the Lyceums and Athenaeums arose after the Mechanics1
Institutes, the effects on the Institutes were three-fold:
Firstly, the Lyceums began with one of their deliberate aims to provide entertainment. It was only after some years that the Mechanics Institutes accepted this require ment, which then brought the two organisations closer.
Secondly, the Lyceums were at first competitors with the Mechanics' Institutes in that the fees were lower and the entertainment provided attracted many members.
Thirdly, the Mechanics' Institutes came to realise that there might be some educational and social benefits in recreational activities; and in addition, there was a need
1. K. Dixon, "The Manchester School of Design and the Calico Industry", M.Ed. Thesis, 1967, Mane. Univ., Chap.Ill - 43
for more elementary tuition to labouring people who had not already had the benefit of elementary education.
The early educational programme of the Manchester
Mechanics' Institute consisted mainly of lectures. Lectures on. Mechanical Philosophy were given by Rev. Andrew Wilson of the Edinburgh School of Arts and lectures on Chemistry were given by Richard Phillips F.R.S., a popular lecturer of the
London Mechanics' Institute. Although the lectures were popular, it was realised that classes were more beneficial.
A reorganisation of the popular lectures took place and up to 1840 they consisted of chemistry and mechanics as applied to such arts as dying, agriculture, the power loom and the steam engine. Lectures continued on such subjects as astronomy, geology, natural history and physics. After
1830 the scope was widened to include lectures on poetry, travel and music. Before twenty years had passed, Heywood had introduced dancing classes and figure, flower and landscape drawing classes. He was still keen to introduce moral and social classes, gymnastics and swimming. He was successful in acquiring a gymnasium as early as 1830-1.
THE MECHANICS' INSTITUTES FROM ESTABLISHMENT TO GOVERNMENT PROVISION
TO 1832
By 1826, five years after the first institute at
Edinburgh,over one hundred mechanics' institutes existed
(109 are estimated by Kelly)1, mainly around London, the north of England and the industrial areas of Scotland. The vintage year was 1825 when about seventy new institutes
10 To Kelly, George Birbeck, p. 329. - 44
were founded.^" From 1826-7 to 1832, however, the trade
slump contributed to a decline in the movement generally. The rate of opening of new institutes dropped dramatically and the membership of the institutes generally fell. Many institutes during this period closed (although some new ones opened); and the total number estimated in 1831 by Kelly was 107, two less than in 1826.
Other factors are said to contribute to the decline, such as the lack of leisure activities and entertainment
and the lack of more elementary instruction for those who had some elementary education.
1832 to 1841
By 1832 the economic slump was over. In the following decade the mechanics' institutes again saw a period of prosperity. The number of institutes almost tripled during this decade with a more even distribution, especially 2 throughout England.
It was at the beginning of this decade that opinions were more frequently voiced than previously concerning entertainment and the lack of entertainment in the institutes. Pamphlets, speeches and letters made the feeling clear. An article in the paper "The Mirror of Literature, Amusement,
and Instruction" of 19 February 1831 stated in connection with public amusements generally, that*
PUBLIC AMUSEMENTS, As at present conducted, are said to do more harm than good. But though this should be admitted, it would still be true that they have even now their good as well as their evil; that there have been times when the good
1. T. Kelly, George Birbeck, p. 209. 2. T.Kelly, p. 230. - 45
greatly preponderated? that they have contributed in no slight degree to civil ization and refinement? and that in calling forth Shakespeare's sic genius, which, by no other way, could have been called forth with equal effect, they have done more good than outweighs all the evil that they ever have done...
The article goes on to suggest that if amusements are
sometimes "perverted" to the "depravation of manners" or the "gratification of evil passions" then this in itself is not sufficient grounds for excluding public amusements.
If such controversy about amusement existed in society as a whole, it is understandable that the mechanics'
institutes did not encourage prejudice against themselves by providing amusements.
The changing mood towards amusements was expressed in the institutes themselves. It was stated that the institutes would be more beneficial if they were "more interesting and amusing". Edwin Chadwick summed up at a meeting of the Deptford Mechanics' Institute in 1832 that the lack of interest in the institutes was due "to the circumstances of the real wants of the working classes not being attended to".
Mention has already been made of Heywood's action during this period at Manchester. He acquired a gymnasium introduced excursions and began more leisure-type classes.
The attitudes of the mechanics' institutes towards leisure and entertainment varied from one institute to the other.
Some were reluctant to introduce any form of entertainment while others, it seems, tended towards entertainment extremes. Kelly gives as examples, Leicester and Stourbridge 1. The Mirror, "Public Amusements", No. 477, 19 Feb.,1831, p.133. - 46
Mechanics' Institutes. The Leicester Mechanics' Institute in 1835 had extended its subjects to include elocution and astronomy and in 1837 it included music, painting, German
literature, cotton, manufacture and the philosophy of the memory. On the other hand, Stourbridge, while in 1839
invited members to an exhibition by Mr. Hughes of his "splendid hydro oxygen microscope calculated to please all who behold it from the child to the Philosopher", in 1840 included "the functions of the digestive and nutritive
organs of the human body" and Mr. Newman, the celebrated ventriloquist, whose imitations included "the full cry of a pack of hounds^and a gang of eight or ten smugglers landing
their cargoI"l We see here the element of pure entertain ment developing.
Despite the introduction of entertainment, there was still very solid educational work being carried out by many institutes. David Burns, who presented an essay in 1837 to an essay competition at Glasgow Mechanics' Institute, an. essay which was annotated by Birbeck, provided a picture of the state of some of the large institutes in that year. According to Burns, the Mechanics' Institutes, by 1837, "have bridged the gulf, and thrown open the portals of knowledge to the artisans of all nations. They are pre eminently their own, and for them..." By 1837 the movement had spread overseas to include France, Canada, India and
Australia. 2 In his essay, Burns describes the work of several institutes:
At the Edinburgh School of Arts: lo T. Kelly, George Birbeck, p. 234. 2. D. Burns, Essay: "Mechanics Institutions; their Objects and Tendency". 1837. Intro. John Leadbetter (President, Glasgow, M.I.) ; Annot. G. Birbeck. -47
I A junior class in mathematics meeting twice a week.... in this class a portion of each hour of teaching is devoted to exercises and examinations. II A seminar class of mathematics meeting once a week... a portion of each hour of teaching is devoted to examin ations and exercises. III A-Class in natural philosophy illustrated by experiments meets once a week in which the following branches are taught; Mechanics..., Hydrostatics, Hydraulics, Pneumatics and Optics... A part of every fourth lecture of this course is devoted to examinations....
3V A class in theoretical Chemistry in which the principles of science are taught together with their application to the principal arts and manufactures in the processes of which chemical principles are involved. The class meets once a week and a part of every fourth lecture .... devoted to examination.. Three years were required to complete this course. An
"honorary certificate or diploma" was conferred on a successful candidate to give him the privilege of availing himself gratuitiously, for life, of all the advantages of
the Institution. Other courses at Edinburgh included "divine agency in the structure of the universe and the intimations of the will of the author of nature, afforded by the study of physical science; and also on political economy". There were also classes for architectural, mechanical and ornamental scroll-drawing. Fees were moderate, e.g. five shillings
for the four classes (1- IV) above. A ticket for all lectures was sold at twelve shillings. The London Mechanics* Institute, Burns says, "has been
eminently successful in the accomplishment of its objects...
its efficiency and usefulness have been yearly augmented". From 1835 to 183? the number of members "has been above
1,000". The library of the London Mechanics' Institute at this time contained 6,000 volumes circulating, as well as a - 48
reference library. A Reading Room was open until 10 p.m. The Institute maintained considerable apparatus and a museum.
The Institute in London maintained, at this time, a number of elementary schools "in which the sons and apprentices of members are taught English grammar, geometry, writing, drawing, arithmetic, navigation, etc., and classes for mutual instruction in natural philosophy and chemistry".
Burns states that the general management of the London Mechanics' Institute in 1837 was vested in a committee of fifteen - "ten of whom belong to the working classes" and that it was under the patronage of the Duke of Sussex. A correction by Birbeck, however, states in his own handwriting that "The London Mechanics' Institute has no patron nor will the Members whilst their present President remains, as they say, accept the Duke, their steady friend, or any other person in that position". The Liverpool Mechanics' Institute as described by Burns in 1837, conducted instruction similar to London, through evening schools, classes, lectures and a day school. The day school was "to prepare and fit the pupils to under stand and appreciate the value of the higher branches of knowledge communicated by teachers in the evening schools of the institution, and by the more eminent lecturers on each Wednesday and Saturday evening in the lecture-room".
The Liverpool Institution contained a library of reference, a library circulating 2,000 volumes "in every branch of science and literature" and a Reading Room. The Institute maintained extensive apparatus, drawings, casts, models and paintings. Accommodation included a lecture hall which held 1,000 persons and eleven class rooms which - 49
held 900 pupils. In 1836 there were 1#267 students.
The Board of Directors for the Liverpool Mechanics'
Institute consisted of 33 persons, 27 of whom were elected
by members of which one-third were from the working class, one-third from mechanics and manufacturers and one-third from contributors of ten guineas or one guinea annually or upwards, not belonging to either of the former classes.
In~describing the Manchester Mechanics' Institute, Burns begins by stating "No town in England is more distinguished for the number of its benevolent institutions than Manchester. Among all ranks of its population a liberal spirit is diffused for the promotion of knowledge, literature, science and religion". The Manchester Mechanics' Institute was "in point of numbers and efficiency, second to none in the Kingdom". The lectures which were held on Monday and Friday evenings, embraced "the different branches of natural history, natural philosophy, literature and the useful arts". The library contained 4,000 volumes; a Reading Room was provided and considerable apparatus was maintained. At the
end of 1835 there were 1,526 members. An annual subscription of £1 entitled a member to almost all benefits of the institution. Day schools for boys and girls existed "on the plan of the Edinburgh Sessional School". The school was intended
for sons, daughters, brothers and sisters of members. The fee was 4/- a quarter. Other children were later admitted for a fee of 5/- a quarter. The Board of Directors of the Manchester Mechanics'
Institute at this time consisted of eighteen persons elected 50
annually by the members from among themselves.
Tylecote^* lists the topics of sixteen papers read and
six discussions held by the Mutual Improvement Society at
the Manchester Mechanics* Institute in 1939-40. These
included such a variety as: On the nature and uses of
Money; On the advantages of a cheap and uniform rate of
Postage? On the amusement of Dancing; On the cultivation
of Roses; On the formation of Character; On the improvement
of Sunday-schools by means of the services of young men of
good education; On the means proposed for the improvement
of Steam-Navigation; On the character of Shylock* in
Shapespeare!s Merchant of Venice; Apart from Religion,
does the possession of knowledge tend to improve the moral
character? Was Arkwright the real inventor of the Spinning
Jenny? Is written or spoken language of the greater utility?
Papers read during 1842-3 at the same institution
included many on economics; On National Education? and many of current importance at that time.
It appears, therefore, that by 1840 the large institutes had established libraries and equipment. Their instruction included night lectures, seminars and discussions, classes and day schools for children. As well, they introduced recreational activities and to varying degrees, entertainment.
During this decade programmes were added to embrace popular
science, literature, music, history, travel and phrenology, etc. - a shift from strictly science to "general useful 2 knowledge".
1. M. Tylecote, The Mechanics' Institutes of Lancashire and Yorkshire, p. 304. 2o To Kelly, George Birbeck, p. 234. 51
Although a few institutes had introduced subjects such as political economy, religion and politics were still, in the main excluded*, (However, Cheltenham Mechanics* Institute advertised in 1835 that the Institution would "give extensive circulation to the discoveries of Newton and Davy, and to the writings, philosophical and popular, of Bentham, of Owen, or of Cobbett"• Six years later this Institute allowed a secularist, G.J. Holyoake, to
lecture - an address which subsequently led to his imprisonment for blasphemy) 0^
Just as the Lyceums and some Athenaeums had earlier filled the gap as far as the lack of entertainment in the Institutes was concerned, it was the Socialist Halls which now provided, in addition to science, music, dancing and tea parties, instruction on "the nature and advantages of our political Constitution, a question which every news paper more or less raises"0 Many people believed that political science was of greater importance, and Socialist 2 HSlls drew large attendances* Another rival in the political arena was the People's Institutes where Chartist speakers could be heard. For example, the People*s Institute at Stalybridge was founded in 1839 as a Chartist Hallo It was used for worship, Sunday School, day schools, evening classes and a variety 3 of entertainments such as drama and dancing. Political, economic and religious issues were not really dealt with in the class room until near the turn of the century by the 4 Workers' Educational Association. 1* T. Kelly, George Birbeck, p. 252. 20 To Kelly, pQ 2360 30 Mo Tylecote, The Mechanics* Institutes of Lancashire and Yorkshire, p.241. 4. To Kelly, p0 236. 52
Rival institutes were also established by the Church
of England*s more progressive .clergy from 1835 onwards. Perhaps this was partly due to the absence of religious
instruction in the Mechanics* Institutes. It was stated
that the Church*s institutions were established because
young men complained that at the mechanics' institutes
"political topics were frequently brought under discussion
in a manner offensive to their feelings, while a spirit hostile to religion, and especially to the Church prevailed"
This complaint seems to contradict the fact that the
institutes sought to exclude religious and political topics.
However, many institutes engaged lecturers who were
academic and radical. (Some of Birmingham's best teachers 2 were Owenites. ). It is probable therefore that informal
discussion by radicals offended some Church members. Hudson, however, describes the Church of England institutions 3 as, on the whole, a failure. The Mechanics' Institutes began to hold popular
exhibitions and the libraries accumulated large fiction
sections. Kelly denies the many charges that this trend
(together with entertainment) necessarily was a "decline"
of the movement. In an age without cinemas,wireless or photography, without public art galleries or museums, and with a few facilities for travel, Kelly says the critics
have underestimated the educational value of the now characteristic concerts, excursions, exhibitions and miscellaneous lectures. At a time when books were scarce I. W.F. Hook, "Meliora" in Viscount Ingestre,1852-3. Quoted by Kelly, p. 252. 2o J. McCabe, Life of Holvoake, quoted in Kelly, p. 252. 30 Jo Hudson, The History of Adult Education. 53
and public libraries almost non-existent the libraries of the institutes were invaluable.
It would appear, too, that the charges that fewer "mechanics" were using the institutes at this time, are to a certain extent misleading. This is partly due to the definition of "mechanic". At the time of Birbeck's early work, "mechanic" embraced those working in the various trades. But it is clear from the Report of the West Riding Union of 1840 that the mechanic was not now included in the handicraft trades.
In this connection it is of further interest to note that the composition of the membership of the Board of Directors of the Liverpool Mechanics' Institute in 1837
(as described by David Burns) distinguishes "the working class" as a separate group from "mechanics and manufacturers" (see above) • Whilst it is true that in some cases such as London, more "middle class" members were attracted, e.g. clerks, and that some unskilled workers found the lectures too advanced, by 1840 the mechanics' institutes were still attracting large numbers of skilled workers and tradesmen.
Tylecote provides a classification of trades etc. represented in the membership of Huddersfield Mechanics' Institute in
1847o Of the total membership of 778, the great bulk of members were workers in the several trades including manu facturers and 24 mechanics. At one extreme we may note 52
"Errand and Factory Lads" and 1 Labourer, while at the other end of the scale are 71 Students, 1 Musician, 1 Banker,
3 Teachers, 15 Clerks, 4 Chemists and 4 Book-keepers. 54
Others which might be classed labourers rather than 1 Porter i tradesmen include 1 Hawker^and 1 Carrier.
Another feature of this decade was the moves that took place for co-operation between some groups of instit utes. Very early instances occurred where proposals were made for institutes to combine for lectures, e.g. the 2 Mechanics" Magazine in 1826. In 1832 the Liverpool
Mechanics' Institute decided to admit members of any other
Mechanics' Institute in the country. In the West Riding of Yorkshire a Union was formed in 1837 to be known as the West Riding Union of Mechanics' Institutes. Edward Baines, Jun., editor of the Leeds Mercury, had made the proposal with a concern for some systematic instruction for the area. After 1837 another trade depression occurred which affected many institutes, especially in London. But by 1841 the number of mechanics' institutes (including the literary and scientific institutes) in Britain had risen 3 to 305 as compared with 107 in 1831. 4 Burns, in 1837 summed up his opinion as to the influence of the institutes at that time: ... inasmuch as they mechanics'institutes not only tend, both directly and indirectly, to ameliorate the condition of the working classes themselves, but also to maintain and promote the present superiority of Great Britain in arts and manufactures.... This facility of progress may be done in the first instance by diffusing among the industrious classes a knowledge of the principles and results of scientific enquiry; and in the second, by stimulating and encouraging inventive talent wherever it may be found. I. M. Tylecote, Mechanics' Institutes of Lancashire and Yorkshire, p. 307. 20 T. Kelly, George Birbeck, p. 245. 3 o T. Kelly, p. 329. 4. D. Burns, Essay: "Mechanics Institutions; their Objects and Tendency", 1837. 55
Burns went on to mention the institutes as agencies which were helping Britain to meet the keen competition in trade from the USA and the Continent. The mechanics' institutes were "giving universality and permanence to science and introducing the large hut less favoured portions of the community..." As far as education was concerned, Burns saw the mechanics' institutes
take up the business of education at the point where the common schools generally leave it off, and offer to the operatives of every description and of every degree of intelligence, the means of making farther acquisitions... enabling them to fill their respective stations in life with honour to themselves and advantage to society.
Without the instruction which the institutes provided in the principles of science, "the carpenter, the millwright, the mason, the engineer, the dyer and many others, could not fully understand the nature of their several occupations".
This system of education embraces also amongst its leading objects as extensive a knowledge as possible... For a man... to pass the dull round of life scarcely possessed of a single idea.... night and darkness have descended... An additional object second in importance to none is the circulation of books through the medium of their libraries. It might rightly be said therefore, that by the end of the decade to 1840, the mechanics' institutes had laid a foundation all over the country for technical education. They had widely distributed books. They had encouraged a wide variety of workers to improve their skills and general knowledge. Many had provided schools for children in the hope that they would be better prepared for the lectures and main work of the institute. By this time, too, they had catered for the "needs" of the working man in providing recreational and entertainment facilities. 56
1841-1851
This decade began with Birbeck's death in December 1841,
The first years were marked by the trade slump, Chartist activities and in London, the special conditions which affected the London Mechanics* Institute (see above). From 1844 the decade continued with steady expansion of the movement and by 1851 a total of 698 mechanics* institutes existed0 The end of the decade saw another boom period and a new awareness of science and technical training which arose from the Great Exhibition of 1851.
During this decade the mechanics' institute-movement became increasingly varied in name, form and function. In addition, many miscellaneous organisations arose with similar aims and functions to the institutes. These included the rival Owenite Halls of Science and the Workingmens Colleges; as well as the IoMoC0As0( the Peoples* Colleges of Sheffield and Nottingham, farmers' clubs, agricultural societies, reading rooms and subscription libraries. Kelly describes the period as "the golden age of voluntary associations in adult education". The mechanics* institutes were most active during this period in combining into district Unions. The Yorkshire
Union embraced 117 institutes0 The Manchester District
Association reorganised in 1847 to become the Lancashire and
Cheshire Union0 Later it was known as the Union of Lanc ashire and Cheshire Institutes (ULCI) and survives today. The ULCI is, today, largely an examining body with candidates
(below matriculation standard) entering mainly through the Technical Colleges or Colleges for Further Education. The 57
ULCI also acts as an advisory body to local education
authorities.
Many institutes were formed attached to particular
trades (as were the Mutual Improvement Societies) .
Examples are indicated by their names: Walker Ironworks.
Mechanics' Institute, South Eastern Railway Mechanics*
Institute, Potteries Mechanics' Institute, Miners' and
Mechanics 1 Institution.
Many other institutes were amalgamated with other local
societies, for example, in Northampton: the Mechanics*
Institute and the Society for the Diffusion of Religious and
Useful Knowledge. Some towns had rival institutes and some
were connected with a range of other interest societies
such as the temperance movement.
By the 1840s most institutes had admitted women to
membership but at Huddersfield an institute was formed
exclusively for women. The Female Educational Institution was formed in 1847 and catered mainly for factory operatives,
milliners, dressmakers and domestic servants.^
The variety of size and character of the institutes may
be seen further in two extremes which were apparent at the
time. One is illustrated by the large, well established mechanics* institutes such as London, Manchester, Glasgow,
Liverpool, Leeds, Huddersfield, etc. The other extreme may be seen by example of the St. Stephens' Institute for the
Diffusion of Useful Knowledge in Cornwall which had only
nineteen members.
1. T. Kelly, George Birbeck, p. 264. 58
An important aspect of the large mechanics1 institutions in this decade was their programme of elementary classes,
Tylecote sets out the timetable of elementary classes of the Manchester Mechanics* Institute in 1845-6. These concentrated on Arithmetic, Mental Arithmetic, Spelling, Writing and Grammar.'1' Mention has already been made of the extensive lecture programme conducted by the Manchester Institution. In addition, the Reading Room of the Manchester Mechanics,1 Institute in 1846 contained 11
Quarterly journals, 50 Monthly journals or magazines, 2
Fortnightlies, 5 Weeklies and 6 other occasional public ations o The Reading Room at Manchester in 1849 took 40
Newspapers? some general newspapers, some by their names indicating special interests such as Economist, Wesleyan
Times and N.Y. Journal of Commerce.
The general pattern of Manchester seems to be repeated at the Huddersfield Mechanics* Institute. The programme of classes for 1847-8 however, includes besides the elementary subjects at Manchester, Music, Phonography, German, Geography and History, Adult Reading, Singing, Mechanical
Drawing, Ornamental Drawing, School of Design, French and 2 so onQ
It might be concluded by this brief look at the programmes and activities of some of the larger institutions that the stage was indeed being set for the organisations with which we are familiar today, namely, the technical college or (in Britain) the colleges for further education. After the Great Exhibition in 1851 there was a new awareness
10 M. Tylecote, The Mechanics Institutes of Lancashire and Yorkshire, p. 303. 20 M0 Tylecote, p. 311. 59
of the need for technical education as well as for elementary and secondary education. Technical education became a national necessity; it was a task already attempted and launched by the mechanics' institute movement. FROM 1851
By 1851, opposition to the institutes as dreaded "nests of revolution, nurseries for schism and infidelity, as places where poor people learn to be discontented with their position" was beginning to soften; although in 1853 James Hole of Leeds reported in his Essay,'*' that this was htill the case "in some quarters". There were instances where Church of
England clergy sanctioned the institutes. The Tory and
High Church Bishop of Exeter declared in 1845 that the mechanics' institutes were good in their proper sphere. The Vicar of Leeds, noting financial difficulties, suggested that the time had come to fuse the Church Institutions with the Mechanics? Institutions. An inquiry in Leeds concluded that the Leeds Mechanics' Institution "was not unfavourable to religion, but rather had a tendency to improve the moral, 2 as well as the intellectual character of the members".
There were cases where the Church of England clergy actually joined the mechanics' institutes. In addition, public support from notable figures was evident; for example, by Sir Robert Peel and Charles Dickens. Comments by Dickens in 1858 are instructive. While addressing the Annual
Meeting of the Institutional Association of Lancashire and
Cheshire, Dickens drew attention to the number of "real working men" at the institute. Among the prizewinners of
1. J. Hole, Essay, "Literary Scientific and Mechanics! Institutions", 1853, p. 91. 2. T. Kelly, George Birbeck, pp.267-8. 60
the Association in that year were miners, piercers, a plasterer, a wagon-maker, a chain-maker and an iron-moulder.
Between 1850 and 1875 the movement continued to be vigorous. Although many institutes disappeared, there were many new ones which appeared in considerable numbers. The
"decline" in the movement set in, as far as evidence available can provide, during the last quarter of the nineteenth century. By 1900 the mechanics* institutes had "had their
day”.1 2
It is popular among many historians and others to regard the mechanics' institute movement as being in some way unsuccessful. James Hole who was secretary of the Yorkshire
Union of Mechanics' Institutes complained in his Society of
Arts prize essay in 1853 that in Yorkshire the proportion of institute members to population was only 2% and that in 2 Huddersfield the figures were only one in forty-five. Kelly remarks that in comparison with today's figures, these proportions are very high and that accomplishments at the time were very considerable in fact. Argles states that the "mechanics' institutes had failed" and then modifies the statement by saying "although in some of them lay the 3 germs of a later crop of technical colleges".
Bearing in mind the condition of society and education when the movement began and later developments concerning the institutes, words such as "failure" or "decline" might be used with caution. We might agree with Kelly when he says in relation to this milder word "decline" that it is 1. T. Kelly, George Birbeck, p. 271. 2. J. Hole, Essay, "Literary, Scientific and Mechanics' Institutions, pp.17-18. 30 M0 Argles, South Kensington to Robbins, p.13. 61
perhaps hardly the right word to use for the processes of change 0
One way of looking at the changing role of the instit utes is to trace events from the Great Exhibition in 18510
While science regained a new respectability and technology was beginning to be seen as a very real necessity in a world of competing nations, government provision in education was seen to be more and more important0 This change eventually meant that local authorities took over the responsibility for the activities initiated and developed by the mechanics' institutes. The position of individual institutes differed according to local conditionso In some cases an institute continued to function and develop almost in the same way except that the control and administration was transferred to direction by the local authority*. The staff and facilities continued without interruption? the institute perhaps became a technical college« In other cases it meant that, the local authority having set up a college separate from a smaller institute, the lectures of the institute were replaced, and the library would c ontinue to function either privately or under local authority control0 In some cases the institute as: it was originally known disappeared; in other cases it survived as a social club or cultural society0
Besides the setting up of technical colleges (under various names) by government agencies, other bodies sometimes took the initiativeo The first technical college as such in
England was founded by the City and Guilds Institute at
Finsbury, London in 18810 Some colleges were started by 62
funds from other private sources.'*'
During the second half of the nineteenth century,
government authorities gradually took over the four elements which the mechanics' institutes developed: technical
education by means of lectures and classes; libraries; the social club element; and the fourth element, less developed by the movement and developed partially by other movements - the day schools for children. As far as the institutes were concerned, perhaps technical education was the most
important of these, closely followed by the libraries.
DEVELOPMENT OF GOVERNMENT RESPONSIBILITY AND THE MECHANICS' INSTITUTES The development of government involvement in education (which vitally affected the mechanics' institutes) may be
seen in the activities of the three main government agencies through which State authority was exercised rather haphazardly These were: (1) The Charity Commission; (2) The Education
Department of the Committee of Council for Trade in the
Privy Council; (3) The Department of Science and Art of the Board of Trade. The Charity Commission, which can be traced back to 2 medieval courts of justice was a central authority so far as a central authority for secondary education existed in the nineteenth century. A "charity" was broadly defined as
"any legitimate dedication of property upon a trust, whether express or implied, capable of permanent duration for the benefit ... of the public". The Charities Commission protected many educational establishments included as 1. M. Argles, South Kens inert on to Robbins, pp.23-24. 2. A.S. Bishop, The Rise of a Central Authority for English Education, p. 202. 63
"charities" and ensured that the objects to which they
had been dedicated were preserved.
The Education Department grew from a committee of Her
Majesty's ministers. It was known as a Committee of
Council and was created by an Order in Council. The objects
of the committee were limited to "the superintendence of the
application of parliamentary grants for the education of the
poor". The Order of Council was promulgated in 1839, about
sixteen years after the first mechanics' institute had been
established.
The Science and Art Department grew largely from a
concern at the Board of Trade that foreign trade and superior
foreign goods posed a threat to Britain's trade. Foreign wares were found in the 1820s to be superior in design,
notably French silk goods. Foreign countries were educating or training their artists and artisans while England did not"*" except as we have noted through the development of private endeavours, the mechanics' institutes.
The Department of Science and Art originated in William
Ewart's Select Committee of 1835 "to enquire into the best means of extending a knowledge of the Arts and of the principles of design among the people (especially the manu
facturing population) of the country". This committee recommended the establishment of a School of Design which opened in London in 1837. By 1851-2 the Department of
Practical Art (under the Board of Trade) was receiving a
£15,000 government grant for the administration of the
1. A.S. Bishop, The Rise of a Central Authority for English Education, p. 151. 64
London School of Design and its similar schools in the provinces.
In 1853 the Department of Science and Art was created and remained under the Board of Trade until 1857 when it
became part of the new Education Department. Thus the
Education Department which promoted elementary education
and the Department of Science and Art which promoted
secondary and technical education were joint institutions under the Committee of Council on Education.
It is the Department of Science and Art which concerns us most here for it was involved with many classes commenced by the mechanic^ institutes. The object of the Science and
Art Department was to encourage the teaching of the applied sciences. This was done by means of museums, schools, public examinations, payment of grants by results and the preparation of scientific examples. To obtain grant assistance, however, an institution had to be already endowed by a patron or a charitable trust. After 1859 additional payments were allowed which included grants to all mechanics' institutes for apparatus and fittings.
The Science and Art Department began its scheme of examinations in science in 1860. Many students entered for these through their mechanics' institutes. At the same time, the Department offered to help cities which wished to establish schools for teaching science. "Science
School" later became a term which was applied to many organisations including some of the mechanics' institutes. These "science schools" were organised further when, under the 1870 Act, the local boards began to enter pupils for 65
the Departments examinations and thus obtained grants.
The School Boards under the 1870 Act also began evening continuation schools, mainly providing elementary instruction.
It may be seen therefore, that while some mechanics* institutes received a boost from the additional grants for a time, others were being replaced - aJfate which in various ways was to overtake all the institutes as they were previously known <> From 1881 (Royal Commission on Technical Instruction) to 1902 greater strides were made in technical education.
Foreign competition and domestic issues (such as ideas of
social justice fostered by people like the Webbs and Keir Hardy) together with industrial development all contributed towards the recognition of the need for technical instruction.
It was during the 1880s and 1890s that many mechanics* institutes took on a new lease of life as a result of the various grants which had been made available. However, a
fair proportion which had developed important educational work were thus converted to local authority institutes after
the 1889 Technical Instruction Act; some notable ones becoming the Birmingham and Midland Institute, Huddersfield
Technical College and Leeds College of Technology• The development of technical education during this
period is a wide subject in itself. Perhaps it will suffice
here to illustrate that the increasing recognition, the
increasing expansion and the increasing intervention by the
State resulted in most of the work of the mechanics' inst
itutes being superseded. When, in 1902, the Education Act 66
abolished the school boards and the technical instruction committees, and put all forms of national education under the County Councils and County Borough Councils, the new local education authorities (LEAs) were then responsible for establishing schools and colleges. This provision finally placed the activities commenced and developed by the mechanics' institutes in the sphere of public respons ibility. 67
CHAPTER FOUR
THE MECHANICS' SCHOOL OF ARTS MOVEMENT IN AUSTRALIA
BRITISH INFLUENCE AND THE MORAL VIEW OF POPULAR EDUCATION
Popular education, especially for adults, which arose as we have seen from many sources in England up to the 1830s, extended its influence to the Australian colonies. The non-conformist zeal and the Benthamite philosophy had direct bearing. Further, it was believed in New South Wales that the Mother Country was witnessing a revolution as far as popular education was concerned; secondly it was generally accepted that education made men moral. The latter point is significant in a colony with a considerable convict element and where a fair proportion of the free settlers were Scottish Presbyterian non-conformists. The first real attempts to educate the artisan or working classes appear to be largely the efforts of non conformists as in Britain. In Australia they were notably
Scottish Presbyterians educated in the Scottish tradition.
It appears that a substantial proportion of free settlers to the colonies in the 1820s and later were Scots.
These, combined with some Wesleyans exerted considerable influence in social matters. Although no passenger lists exist in England of free emigrants leaving for Australia during this period^ and no such official records of this 2 period exist in Australia other sources suggest that non conformist.. influence was considerable. Scottish settlement 1. Public Records Office, London, Pamphlet: "Emigrants: Information...." 20 Madgwick, R.B., Immigration into Eastern Australia 1788-1851. 68
in Van Diement Land and Port Phillip was said to be "strong".^
Barcan draws attention to a letter of Governor Bourke to Stanley in 1833:
The inhabitants of this colony are of many different religious persuasions the followers of the Church of England being the most numerous... About one fifth the whole pop ulation of the colony being Catholic. The members of the Church of Scotland form a smaller proportion, but are amongst the most respectable of the inhabitants, and are to be found with few exceptions in the class of Free Emigrants
Of the whole population of New South Wales at this time 2 convicts comprised one-third Irish Catholics and presumably the remainder of the convicts were mostly Church of England and British Catholics. The point here is that of the free settlers it is likely that a large proportion were Scottish Presbyterians. Other non-conformists such as Wesleyans and some Congregationalists were also prominent in social matters.
Scottish educational thought (which, perhaps cannot be separated from the non-conformist ethic) is in evidence in the early educational establishments of the colonies, not least in the mechanics' institutes. In this connection it is well to remember the Scottish education system of the time while looking at its impact on the Australian colonies.
During the first half of the nineteenth century
Scotland's educational system was, in many ways, superior to that of England both in quality and quantity. The ancient burgh and parish schools which covered Scotland were well
supervised by local magistrates and Presbyteries and were soundly financed. Together with the Academies, adequate I. G.Nadel, Australia's Colonial Culture, p. 130. 2 o A. Barcan, A Short History of Education in N.S.W. 69
elementary training was provided. The Scottish teachers were well qualified due in part to the teacher licencing requirements of the Presbyterian Assembly. TheScottish universities were also in many ways
superior to Oxford and Cambridge, notably in philosophy,
medicine and natural science, although possibly inferior in classics.
Scottish educational thought which reached the
Australian colonies (and which may be seen in the mechanics'
institute movement) was, firstly, the "intellectual system" which demanded logic, analysis and comprehension as opposed
to learning by rote. (The mechanic or artisan should understand the scientific principles behind his art).
Secondly, intellectual teaching not only stored knowledge in the memory; proper training habituated the mind to
reflection. Reflection as a habit of thinking led to moral affections.'*'
These ideas were those which had much sway in the first
English mechanics' institutes. Birbeck, although an Englishman, was like many English non-conformists, educated
in the Scottish tradition and held values akin to the
Scottish non-conformists.
In the rapidly industrialising towns of Britain, some
supported popular education eventually as the only insurance
against political revolution. In Australia, no such threat existed, y but if popular education in Britain was believed to be occurring how could the colony's conservatives reject it?
I. G. Nadel, Australia's Colonial Culture, p. 214. 70
The most persuasive argument for popular education in the
Australian colonies from the beginning was the connection between improved morality and education. The aim of the
gentry, whether missionaries or travelling lecturers was
to advance the social, intellectual and moral condition of the people.1 2 3
The moral view of education is repeatedly seen in the prominent Scottish teachers of early Australia. These
Scottish educationists leaned more towards the humanist rather than Calvinist puritan attitude to Man, (as did the
Unitarians and Quakers). Example is provided by a
President of the Van Diemen's Land Mechanics' Institute.
The Australian Dictionary of Biography quotes in relation to Rev. Dr. John Lillie of Glasgow and Hobart that: He was always sensitive to the heresy of exalting secular learning and human capacity, yet inexorably the optimism of contemporary liberalism overcame these scruples, causing him to posit a future in which the human spirit, freed from every disturb ing and oppressive influence, shall realize the full evolution of its indefinite and most glorious capacities of2both moral and intellectual imp r ov erne nt s .
"Thus his concern for education and science suggests that
Lillie vas more a nineteenth century liberal than a traditional calvinist".^
The moral view was also extended to the Colonies through one of its strong advocates in Scotland, David
Stowe, who was also a pioneer of teacher training. Stowe was responsible for supplying many teachers to the colonies. He was secretary to the Glasgow Educational Society and a
1. G. Nadel, Australia's Colonial Culture, p. 162. 2. "Knowledge as the means of correcting prejudice" quoted in Aust. Diet, of Biog. 3. Australian Dictionary of Biography. 71 and a member of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland on Colonial Churches, He helped in obtaining many teachers for Sydney and other colonies in Australia who were directly concerned with the beginnings of the
Mechanics* Schools of Arts. One of these teachers, Rev. Henry Carmichael (who gave up the church for education), who was "the first important pioneer of adult education in the colony"'1- was also the "guiding spirit" of the Sydney 2 Mechanics' School of Arts. Before Sydney's mechanics' institute began, however, one had already been established in Van Diemen's Land.
THE FIRST MECHANICS' INSTITUTE AT VAN DIEMEN'S LAND
The Van Diemen's Land Mechanics' Institute, the first mechanics' institute in Australia, was founded in 1827. No early documents exist of the founding of the institute, the earliest being some annual reports beginning in 1841. Neither does there appear to be any concise or coherent history of the Institute although references exist. 3
Several master tradesmen had met in 1826 to discuss and plan the foundation of a mechanics' institute in Hobart Town.
A meeting of inhabitants in 1827 was then called by the tradesmen to organise the institution. The Governor was invited to be patron, the Chief Justice was chosen as president and Mr. James Wood was appointed secretary.
The first lecture was delivered in July 1827 by "the 4 Birbeck of Tasmania", Dr. James Ross. Ross was from
1. C. Turney, "Henry Carmichael: A Pioneer of Education in N.S.W." The Australian Journal of Education, Vol.4,No.3 Nov. i960, Part II, p. 91. 20 G. Nadel, Australia's Colonial Culture, p. 112. 3o Archives Office of Tasmania, Letter dated 16 Aug. 1974. 40 J. West, The History of Tasmania, p. 99. 72-
Aberdeen, Scotland and completed an M.A. and LL.D. at
Marischal College, Aberdeen. After some time as a school master in Kent, England, he arrived in Hobart Town in 1822. He was prominent in civ'il affairs; became a teacher in the colony and later Government Printer and editor of Hobart
Town Gazette jointly with G.T. Howe. He published other
papers and magazines which included verse, literary articles and articles on natural history.^ Another of the original
lecturers was Adam Turnbull who later entered the
Presbyterian ministry in 1854. The colony during the 1820s saw "considerable religious o immigration", mainly by Presbyterians but also by Wesleyans.
The Rev. Archibald MacArthur, a Scottish Calvinist, estab
lished the Presbyterian Church there in 1822. At least
one of the founding tradesmen of the Van Diemen's Land Mechanics' Institutes was a notable Wesleyan, the missionary 3 G.A. Robinson. The first lectures at the Van Diemen's Land Mechanics'
Institute consisted of lectures to mechanics on steam engines and mechanical and engineering science. 4 It seems that there
was a lapse in the lectures while the secretary was in
England during 1828. In September 1829 the former 5 lectures reappeared. James Wood, the Secretary of the Van Diemen's Land Mechanics' Institute while in England contacted the London Mechanics' Institute. The Committee of the London Mechanics' 1. Australian Dictionary of Biography. 20 J. West, The History of Tasmania, p. 70. 30 J. West, p. 99. 40 Go Nadel, Australia's Colonial Culture, p. 131. 5. J. West, p. 99. 73
Institute recorded in the Minute Book that:
A letter was read dated 40 Seething Lane, 17 November 1828 and signed J. Wood stating that a Mechanics' Institution had been est ablished in Van Diemen's Land of which he is secretary and requesting to be furnished with copies of the Rules and Orders Catalogues of the London Mechanics' Institution for the use of the Van Diemen's Land Institution. Resolved - That six Catalogues and six copies of the Rules and Orders with copies of Prospectuses and other documents belonging to the Institution be sent to Mr. Wood with an assurance of the Committee's good wishes and co-operation with^ the Van Diemen's Land Mechanics' Institution.
When Wood returned to Van Diemen's Land and the lectures at the Mechanics' Institute resumed in 1829 new strides were achieved. A library and apparatus were obtained from
England. By 1830 two hundred members were enrolled and 2 "the institution was promoted by all classes of society".
Some prominent lectures in the following years were delivered by Rev. John Lillie. Lillie was recognised as the Presbyterian leader in the colony by Lieut.-Governor
Franklin. Dr. Lillie served frequently as Moderator of the Church, was an effective speaker and administrator and was involved in education in the colony from 1838 to 1854.
He was president of the Van Diemen's Land Mechanics' 3 Institute for a time and his addresses won acclaim as "the 4 high-water mark of learning publicly disseminated". Rev.
Dr0 Lillie lectured with other Presbyterian ministers and laymen. He was a scientist and philosopher and some of his lectures included "Advantages of Science" (1839),
"Subserviency of the Works of Nature to Religion" (1841), 1o Minutes of Committee Meeting, London Mechanics' Institute, 17 Nov. 1828. 2. J. West, The History of Tasmania, p. 99. 3. Australian Dictionary of Biography. 40 Go Nadel, Australia's Colonial Culture, p. 131. 74
"Opportunity of Intellectual Improvement (1842) and
"Perception, of the Beautiful" (1849) . A second institute
in VanDiemen's Land was founded at Launceston in 1842.
From the beginning, the Mechanics' Institute School of
Arts movement in Australia was modelled on the British
system by non-conformist enthusiasts interested in science
and believing that there was a connection between education and morality. At first, the structure appeared to follow the Edinburgh style with Patron, and organisation by an
elite. The name, however, is taken from the Glasgow and the English institutions* viz. mechanics' institute rather than school of arts. The everyday functioning it seems, would have drawn from the London example, as administrative documents were obtained from the London Mechanics * Institute
for guidance. Lectures, as far as can be seen were a close comparison with those in the British institutes. The movement in Australia may be seen in greater detail by a
study of the Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts and those which followed.
CARMICHAEL AND THE FOUNDING OF THE SYDNEY MECHANICS' SCHOOL OF ARTS
SCOTTISH AND NON-CONFORMIST INFLUENCE
The Rev. J.D. Lang was responsible for bringing the
"guiding spirit" of the Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts to Sydney, Rev. Henry Carmichael. Lang from time to time brought many Scottish educationists and teachers to the
colony, many of whom were recruited, as already mentioned, through David Stowe. In 1830 Lang went to England to
negotiate government aid for his educational projects. He returned to Sydney in 1831 claiming to have, himself, hired 75
workers to help build his project, the Australian College, which was to be the first of the several corporate collegiate
schools* Nadel remarks that Lang probably obtained test
imonials as to the character and ability of his recruits
from their local presbyteries/ a method which he adopted on
later occasions. The fifty-two Scottish mechanics included
stonemasons, joiners/ blacksmiths, plasterers, coopers and
so on* Also recruited at this time by Lang were some Presbyt
erian ministers and other teachers who "formed the core of
the ablest thinkers and writers the colony was to see for
the next quarter of a century."^ Among these was Rev.
Henry Carmichael. Carmichael, during the voyage to Sydney on the "Stirling Castle" sought "to enlighten morally and intellectually the 2 fifty-two Scottish mechanics". Five days of the week were devoted to study classes in Arithmetic and elements of geometry"calculated to provide the scientific background on
which the arts of stonemasons, joiner, engineer and cabinet maker were seen to depend in the best Mechanics' Institute tradition"0 Some had previously attended the Edinburgh
School of Arts and before reaching Sydney, had completed six books of Euclid and had mastered logarithms. Instruction
was also given in political economy and thirty of the
mechanics had worked through the first two books of the 3 Wealth of Nations.
1. G. Nadel, Australia's Colonial Culture, p. 40. 20 C. Turney, "Henry Carmichael: A Pioneer of Education in N.S.W." The Australian Journal of Education, Vol.4 No. 3, Nov. 1960, Part II, p. 91. 3o Go Nadel, p. 114. 76
WHIG INFLUENCE
Carmichael as schoolmaster of the ship had intended to form a Mechanics' Institute and Benefit Society on arrival in Australia but difficulties of settling post poned the move. Sixteen months later the idea was revived by a request from Governor Bourke to Carmichal: "I wish to have some conversation with you upon the possibility of establishing a Mechanics* Institute in Sydney".^
Bourke*s enthusiasm to set up a mechanics* institute throws light on another influence favourable to popular education in the colony. Governor Bourke who arrived in the colony in 1831 (and knighted in 1835) was a Whig and was appointed by a Whig government in Britain. It will be recalled that the political supporters of the mechanics' institutes and popular education generally were (besides
Radicals and evangelical M.P.s) Whigs, notably in the case of the Liverpool Mechanics' Institute.
Whigs carried many progressive and liberal ideas forward and Bourke's influence and work in the colony is significant. Although he strongly favoured a secular
Irish National System of education in N.S.W. opposition at the time was strong and he confirmed State aid to Church schools in the 1830s.
To Bourke's suggestion of a mechanics' institute,
Carmichael acted quickly and a provisional committee met at the Australian College on March 1, 1833. Three weeks later a general public meeting was held where more than 200 citizens
1. Minutes of the Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts, Feb.1833 77
endorsed the constitution recommended by the committee,^
The Sydney Gazette reported this second meeting:
A very numerous and respectable meeting, chiefly composed of mechanics, assembled in the Court House, King Street on Friday evening last, for the purpose of forming an association to be 2 designated the "Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts".
The meeting "chiefly composed of mechanics" elected the
Surveyor-General and explorer, Major Mitchell (who was from 3 Stirlingshire, Scotland) as president, Carmichael as vice-president and Band as secretary. Carmichael, however, filled the roles of both chief administrator as vice-president and as a leading lecturer.
Carmichael stated the aims of the Sydney Mechanics'
School of Arts at its opening to be the "diffusion of scientific and other useful knowledge as extensively as possible throughout N.S.W." It was intended, as in Britain that the mechanic should receive tuition in the scientific principles behind his occupation.^
Carmichael was also concerned that the mechanics' institute should provide for adults who lacked early education which had resulted "unavoidably, either from want of means in the Mother Country, or from want of both stimulus and opportunities in the colony".
The Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts was also to concern itself with the "best interests" of colonial youth and lead youths to appreciate the advantages of "mental over those 5 of corporeal gymnastics".
10 C. Turney, "Henry Carmichael: A Pioneer of Education in N.S.W." The Australian Journal of Education Vol.4, No.3 Nov. 1160, Part II, p.91. 2. The Sydney Gazette. 22 March, 1833. 3, G. Nadel, Australia’s Colonial Culture, p. 116. 40 C. Turney, Australian Journal of Education, Nov. 1960. 5o C. Turney, idem. 78
For Bourke, the Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts would
give the economy of the colony "the utmost efficiency which
knowledge can impart" and also raise the moral tone in the
community by rising above "those tastes for idle dissipation which are unhappily too prevalent."*-
UTILITARIAN INFLUENCE
Carmichael (who graduated with M.A. in 1820 at the
University of St. Andrew and was awarded an honorary LLD
in 1860) was anti-clerical, and was "a liberal and progressive
thinker in politics, a tireless champion of the twin causes
of adult education and secular moral training, distilled 2 from the writings of Bentham, Combe and Pestalozzi".
Carmichael was in fact a strong follower of the utilitarian thought, the ideals of Birbeck and the principles
upon which the English Mechanics' Institutes were founded. While collecting equipment for Lang's proposed college in London Carmichael "cultivated an acquaintance of Mr. Mill
[presumably John Mill, Bentham*s associate of the India
House, Prof. Long of the London University, Mr. Wood of the
Sessional School, Edinburgh, Messrs. Bowring, Chadwick 3 [presumably Edwin Chadwick, the reformer] ..." At this
time Carmichael "canvassed the principles and learned the
detail" of the systems of instruction followed at the
Benthamite educational institutions which he visited.
Carmichael shared Bentham's belief that education was "one
of the greatest sources of happiness that mankind had yet devised" and was "both an efficacious method of promoting
lo G0 Nadel, Australia's Colonial Culture, p.112. 2 0 Australian Dictionary of Biography. 3 o Co Turney (Ed.) Pioneers of Australian Education, Ch.III. 79
the well-being of the community and an indirect means of stopping crime". The opinions of Bentham and Mill helped
form his own opinions on matters of colonial education which he later put into practice in N.S.W.,1 *not * only in the
Sydney Mechanics8 School of Arts, but in the other schools with which he became connected.
Carmichael stressed the Utilitarian point of view which influenced the beginning of the mechanics' institute movement in Britain. It was the moral and "useful" effect upon the individual in the colony which was important. Carmichael said at the Sydney Mechanics* School of Arts:
Upon all classes of our society, for what can be a more effectual antidote to the mass existing vices which so generally prevail throughout the colony, than a well directed course of mental improvement. How much happier and better is that individual who leaves the halls of such an institution, fraught with knowledge useful to himself and beneficial to his fellow creatures - than he who reels from the abode of the drunkard or the debauchee, tinted with the vices which such a society is sure to entail
INFLUENCE OF ENGLISH AND SCOTTISH MECHANICS' INSTITUTES We have already seen that the moral sentiments expressed in connection with the Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts are almost an echo of Birbeck's (and others) words. Glasgow,
London and Manchester all strongly maintained these views.
Further, Sydney was to follow the British model and acquire library facilities, a reading room, conduct lectures and instruction classes and acquire scientific apparatus to illustrate the lectures on "the principles of physical and 3 mechanical philosophy". I. C. Turney (Ed.) Pioneers of Australian Education Ch.III,p.61 20 Third Annual Report of Sydney M.I.S.A. 1835. 30 C. Turney, Australian Journal of Education, Nov. 1960. 80
The general aims of the colonial mechanics' institutes were said by Carmichael to include the function of combating the colony's geographic isolation by stimulating interest in general scientific, but more specially in geological and botanical, research. According to Nadel, however, these objects, despite their direct bearing on the colonial economy and manufactures were "treated as less important than the restatement of the aims of institutions of the mother country and the emphasis on the social and moral consequences". For some years, in fact, Sydney followed very closely the English procedures, just as the Institute at Van Diemen's Land had intended,
AN AUSTRALIAN EMPHASIS
Despite the deliberate attempts to model the Australian
Mechanics' Institutes on those of Britain and the continual restatement of the aims of institutions of the Mother Country, one aspect which appears to be stressed throughout the history of the Australian School of Arts is the moral connection of preventing idleness and making individuals useful. This emphasis is a shift from the emphasis in industrial Britain of helping the worker to understand and obtain enjoyment from reflection, although these ideas were also often stated. The words of the colonials stand out
(see above) :
Bourke: The mechanics' institute would help the community to rise above "those tastes for idle dissipation which are unhappily too prevalent".
Carmichael: "... what can be a more effectual antedote to the mass existing vices which so generally prevail throughout the colony..." Education was "both an efficacious method of 81
promoting the well-being of the community and an indirect means of stopping crime".
Also stated: The Sydney Mechanics* School of Arts would lead youths to appreciate advantages of "mental over those of corporeal gymnastics".
Even the Schools of Arts which grew up long after the original aims were forgotten still clung to this moral justification for their establishment. An example is seen in the establishment of the Bondi School of Arts in
1912 (see Chapter V).
Thus preventing idleness and crime seems to be a major consideration of those promoting the mechanics* school of arts movement in Australia. This is not to say, however, that in the early schools of arts there was any less attention paid to the furtherance of aims parallel with those of the mother country; indeed they were given the utmost prominence. The first stage in the development of the mechanics * institute movement in Australia was character ised by the enthusiasm for the moral and social benefits of knowledge and its diffusion among the lower orders.^ This aim was written into constitutions, expressed in lectures, the purchase of books and magazines and in the large towns by instruction classes.
SYDNEY MECHANICS* SCHOOL OF ARTS TO THE 1850s
From the beginning, the Sydney Mechanics' School of
Arts followed closely the Mechanics' Institutes in Britain.
Every annual report up to the middle of the nineteenth century either restated in some detail the aims and benefits of the Institute, explained how they were carried out, lo Go Nadel, Australia's Colonial Culture, p. 127. 82
referred to the importance of the aims or directly spelled
out the Sydney Institute's sentiments of affiliation with
the movement in Britain. The Fifth Annual Report provides
an example of these restatements made over many years. The report explains:
The delivery of lectures accompanied by demonstrations in the various departments of physical and experimental science, is one of the great means by which Mechanics' Institutes have been rendered available, in diffusing a taste for scientific pursuits, in rendering the mechanic familiar with the theory of operations with which he is prac tically conversant, and in furnishing him with ready examplifications of those processes whereby such knowledge may be applied. The acquisition of such theoretical knowledge is not beneficial, merely in its serving as a harmless amusement, or simply in the influence it may exercise in elevating and improving the moral tone of the mind (although this latter motive were of itself alone a sufficient incentive, both for diffusion and acquisition of knowledge), but it possesses influence of a more direct and practical kind... Of how much utility to a Shipbuilder is a knowledge of the laws of motion likely to prove; to a farmer, of vegetable physiology and agriculture chemistry - of astronomy to the navigator - and yet it may be safely affirmed that a sufficient amount of information on these respective subjects may be communicated orally, and their abstract principles be sufficiently familiarly illustrated in the hall of a Mechanics' Institute; to enable the listener to carry away with him a full conception of what he has heard, and practically to apply the scientific truths thus acquired in the exercise of his calling. After this almost tedious explanation, some of which is quoted above, the Committee goes on to state its deliberate
intention of providing the service which the mechanics'
institutes provided "at home" in Britain:
The Committee, anxious to render as familiar and as instructive as possible this great branch of the means whereby the founders and 83
promoters of Mechanics* Institutes have , succeeded at home in popularising science...
As in Britain, there lingered a feeling among some sections of the colonial community that institutions of
this nature might be dangerous to the realm. As late as 1856 Henry Parkes in a speech at the Sydney Mechanics* School of Arts advocated the "self cultivated intellect of
the working classes" only on condition that the audience 2 completely divest itself of any political or class feelings.
However, the growth of a mentally cultivated working class was generally encouraged in such speeches.
Carmichael described the four major educational
activities of the mechanics' institutes as (i) library
facilities, (ii) essay writing, (iii) instruction classes,
and (iv) debates. He mentioned in relation to debates that
it was "an usual precaution to exclude religious and political questions.... Questions in philosophical ethics and political economy are the nearest approach to these tabooed subjects generally allowable". Carmichael himself was refused permission to lecture at the Maitland School of Arts in 1855 on the "New Constitution" as this political subject was not permitted by the rules. It seems that the Sydney
Mechanics' School of Arts may have excluded political topics not only because such a course followed the British pattern but also because colonial controversies became increasingly explosive with such questions as the social rights of
emancipists and free immigrants. The Sydney Institute did,
10 Sydney Mechanics* School of Arts,Fifth Annual Report, 1837 20 G. Nadel, Australia's Colonial Culture, p. 118. 84
however, hire its hall later to others for lectures on political and religious subjects, Nadel describes the period up to the 1850s as one which was characterised by an enthusiasm for moral and social benefits of knowledge and its diffusion among the lower orders. Certainly the annual reports would confirm this view.
During the first ten years the main lecture topics were the natural sciences, engineering, mechanics and cultural topics. Some fewer lectures were delivered in connection with agriculture and the application of scientific knowledge. The Third Annual Report-of 1835 reports that twenty-one lectures were delivered during the preceding year. These included: On Benefits and Advantages of Science and Useful Knowledge, Banking, Landscape Gardening, On Intemper ance, Natural Philosophy, Application of the Sciences, Botany, Animal Physiology, The Steam Engine, Natural History,
Geology, Philosophy of the Atmosphere and Strength of
Colonial Timber. Among the lecturers of 1835 was the naturalist. Dr. Lhotsky. The total membership in 1835 was reported to be 135 members. The hope was expressed that "as the Institution strengthens in lecturing and apparatus", it will draw more of the junior members of the community into its circle and
"diffuse among them a taste for that practical knowledge which has been so eminently successful in the Institutes of
Great Britain..,"1 another expressed desire to be like the
10 Sydney Mechanics1 School of Arts, Third Annual Report, 1835. 85
mechanics* institutes of Britain.
In 1835, too, Bourke obtained from the Legislative
Assembly £100 grant for the Sydney Mechanics* School of Arts
A year later the grant was increased to £200 and was maintained as an annual grant for nearly one hundred years to the depression of the 1930s. It was this grant that helped maintain the Schools of Arts Libraries when membership and other facilities declined.
By 1835 eight hundred volumes "on general literature" had accumulated. Defending the wide range of reading matter
Which "may not appear exactly suited for the library of & School of Arts" the Annual Reported pointed out that "a taste for reading has to be formed before works of a more philo sophical character will be relished and appreciated..."
It was not only the range of volumes in the library/ however, which became apparent*. Lectures began to be heard on more "entertaining" topics and on literary rather than scientific topics. These crept in by 1837 and were hesitatingly accepted by the Committee. As in the case of the widening subject matter of library volumes, the Committee nevertheless defended the shift. It was pointed out that
English Literature (the title of a lecture delivered in 1837) was not incompatible with the Institute. Popular taste ought to be formed on the national (English) writers on whom so much of England's glory depended. This apology illus trates a continuing English influence in the Sydney
Mechanics* School of Arts; and this move towards literary topics occurred in English mechanics* institutes also as has been noted. Further reasons were given in favour of 86
the introduction of literature. Enjoyment of literature was surely equal to that "communicated by the perception of abstract truths affecting the material world", and literary tastes would create a right disposition to appreciate the results of philosophic enquiry.1 By 1837 the Sydney Mechanics* School of Arts was able to state that it had discharged its obligations incurred by the erection of a library, a theatre and a museum. The committee reported that it was enabled "to place the
Institution upon such a footing that it will now bear no disadvantageous comparison with kindred Institutes in some of the largest towns of Britain". There appears to have been a concern to keep up with the institutes of Britain. Books, astronomical, chemical and other apparatus had also been acquired by 1837. The Fifth Annual Report repeated at some length the moral benefits of the institution and quotes a statement by Governor Bourke in a recent speech: I regard the founding of the Sydney Mechanics* School of Arts as one of the most pleasing incidents of my administration... the continued success of the Institution may be contemplated as one of the surest indications of improvement in the social condition of the colony.
When Governor Gipps took over from Governor Bourke, he too restated the utilitarian and moral advantages of the Sydney
Mechanics' School of Arts.
The Annual Report of 1839 reported increased progress and that another 150 volumes had been added to the library including a modern edition of the British Poets, a complete set of the Classics, the Universal History and Bayles'
1. Sydney Mechanics1 School of Arts, Annual Report, 1837. -.87
Dictionaryo The lectures now increased to additional sciencesDr0 Nicholson lectured on natural history and through Carmichael and others lectures expanded to, for example, geology and biology0
The Committee of the Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts took pride in comparing Sydney's institute with the institutes in England in 18390 Nadel points out that during that year,
Manchester's population was ten times that of Sydney’s yet the Manchester Mechanics' Institute had only three times as many members as Sydney Mechanics? School of Arts0 The
Sydney Institute's Committee set out in its Seventh Annual
Report figures for other English institutes for 1839:
Members Population Manchester 1526 200,000 London 1200 Newcastle Upon Tyne 240 Populo exceed Sydney' (est. 15 years) Liverpool 1300 165,000
Sheffield (2 institutes) 1200 91,000 2_ Sydney 580 20,000 (approx.)
The Committee of the Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts also 'patriotically" noted the words of a speech by Lord
Brougham which referred to Dr» Birbeck's work inEngland -
"That most learned and excellent person formed the design
(as enlightened as it was benevolent) of admitting the working classes of his fellow countrymen to the knowledge of science0o.o" Other addresses to the London Mechanics'
Institute were noted, indicating that the sentiments of, and influence on the Committee of the Sydney Institute were very much stirred by the movement in England0
10 Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts, Sixth Annual Report„ 2 o Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts, Seventh Annual Report*, 88
Difficulty was expressed in obtaining lecturers on subjects "more immediately connected with the arts and sciences". The museunyleen as "not only for the illus tration of lectures and works in the library, and for the improvement of science in general, but as a means of mutual intercourse with people of different nations - geological discoveries in Australia have been the means of elucidating or part in confirming the important theories of the most eminent European philosophers". Another parallel with the British institutes besides the difficulties and changes already mentioned is the continued stand against admitting political and religious topics. The Eighth Annual Report of 1840 goes into some detail to justify this stand. For example, it says: Education itself, the source of all our highest capabilities in the relation of social and political life, may, when not influenced and directed by higher motives, render its professor the instrument of greater mischief to his fellow men. It is from reflecting on these principles, and from being impressed with a sense of justice that the committee of this Institute have ever maintained a scrupulous desire to limit the class of Lectures to subjects either connected with physical science, or to such departments of Intellectual Philosophy or Belles Letters, as would admit of discussion without materially involving the introduction of political and religious topics. The hall of the Institute was, in fact, let out to various it speakers of political and religious topics but/was warned that the Institute, "were it once to acquire the character of a political debating club, or become the arena for angry sectarian discussion, would cease to deserve either encouragement or support and might even justly become an
object of apprehension and dislike on the part of the public". 89
The library was looked upon as the "most important of all instruments whereby it is hoped the objects for which the School of Arts is formed may be fulfilled".
Up to 1840, therefore, it may be noted that there was
an enthusiasm and deliberate attempt to establish and expand
the Sydney Mechanics1 School of Arts after the example of
Britaino Considerable success can be seen through the acquisition of facilities and the provision of lectures and
classeso Policies on matters such as the political and
religious questions follow that of Britain. In addition,
a wide educational responsibility appears to be illustrated by the Committee's concern expressed in the Seventh Annual
Report in relation to communication with people of different
nations and playing a part in helping "confirming the important theories" expounded in Europe.
Yet, not unlike Britain, there was difficulty in maintaining members of the labouring classes. Bourke, in a letter to the Colonial Secretary mentioned that the Sydney Mechanics* School of Arts had been "successful in promoting a taste for mental cultivation among persons in the middle ranksooo" Nadel notes that from the beginning of the
Sydney Mechanics1 School of Arts neither the convict element nor a sufficiently large proportion of the labouring element were drawn in. "The institution retained its middle class character throughout and most of the mechanics were eventually replaced by clerks, tradesmen, professional men, shopkeepers, publicans and other members of the city bourgeoisie."*" This is not to overlook the early success of the Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts to draw in mechanics. One
lo Go Nadel, Australia's Colonial Culture, p. 115. 90
newspaper reported somewhat mockingly on a mechanic/ Taylor, who delivered some lectures:
The peculiarity of hearing a plain mechanic combat the principles and opinions of Lord Kaims, Monboddo and other learned men, ought to recommend him to the public patronage.
1837 was a year when the Committee noted "a larger proportion of mechanics: have joined during the period than theretofore.."
However, after 1840 with the expansion of courses on arts and literature and with periods of economic depression it is understandable that a more educated and middle class type of person began to be prominent among the membership.
During 1840 several newspaper comments centred on the introduction of the arts to the Sydney Mechanics* School of
Arts0 The Australian stated:
While undoubtedly the study of poetry, painting and fine arts, tends to refine the mind and improve the moral condition, still they are not productive of everyday usefulness, nor are they to be turned to the better getting of men's daily bread.
And the Sydney Gazette also stated:
We have no objection to lectures on poetry, oratory, or paleography, they are all interesting subjects, but in our opinion they are not best adapted to the genius of mechanical classes.... We perceive by the report that steps are to be taken to secure lecturers on scientific subjects - this is very desirable.*■*
It may be agreed therefore, that the year 1840 was important from a number of aspects. The changes that were developing and which were to continue, were, at this stage, it seems, not at^-the expense of science instruction or the general
10 Sydney Gazette, 29 June, 1833. Quoted by T. Symonds. 20 The Australian, 4 April, 1840. 3. Sydney Gazette, 14 March, 1840 - 91
progress of the Institute. The Report of 1840 makes two instructive comments: first, it was reported that there was:
much more ample amount of demonstrative instruction in physical science than has ^ been delivered during any previous session.
And referring to the enormous expansion of the colony the
.. ■> 1840 Annual Report began by stating that: In no case is this more forcibly exemplified than in the success which has^attended the growth of the School of Arts.
The Committee was boasting a favourable comparison of the
Sydney Institute with the institutes in Britain and membership now totalled 611• By 1841 the Committee while reporting that lectures and the variety of subjects had considerably increased, also noted the difficulties connected with the "great commercial depression". In 1842 a decrease in membership was reported by the "unprecedented depressed state of the times". At the same time it was also stated that the efficiency of the
Sydney School of Arts had "never been in such a state of efficiency as it is at the moment". New equipment had been added, one lecture a week was delivered and political philosophy had been introduced for the first time. The
explorer, Dr. Ludwig Leichhardt lectured on botany and
geology. During 1842, however, both the Australian and the
Sydney Gazette noted changes. The Australian accused the
Vice-President, Dr. Nicholson, of attempting - .. to bring together the higher classes of society and to gratify their polished taste, than to impart useful instruction to that bgdy for whose benefit the Institution was formed. 1. Sydney Mechanics? School of Arts Annual Report, 1840. 2a The Australian, 28 May, 1842. 92
The Sydney Gazette likewise stated that it should be borne in mind that the -
principal object of the delivery of lectures is to instruct the labouring mechanic.
By 1843 the Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts was beginning to feel the economic depression. Other reasons 2 were given by the Committee for general decline, however.
It was stated that compared with the Mechanics? Institutes
in England, the Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts still had insufficient space. This hindered the establishment of a reading room and class rooms. Difficulty was experienced in obtaining new premises. The Minutes of the meetings, though, indicate a small attendance and that very little 3 business was being transacted.
During the year up to the 1844 Annual Report there was no further decrease in membership although the depression continued. It seems that real concern had been felt for the type of person and number of persons comprising the membership. The Twelfth Annual Report stated that the membership fee had been fixed so that almost every mechanic could avail himself of instruction through books and lectures.
New classes had also been founded.
After the depression the Committee, in 1845, reported that the Sydney School of Arts had arisen "like a giant refreshed". New land was acquired, books and apparatus added, 102 new members were gained and the Sydney Mechanics'
School of Arts now rivalled or approximated "the old and
10 Sydney Gazette, 7 July, 1842. 2. Sydney Mechanics1 School of Arts Annual Report, 1843. 30 T. Symonds, M. Ed. Seminar, University of Sydney, 1966. 93
highly favoured Schools of Arts in Britain".1 Hence another comparison with, and indication of influence by the institutes in Britain.
A new reading room had been erected which contained twenty-one magazines (including many scientific) , thirteen newspapers (including various political), six colonial newspapers and six Sydney newspapers. The library added scientific periodicals. The new classrooms were also provided for "members themselves" to form classes. It was stated that the "practical benefits resulting from them depended upon the zeal... of the members". This appears to follow the line taken in England by forming mutual benefit classes in the mechanics* institutes. In 1846, 215 new members were reported. Sentiments of union with the mechanics* institutes in Britain were stated and Sydney was described as the "Britain of the South" - a land for .future advancement (largely, it was implied, through the mechanics' schools of arts movement).
From this time the classes for mutual instruction formed an important part of the Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts -
"for reading, reflection and interchange of thought on lectures". Classes began in arithmetic, algebra, etc., writing, grammar, etc., mechanical and architectural drawing, figure landscaping, French, Latin, Greek, chemistry and music.
The 1847 Annual Report, however, reflects a change of the enthusiastic mood of the past two years. Membership had decreased. Three reasons were given: (i) many members
1. Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts Thirteenth Annual Report, 1845. 94
who had left the School of Arts had moved to other parts; (ii) increasing prosperity of individuals left them less time; (iii) "not a very numerous class having skimmed over our limited stock of works of fiction, without deriving from them that taste for more solid reading, the creation of which is one and perhaps the most legitimate of the objects of fiction, have abandoned themselves to the inglorious charms of inactivity regardless of those treasures of knowledge... in which the shelves of this
Institution might have enabled them... to participate".^
Some magazines and newspapers were discontinued - the novelty of the reading room opened in 1845 had worn off.
Difficulty was also experienced in obtaining lecturers for courses of lectures. It was decided to give more attention to the class department.
We may see from a further passage in the Fifteenth Annual Report of 1847 that from this time on, distinct
Australian conditions had begun to determine the course of the Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts. These conditions were to be even more manifest from 1850. Although aims tended to be identical, the development began to differ with the mechanics' institutes in Britain. The 1847
Report states:
It cannot reasonably be expected, that any large proportion of time should be devoted to pursuits not directly remunerative in a community, all classes of which are, to a greater or less degree affected by the spirit of commefcial enterprise and the more youthful members of which are called into active service before they can possibly have acquired more than the rudiments of learning....2 1. Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts Fifteenth Annual Report,184' 20 Sydney Mechanics1 School of Arts Fifteenth Annual Report, 95
From 1847 to 1850 lectures were stated to be successful
although the Committee still had difficulty in obtaining
suitable lecturers to conduct courses0 Drawing* mathematics*
and music classes appear to have thrived but the debating
class had ceased in 18480 The Sydney Mechanics* School of
Arts was ..described by its own committee three years later
as, by 1850, "struggling for existence"0^ Recreation facilities, were apparently to be part of a saving force
for the School of Arts,,
The period up to 1850 was, as we have seen, a period
of enthusiasm and genuine endeavour to extend the social, moral and practical benefits of knowledge to the labouring
communityo The period is one in which a parallel can be seen with the development of mechanics' institutes in Britain and also a period when the Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts consciously endeavoured to develop and be equal to the institutes in Britain,,
During the second half of the nineteenth century, however, the gold rushes, the changes in population and the distinct requirements of rural and mining areas all combined to create new situations and conditions0 In this setting the mechanics' institutes of Britain were to be of less importance, although the moral and useful benefits of education were to remain as the objects of the Australian instituteso Before looking at the movement after 1850, brief mention should be made of some other early Schools of
Arts in Australiao lo Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts Annual Report, 1853. 96
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF OTHER SCHOOLS OF ARTS IN AUSTRALIA TO THE 1850s MELBOURNE
The local administration of the Port Phillip District
(the Melbourne colony) of New South Wales was handed over with the appointment by the Colonial Office in London of
Charles Joseph La Trobe as Superintendent in 1839. Super intendent La Trobe is said to have been in favour of progress and reforms. In the same year of La Trobe1s appointment, leading townsmen, teachers, traders and bankers met in a school room to discuss cultural matters with the Resident Magistrate as President. They supported the Melbourne Union Benefit
Society in its intention to organise "a Mechanics' Institute and School of Fine Arts for the diffusion of scientific and other useful knowledge among its members and the community generally"
At the same time the master builders belonging to the recently created Union Benefit Society decided "that a Mechanics' Institute be formed in Melbourne for the promotion of science in the rising colony, particularly amongst the 2 young, as well as the operative classes". In November, 1839 the Melbourne Mechanics' Institute was formed. Sir
Redmond (Judge) Barry was one of the moving spirits behind the Melbourne Mechanics' Institute. The first secretary of the Melbourne Mechanics'
Institute was the Rev. James Fotbes soon to become prominent in the Presbyterian Free Church movement.
Meetings and lectures were held at the Scots College, 3 Collins Street (at the site of Scots Church) presumably 10 A.P.Bell, Melbourne: John Bateman's Village, p. 27 20 G. Nadel, Australia's Colonial Culture, p. 131. 30 A.P. Bell, p. 27. 97 the same school named by Nadel as "the Presybterian school house" and in the Wesleyan Chapel.^
Initially, the Rev, J. Forbes lectured on "Colonization" and the Rev. J.H. Osborne lectured on "Advantages of
Mechanics* Institutes and Phrenology". The Rev. P.B.
Geoghegan who became the Roman Catholic Bishop of Adelaide gave what "must have been one of the few theological lectures 2 at a mechanics* institute, 'The Existence of Deity"1 ; 2 More philosophical than theological, we should note that it was probably not sectarian in the sense that the broad topic was such that it would not offend members of other religious denominations or faiths.
From the beginning, strict measures were taken to exclude sectarianism from the Melbourne Mechanics* Institute.
In 1840 the Committee stated: As sectarianism in its most limited acceptation is by a fundamental refutation excluded from the society, your Committee have endeavoured to avoid even the suspicion of its influence... Like Sydney and Hobart the Melbourne institute attempted to minimise clerical influences (as distinct from Scottish influences). As was the case with all the Eastern colonies of Australia, Melbourne also suffered from a defection of mechanics and artisans and was hit by the depression of the
1840s0 A Mechanics* Institute Hall was later built (on the site of the present Athenaeum) and a members* library was opened. The Hall was used also for social gatherings "the main event being the quarterly Assembly Ball, to which 4 the youth of Melbourne eagerly looked forward". 1. G. Nadel, Australia *s Colonial Culture, p.132. 2. G. Nadel. 3o Go Nadel. 40 AoP.Bell, Melbourne: John Batman’s Village. 98
Soon after the Mechanics* Institute opened, leading townsmen met to discuss the founding of a Port Phillip
College for higher education but the scheme did not progress.
In a further effort an Academy was opened in Collins Street but it was forced to close when teachers left to join the new developing church schools.’*'
OTHER AUSTRALIAN COLONIES
Mechanics' Institutes of the Australian Continent apart from the South-eastern colonies, appear to be less precise in their formation.
Adelaide in 1838 formed its South Australian library and Mechanics' Institute which was preceded some years before by the South Australian Literary and Scientific
Association. A Port Adelaide Institute was formed in
1851 and failed during the gold rushes. It re-opened in
1859 but by 1870 was able to report only thirty-five members
Brisbane formed an institute in 1849. There is also record of a Brisbane Literary Circle formed in 1888, the
Rules of which stated that the
Aim of the organisation shall be to promote habits of reading and study in all departments of literature, and generally to aid in the development of intellectual culture.
Perth did not have a mechanics' institute until 1851.
According to Symonds its programme "seemed limited to discussion meetings on Monday evenings". Its objects were listed vaguely asV
10 A.P. Bell, Melbourne: John. Batman?s Village. 2 o F.E. Meleng, Fifty Years of the Port Adelaide Institute. 30 Brisbane Literary Circle Laws, 1888, Quoted by Symonds. 99
The chief object of this Institute is to , benefit mechanics and young men of the colony.
COUNTRY INSTITUTES
The rural institutes which began to form after the foundation of Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts and which later flourished, copied Sydney. By doing so they also copied Glasgow, London or Edinburgh. Whether they formed in 1835 or 1895 their rules contained the aim of "intellectual/ social and moral improvement".
At Newcastle a mechanics' institute was founded in 1835, and at Maitland one was formed but was short lived. During the 1840s, mechanics' institutes were founded in several rural towns and during the 1850s institutes were founded at
Goulburn, Mudgee, Windsor/ Braidwood/ East Maitland and
Armidale. In both N.S.W. and Victoria the principal go3d rush towns founded mechanics' institute/schools of arts during the 1850s and 1860s.
Many of the country mechanics institute/schools of arts began as debating societies, literary circles or other similar societies. The institutes were often launched by the towns' professional personalities. Legal and medical men were prominent. Lecturers from these disciplines were seen both in England and the colonies' capital towns. Some obvious examples are Birbeck, Ross in Hobart and Judge Barry in Melbourne.
At Windsor, Dr. Day told an audience at the Debating
Society that the district had paid more attention to accum ulation of riches than to the acquirement of education and knowledge. "Other places in the colony of less importance
10 Swan River Mechanics' Institute Rules, 1851, Quoted by Symonds. 100
had their mechanics* institutes, why should not they
Windsor ?"^ A Glasgow lawyer, author and literary critic,
William Walker, who had come to N.S.W. in 1837 was the main
force in the Windsor institute. He believed that the
reading of good literature was the path to self-improvement.
In many of the rural Schools of Arts, debating came to be considered as a suitable alternative to lectures. In
others, e0go Prahran Mechanics* Institute, the two were
combined, where lectures were put over as questions to be
debated afterwards0
Up to 1850 the outlying mechanics* institute/schools of
arts, as a general rule, followed Sydney fairly closely,
and in doing so, they followed the British tradition. It
seems, however, that institutes which were founded after the half-century period were more inclined to include their
own views and methods and to compromise according to their
own circumstanceso It was becoming clear, especially in the second half of the century, that an Australian rural
School of Arts had different needs from those of an English
Mechanics* Institute„
1. Windsor Review, 1857, Quoted by Nadel. 101
CHAPTER FIVE FURTHER DEVELOPMENT OF SCHOOLS OF ARTS IN AUSTRALIA FROM 1850 CHANGES IN THE SCHOOLS OF ARTS TO 1900 AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF TECHNICAL EDUCATION GENERAL
At the Inaugural Lecture of the opening of the
Wollongong School of Arts in May 1861, Rev. Dr. John Woolley referred to the change in the aims of mechanics* institute! schools of arts:
Some have lamented the extension which has been given to the original design of these Institutions, which were only intended by the founders to teach mechanics the scientific principles of their trades. But our own wants are not those of England thirty years ago.1 2 Woolley stated bluntly the change which had begun ten or more years before.
Barcan appears to exaggerate only slightly when he says "the School of Arts movement had declined by 1850 until it was doing little more than providing libraries and reading rooms"
Nadel describes the "second stage" of the movement as beginning in the late 1850s and continuing until the end of the century. With the increasing populations in urban, rural and mining towns self-improvement or intellectual development was considered best served by the provision of libraries. Lectures outside the larger towns ceased.
Classes in the traditional subjects of mechanics and drawing 3 made little progress and in the country towns, little sense.
For two decades beginning in the late 1850s the gold rushes were chiefly responsible for the rapid increases in 1. Wollongong School of Arts, Inaugural Lecture by J. Woolley, 28 May, 1861. 2. A. Barcan, A Short History of Education in N.S.W. 3 o G. Nadel, Australia's colonial culture, p. 12/ 102
population in both city and rural areas. The atmosphere, particularly in the rural and gold rush towns demanded facilities for recreation for the labouring classes. Thus
Nadel states:
... the amusement function first challenged and finally ignored the loftier aims still printed in the rules...
The one function of the institutes which did continue to flourish was the library. Government aid encouragedthe continuation of Schools of Arts libraries. Firstly, the
N.S.Wo Municipalities Act of 1867 provided State subsidies to local councils for the establishment of libraries.
However, the Councils were slow to act and relied on the local School of Arts library to serve the purpose. Secondly, State subsidies to the Schools of Arts themselves enabled them to continue the work of their libraries even if lectures and membership had dwindled. Reading was held to be a popular educational provision. In contrast, British government action in 1850 enabled local Councils to levy the local rates to provide free libraries. This took place at the expense of the mechanics' institutes in England.
From the late 1850s, not only did existing Schools of
Arts give over more to literary and entertainment pursuits, but new institutes varied from the earlier ones. Most continued to state their aim to be intellectual, social and moral improvement, but lectures on mechanics were replaced by debates and mathematics classes for workers were replaced by more popular and amusing activities. There continued for some time, however, pleas for support^Xnd provision for the labouring class. One journal stated in 1857: 103
Mechanics" institutions are peculiarly the property of the working-man in Victoria. It is on his account that they ought chiefly to be supported.1 2 3 4
The article was commenting on the state of the Melbourne
Mechanics' Institute in 1857. It reported also that a
People's College had been formed in connection with the 2 Institute. By 1865 the Committee of the Melbourne
Mechanics' Institute was stating that it was "fully aware"
that the institution had for many years ceased to be a true
mechanics' institute. In 1873 the Melbourne Athenaeum had
arisen. The pattern here is the same as that in many parts of England - especially the north around Manchester and
parts of Yorkshire as has already been noted by the Athenaeums and Lyceums of the Manchester area and the People's
Colleges of Sheffield. Several Schools of Arts fought to continue scientific instruction. In 1862 the St. Leonard's Mechanics' School of Arts still claimed its task to be "diffusion of Scientific 3 and other useful Knowledge among its members".
It was during the last two decades of the nineteenth 4 century when most institutes were founded. As in England, however, this late flourish was posthumous. They were mechanics' institutes/schools of arts in name only for the
original conception was dead, although "self-improvement" was still the aim. Jose describes the situation thus: So they hire a room, and put as many local newspapers as they can get free on a small table at one end of it, and induce the town 1. Illustrated Journal of Australasia, Vol.II, Jan. to June,1857. Quoted by Symonds. 2. Illustrated Journal of Australasia 3. St. Leonards Mechanics' School of Arts, Laws, 1862. 4. G. Nadel, Australia's Colonial Culture, p. 126. 104
council to hand over to them a number of bookSooo then they call themselves a Mechanics* Institute and apply for a Government subsidyo1
At Rockhampton, one of the "Advantages of Membership" in 1890 was seen as access to the 7,000 volumes in the 2 libraryo At both Maclean and Armidale in 1895 the rules and by-laws were concerned entirely with conduct in the library and billiard rooms0
Nadel points out that in this second half of the century some mechanics1 institutes even began to call themselves Literary Institutes and that the phrases
"intellectual recreation" or "intellectual improvement and healthy recreation" began to be added or substituted for the original aims®
SYDNEY AND TECHNICAL EDUCATION It has been noted that almost from the beginning, the Sydney Mechanics* School of Arts had difficulty in retaining the interest of mechanics <> This was a common concern of the institutes in England0 But in the colony, Carmichael,
Bourke and others had insisted that all classes should participate - to prevent "idleness" and to promote morality and culture (although this arose at first from the desire to apply the remedy of education to mechanics) . An analysis of occupations of the 105 members who joined the Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts in 1852 revealed to a regretful committee that 39 were tradesmen and employers,
48 clerks and tradesmen's assistants and only 17 or one-sixth were mechanics® 1. AoW0 Jose, The Difficulty in Country Schools of Arts* 20 Rockhampton School of Arts, By-laws, 1890„ 3® Maclean Mechanics' Institute, Rules and By-laws, 1895® Armidale School of Arts, Rules and By-laws, 18950 105
Besides the difficulties of general changed conditions already mentioned, the efforts of the Sydney Mechanics1
School of Arts were further hampered by the increasing difficulty in obtaining lecturers to conduct courses of lectures,* The learned scholars who characterised the founding of the Institute in the early years were no longer available. There were "dubious professors of every science" but these gentlemen were of a different type to the Carmichaels of years before. The Rev. Dr. John Woolley has been described as the last of the Schools of Arts educational philosophers.
Woolley was appointed Professor of Classics and Principal of Sydney University in 1852. He favoured the struggle to make the university a secular teaching body. He was also secretary to the Board of Trustees of Sydney Grammar School and was prominent in the School of Arts movement generally. It was large5y^8§5ley*s effort that the Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts retained its classes in Greek, Latin, German, drama, music and drawing. Woolley 'saw the School of Arts movement "as an auxiliary in the diffusion of scientific knowledge and as an instrument of social and political advancement".^
Woolley is of interest here, too, because he is linked with new educational organisations arising in Sydney. As in England, the new organisations in Sydney tended to lessen the importance of the functions of the Mechanics' School of
Arts.
I. J.W.Warburton, "School of Arts", Australian Quarterly, Dec. 1963, pp..75-76. 106
By 1850 a scientific curriculum could already be found not only in the Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts, but at
Lang's Australian College and at the Normal Institution in its later years.'*' The old leadership of the Sydney
Mechanics' School of Arts was displaced as early as 1855. The creation of Sydney University and the prosperity of the
colony now gave new impetus to adult education.
The broadening of higher (adult) education was under way by the 1870s. The Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts
sought to participate in this development. It opened
classes in 1871 to women, some of whom studied for the public examinations. The Sydney School of Arts gave instruction at this time in Latin, French, chemistry, physics, writing and arithmetic for youths and adults. 2 The growing economic life of the colony in the 1870s encouraged the growth of scientific and technical studies "and the Sydney Mechanics1 School of Arts proved more receptive than many of the formal agencies of education to 3 these trends.
Technical education in N.S.W. originated in the Sydney
Mechanics' School of Arts. Now in the 1870s, new classes were started and there were moves to establish a technical or workingmen's college within the Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts in 1873. In that year a Working Men's College was incorporated into the School of Arts to counter "the slipshod L D.A. Kerr, "The Beginnings of.j Science Teaching in Australia" Australian Journal of Education, Nov. 1961. 20 Sydney Morning Herald, October 31, 1874. Quoted by Barcan. 3. A. Barcan, A Short History of Education in Australia, p.160. 107
standards of colonial industry and the decay of apprentice instruction".
In 1878 a Technical College was established under the
Sydney Mechanics1 School of Arts committee and parliament made a grant of £2,000 per year. New classrooms were
opened and in the following year a new building was providedo ^
Government became more involved in the need for education as had occurred in Britain. What happened in England twenty-five years before was now repeated in the colony. In Sydney it was realised that the Mechanics' School of Arts was inadequate to cope with technical education. The New South Wales authorities studied the English investigations 2 and writings on technical education. It was then decided that the government should take over the College from the jurisdiction of the Sydney School of Arts Committee. This epoch in the history of the Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts and technical education was thus greatly influenced by the English experience and example to which the New South Wales authorities looked.
In 1883 the Technical Education Act transferred the
Sydney Technical College from the School of Arts Committee to a Board of Technical Education. Development under this
Board was marked. Formal technical education was extended to areas outside Sydney and itinerant teachers were engaged to visit country towns and deliver lectures. Within a few years technical schools were opened at Bathurst, Goulburn and Newcastle. In 1889 the Board was dissolved and the
1. Smith & Spaull, History of Education in N.S.W. p. 229. 20 Go Nadel, Australia's Colonial Culture, p. 129. 108
Technical College came under the direct control of the Minister of Public Instruction. At this point the career
of the Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts as a mechanics' institute was ended. It was not only the initial work in technical education for which the Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts was directly
responsible. Its endeavours spurred other organisations
into further action. In the 1870s the University faced a
threat from this unexpected quarter. The Sydney School of
Arts appeared to be advancing into higher education. With
the establishment of the School of Arts Technical College with government support/ the University feared competition
in providing scientific, technical and even professional training. In 1878 the University thus took the first step to reform by including science in the junior examinations, by grading results and by reducing fees. We are able to see therefore that what happened to the mechanics' schools of arts in Britain had a parallel situation in N.S.W. Two major differences, however, are that, firstly, whereas libraries were taken over by government authorities
in Britain along with education, in the colonies the libraries were retained by the schools of arts for reasons already mentioned; secondly, in Britain many mechanics' institutes became important government educational institutions such as technical colleges and university colleges, whereas in the colony they did not. In the colony it was not simply a case of providing more technical training; most of the mechanics'
institutes were totally inadquate to provide such training. 109
Technical education previously provided by the mechanics* institutes was to be entirely replaced by
government technical colleges. Belief in the value of
the Schools of Arts, however, remained in many areas.
THE EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY AND BONDI SCHOOL OF ARTS
GENERAL By the early years of the twentieth century the mechanics' institute/schools of arts movement had fallen
into decay in Australia. The spread of primary, secondary
and technical education after 1880 deprived them of much of their function and in many cases the schools of arts became merely local committees managing a building
containing a library, a billiard room and a few meeting rooms which were hired out to various organisations for public addresses or for social and civic functions.
Hamilton School of Arts in 1901 invited membership from all persons over the age of twelve.^ In 1902, Rozelle Mechanics' Institute and in 1904, Ingleburn School
of Arts both listed "healthy amusements" for their members 2 as objects of the institutions. In 1903, Kiama School of
Arts encouraged chess, draughts, dominoes, bagatelle or billiards, ping-pong and cards. 3
By the turn of the century the final stage of the 4 mechanics' school of arts movement had been reached. But
although the original conception was dead, the local civic
associations continued to stress the self-improvement function 10 Rules and By-laws, Hamilton School of Arts, 1901. Quoted by Symonds. 2„ Rules and By-laws, Rozelle Mechanics* Institute, 1902. Rules and By-laws, Ingleburn Schools of Arts, 1904. 30 Rules and By-laws, Kiama School of Arts, 1903. 4. G. Nadel, Australia's Colonial Culture, p. 126. 110
next to the provision of recreation and amusement. Occasion
ally# lectures were presented by a School of Arts association
with the University of Sydney Extension Board. These
courses were, however, declining. Efforts were made at
the beginning of the century to provide public lectures in
country centres but the attendances at Extension Lectures
fell steadily. in 1906, persons who attended numbered
1,345. In 1907 the number fell to 819; in 1908 the number
fell further to 464, and by 1910 there were only 145 who
attended the lectures. The Extension Board lectures were
limited, on the whole,to literary, linguistic, philosophical
and scientific subjects."*-
Some institutes continued to attempt to provide positive
educational and "moral improvement" functions, although the
idea of the education of the mechanic in performing his art had been long since forgotten. The establishment and early work of the Bondi School of Arts provides an example.
BONDI SCHOOL OF ARTS
The Bondi District Ratepayers' Association which was formed in 1910 was responsible for pressing for many improve ments in the area. Its agitation for the foundation of a
School of Arts and possibly a technical college in the municipality was enthusiastically hailed by the press and leading citizens. This move of the Association was seen as one which "crowns all" and if successful would be an achieve ment which the nineteen thousand inhabitants of the borough 2 "will owe more than it they can ever repay".
1. A. Barcan, A Short History of Education in N.S.W. p. 217 2o Evening News, 26 September, 1911. Ill
At a meeting of residents at the Royal Hotel, Bondi in
1911, subscriptions were collected.1 At a public meeting
arranged in the Waverley Cricket Pavilion to inaugurate the plans* the Mayor of Waverley presided and others, including
Council members, an MLA, "and several other borough identities"
including those of the Ratepayers' Association attended.
In setting up plans for a School of Arts, four main
reasons were givens (i) educational value; (ii) recreational value; (iii) moral value; (iv) convenience for those who
"could not find time to journey to Ultimo technical college".
The Evening News report of the meeting at the Cricket
Pavilion is instructive. The Mayor, Aid. Campbell, saw the
School of Arts as a first educational school for the area to be followed by a technical college which would be a "continu ation school". Such an innovation would serve the young men of the locality "who spent their evenings lolling about the street corners, particularly at Bondi Junction".
The first resolution of the meeting which called for the
establishment of a School of Arts was moved by the President
of the Bondi Ratepayers' Association, Mr. S.O. Irvine, who
said it was regrettable to see young men wasting time hanging
about street corners. The billiard tables would no doubt be a "bait for some young men".
An alderman who was involved with the existing Woollahra
Institute, Mr. T. Fairweather, did not see how it was possible
for such progressive people to be without a School of Arts so
long. He hated to see young men "hanging about Bondi
Junction". They "only got up to some mischief". They had
1 Bondi School of Arts First Annual Report and Balance Sheet. 112
nothing to do and had to frequent public houses for their enjoyment. A gymnasium would provide healthy sport.
Another Alderman, Mr. T. Jessep, said there were higher ideals than billiard tables and cards, and the keeping of young men off the street. The debating classes "would be great innovations". The institution would be a "second home"o
Mr. R.D. Meagher, in moving that donations be invited stated that there was not only the recreative side but "a deep and profound one - the educational side". A School of Arts, managed properly, was in his opinion the world's university. It was an institution where men and women can read and learn.'1' During the first two years considerable strides were taken in an attempt to build the Bondi School of Arts on an educational foundation? and the Committee reported large attendances at the fortnightly meetings and "much interest being taken in the movement". On 29th February, 1912 John Sands presented on behalf of his family, the "Marmion" library. About this time an invitation had been extended by the Committee to Mr. Peter
Board, Under Secretary and Director of Education, Mr. J.W. Taylor, Superintendent of Technical Education and Prof. A.
Stuart to give their advice and assistance to the Bondi
School of Arts. Col. J. Macarthur Onslow, a Member for the district was also invited to render assistance. He, the ex-Mayor and the
President of the School of Arts "waited upon Mr. Campbell
Carmichael, Minister for Education and placed before the lo Evening News, 26 September, 1911. 113
Minister the aims and objects desired, pointing out that the movement was a democratic one and urged that the govern ment should either resume a suitable site for a building or donate a substantial sum of money...." A Special General
Meeting in April 1913 was told that the Minister had replied that although it had been the practice of his predecessors to make special grants to Schools of Arts, it was not part of his policy to follow that course.
Other methods were, however, used to obtain funds and
"the amount at credit at bankers was showing a satisfactory increase at each consecutive meeting" The headmaster of the local Bondi Superior Public School, Mr. Bolus, (after obtaining permission from the Department of Education) co operated with the School of Arts. The schools staff and pupils put on an evenings entertainment "of distinctive merit" at St. Matthew's Hall Bondi ("packed to overflowing") to raise £18.Is. in aid of the Bondi School of Arts funds.
A ball was also held at Paddington Town Hall, "the most successful function that had ever been held in the Eastern Suburbs". This resulted in a profit to Bondi School of
Arts of £86.14.3. The early educational programme of the Bondi School of
Arts is notable although different from the institutions of fifty years before. This included the library, bursaries for local school children, lectures by lecturers of Sydney
University and classes, some of which were commenced under
"Workers' Educational League" (presumably the WEA).
The Education sub-committee arranged the Bondi School of Arts bursaries "entitling scholars to full membership 114
priveleges for: Superior Public School, Bondi, Superior Public School, Waverley, St. Mark’s Grammar School, Christian Brothers College, Waverley, Kilburn Sisters' School, Clergy
Daughters Kullnara School and St. Gabriel's School for Girls.
It appears that a considerable proportion of the education effort was aimed at school children.1 The Third Annual Report states:
It is proposed to add a number of books to the library suitable for school children and to extend the principle of the library scholar ships by offering occasional prizes for either essays or original literary contributions from scholars of the various schools within the district.
During this year, the first government subsidy of £1,000 was received.
Other activities reported were billiards and various clubs including the Boys' Social Club, Waverley Comedy Club and the Ladies' Social Club.
The Bondi School of Arts also let its premises to various organisations including the Masonic Lodge, the Red Cross and the Presbyterian Church.
During the following year, the local headmaster, Mr. Bolus, became Chairman of the Education Committee. The President had donated two replicas of sculptoral statues for the main entrance - one representing "Art" and the other
"Science" and unde: Mr. Bolus the educational aspect of the
School of Arts attempted to forge ahead. Tutorial classes were started under the new Workers' Educational"League"
(Association?). Mr. Bolus and his committee apparently took advantage of new moves in connection with the WEA at Sydney University. 1. Bondi School of Arts, Third Annual Report and Balance Sheet 115
The Workers' Educational Association, of whose services
the Bondi School of Arts availed itself, arose from various
circumstances. With the absorption of the main work of the
Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts in a State technical college
and its work connected with the University Extension courses waning, new activity was seen to be needed to provide for working people.
In 1913 a new voluntary body was formed which was anxious to sponsor an adult education programme in which history, sociology, political science, psychology and
economics would have a place alongside the more traditional courses offered by the Extension Board.
The Workers' Educational Association of N.S.W. was modelled on a similarly named organisation in England founded by Albert Mansbridge in 1903 which linked universities and the working class movement in the provision of adult education.
In 1912 Mansbridge, who planned to visit Australia, wrote to
David Stewart, a Scottish carpenter who had settled in Sydney in 1910, suggesting that Stewart should try to establish a branch of the WEA. Stewart approached the N.S.W. Labour
Council and a conference was held in 1913, (attended by
Peter Board, Director of Education 1905-1922) which established the WEA.
The Association was established as a non-partisan body with twenty-eight organisations (mostly trade unions) affiliated. David Stewart remained secretary until his death in 1954. In October, 1913 the University set up in conjunction with the WEA a Joint Committee for Tutorial Classes and the 11B
government provided an annual grant of £1,000. The WEA organised classes while the University provided the lectures.
It is these classes and lectures which appeared in con junction with the Bondi School of Arts. For instance,
Mr. M, Atkinson of Sydney University delivered a lecture at Bondi School of Arts on "Economics of War"
The Fifth Annual Report was able to mention an increase in classeso Classes in "natural science, shorthand etc... and classes on popular subjects" were held. In the following year further lectures were delivered on the Great War.
Bondi did not get its technical college. While classes and lectures continued for some years at the School of Arts, o financial difficulties were experienced in the 1920s.
Decline had begun. By 1930 the educational committee was reporting only a limited number of activities, viz. the
Literary and Debating Society and occasional lectures by
"city speakers".
The story of Bondi School of Arts is the same as the many other posthumous institutes. While it no doubt attracted many youths from the streets to its billiard rooms and provided some social entertainment for some groups its educational role was limited. However, many classes were no doubt of value to some individuals for a few years and this, coupled with the library and encouragement to school children in the first quarter of the century after its foundation, should not be dismissed without notation. The concern for moral and intellectual improvement was still alive, and the belief in the School of Arts was still strong up to the 1920s.______1. Bondi School of Arts Fifth Annual Report and Balance Sheet. 2. Bondi School of Arts Eighth Annual Report and Balance Sheet 117
SCEDOLS OF ARTS BY THE 1930s AND LATER
The years which led up to the Great Depression and the years of the depression itself marked a period from which the Schools of Arts never recovered, even if all they possessed by this time was their library.
It was during the depression that the government with drew various subsidies to the Schools of Arts, one of which had been in force for nearly a century. By the 1930s even the libraries were in a state of decay. In a survey of
Australian libraries in 1934 the researchers found that"
As a whole Australia was better provided with libraries in 1880 than it is today. Almost every city and large town now contains a decadent institute or school of arts, many of which give evidence of having had a former period of real usefulness... It is pathetic to observe the pride and complacency with which local committees exhibit wretched little institutes which have long since become cemeteries of forgotten books.^
It seems that most local Councils were still not concerned with such things as libraries despite the Municip alities Act of 1867 which provided State subsidies to local
Councils for the establishment of municipal libraries.
It was not until the early 1960s that Waverley Council for example, saw the need. The Council, acting upon the recent Libraries Act, negotiated with the Bondi School of
Arts concerning library facilities. The Council eventually succeeded in obtaining a lease of a small portion of land at the side of the School of Arts building from a reluctant
School of Arts committee. A new municipal library was built on the site which is today a branch of Waverley Municipal
Library. In taking over the existing School of Arts library,
1. R0 Munn and E.R. Pitt, Australian Libraries, A Survey of Conditions.... 118
it was found that almost all the books were outdated, old and in bad repair. Consequently, most were either donated to charities or sold and a complete new library service began.
Today, Bondi School of Arts like most other remaining Schools of Arts, retains little more than a committee which
lets its rooms to a variety of tenants including such people
as music and dancing teacher s, and the hall to organisations mainly for social functions. Not only has the educational and library functions in many schools of arts vanished, but
comparatively few community social events take place on the premiseso There are a few exceptions, however. For instance, the Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts still operates its lending library which Nadel pointed out in 1957 as being Sydney's largest private lending library.
According to its library attendant, the Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts Library continues partly because of the attachment felt by older members including those of the committee who have memories of the library's "heyday" in the 1920so Secondly, the library carries out a distinct functiono Whereas most Municipal Libraries are offering an increasing number of non-fiction, volumes, the Sydney Mechanics1 School of Arts concentrates on providing a comprehensive fiction library. It is also centrally located where city workers can change books from 8.45 a.m. until 6 p0m. on week days and on Saturday mornings. Finance is obtained from rentals of tenants who occupy most of the Sydney School of Arts building in Pitt Street. Library membership rates vary according to the number of books a reader wishes to borrow at one time. 119
The Schools of Arts, therefore, provide in some cases fiction libraries (although these cases are now diminishing).
They may also provide billiard rooms and a hall which may be hired for social functions. Some may also be a headquarters for a private club or society which requires a place to meet, or for tutors such as dancing teachers who require space. Little else today forms part of a School of Arts. 120
CHAPTER SIX
CONCLUSION
The Mechanics' Institutes of England were an important part of the rise of popular education. Popular education emerged partly as a result of literal thought which evolved over a period of a hundred years before the industrial revolution/ and partly as a result of the pressures of the industrial revolution itself. External political events also influenced the issue.
In the religious sphere/ liberal thought was represented by the radical non-conformists such as Unitarians, Quakers and Methodists as well as progressive Evangelicals of the
Church of England. The Non-conformists had set up their independent educational establishments more than a century before. In this respect, they believed that the study of the natural world and science was important to Man and that
Man's future depended upon his own endeavours. When the industrial revolution made manifest the shortage of skilled workers, and with social distress in crowded towns, this liberal and radical religious thought took a new public stand for reform including the education of ordinary workers.
Philosophical thought of the time which had developed from liberal and other thinkers was presented by Utilitarians.
Bentham and Mill agreed with the Non-conformists that education would create intellectual and moral improvement and in so doing would promote happiness and social justice.
When the industrial revolution introduced machinery and chemicals into the work roles of artisans, the stage was set for the education of the working class. Lectures and demonstrations, it was believed, would help the worker to 121
understand his job and enable self-improvement. In order that the worker should comprehend the scientific lecture and demonstration., it was necessary that he be given tuition in elementary education as well. This period was marked, too, by an increasing number of societies, clubs and classes. Many of these, however, were for more middle class persons while those which did cater for the worker tended to lack organisation and planned vocational instruction. These latter included the important Sunday
Schools and Adult Schools. The increasing drawing together of science (theory) and industrial mechanics (practice) made apparent the need for organised instruction in the mechanical arts for workers. Yet, opposition to education for labouring people persisted. Education, it was claimed, would make them unhappy with their station in life and would cause unrest. Despite this opposition, however, the activists in favour of education continued to press their ideas. In Scotland, the Non-conformist scientific outlook in the schools of learning was experienced by many English Non-conformists who went to Scotland to be educated. In
England, the power of both Church and Monarch had been comparatively limited in the course of historical events.
Thus the participatory civic and political culture of England enabled the gradual acceptance of the case argued for the ordinary man's self-improvement through education.
The English Non-conformist, Dr. George Birbeck, is credited with beginning the mechanics* institute movement with his class for mechanics at Glasgow in 1800. Birbeck 122
had carried a step further the work of Anderson, a professor of "natural philosophy" at Glasgow University. Twenty-three
years later, Birbeck was to begin a mechanics' institute in London. Institutes had by this time arisen in Edinburgh
(initiated by one of Birbeck's acquaintances) and in Glasgow,
where Birbeck's original mechanics' class had become an
independent mechanics' institute. The movement in the 1820s began to flourish and within a few years mechanics* institutes had spread over wide areas of England as well as the industrial areas of Scotland.
The mechanics' institutes were secular and non-political and their aim was to provide mechanics (and working people) with the vocational and moral benefits of life through
education. Lectures were given on a variety of subjects. Important topics were seen to be those on mechanics and "natural philosophy" (science). The lecture was sometimes accompanied by a demonstration of some particular piece of machinery.
As time went on, lectures on subjects of "useful knowledge" were delivered. The class or "schools" department of the institute dealt mainly with elementary education in a range of subjects such as mathematics, the sciences, hydraulics, languages and many more. The classes were designed to not only aid a better understanding of the lectures and the mechanics' work, but to extend "useful knowledge" and general education. In some institutes day classes or schools for children were held - in some cases mainly for the children or child relatives of members. These classes were seen to prepare the children for later courses of lectures and vocational 123
education at the Mechanics' Institute.
Libraries were an important part of the institutes.
Volumes included not only the sciences but literature and
general topics. Reading was seen to stimulate reflection and further enquiry.
Museums were a feature of many of the larger institutes,
and they included botanical and geological exhibits.
Exhibitions were periodically held and later, excursions were arranged for members to make visits to places of interest. Other forms of recreation were also later added.
These various methods of education were particularly
important at the time. When public libraries and museums were practically non-existent, when reading matter was an comparatively scarce and in/age without radio, television of efficient means of travel, the mechanics' institutes provided in various ways an unprecedented educational service to ordinary people. The mechanics' institutes later served as bases for
examining students. The Royal Society of Arts became involved in the examination of students. The mechanics' institute unions such as the Union of Lancashire and Cheshire Institutes also promoted examining procedures. Later, the government through the Department of Science and Art took an interest in the technical and scientific education of workers. The Department recognised the mechanics' institutes as centres for instruction and examination.
It was after 1851 that public recognition of the need for technical education rapidly increased. Government involvement began to take over the responsibility for providing for such education. Government provision meant 124
that the educational functions thus far initiated and developed by the mechanics' institutes were taken over by public authorities. By the latter part of the nineteenth century many mechanics' institutes had become technical colleges under government educational authorities. Some mechanics' institutes were destined to become university colleges and institutes, such as at London and Manchester.
Government responsibility took over the work initiated by the mechanics* institute movement in a century which began with little or no such education for ordinary working people. The mechanics' institutes had initiated a momentous educational movement and filled an enormous gap up to the time of State recognition and State intervention in technical and elementary education in England. The Mechanics' Institutes spread immediately to
Australia. British immigrants, many with experience and knowledge of British institutes and many of them Non conformist scholars, took a leading part in enthusiastic attempts to provide institutions where the working man could acquire an understanding of the world of science and industry. The Institutes were set up in the capital colonial towns and spread outwards on the pattern of the English institutes. The structure, aims, provisions, policies and difficulties paralleled those of the British institutes.
Within a very few years of the establishment of
Mechanics' Institutes/Schools of Arts at Edinburgh, Glasgow,
London and Manchester (1821 to 1824), a mechanics' institute was founded at Van Diemenb Land (1827). The development 125 of the Australian movement was almost simultaneous with the movement in Englend. The first lectures at the Van Diemen's
Land Mechanics' Institute were aimed at the instruction of mechanicso These lectures included topics such as steam engines and mechanical and engineering science. Those responsible for the founding of the Van Diemen's Land Mechanics'
Institute were Non-conformist Scots.
In Sydney/ a Mechanics' School of Arts was founded in
1833/ also largely by the efforts of Non-conformist Scots.
The moral and intellectual benefits to working people were continually stressed. Lectures took the same pattern as those of the English institutes with instruction in the sciences and mechanical arts. The class system was introduced to give tuition in elementary education and all levels of society were encouraged to participate for "self- improvement", particularly the labouring class. A library and museum were opened. Debating classes and mutual benefit classes were commenced.
In Melbourne the pattern was the same. Proceedings for the initiation of the Melbourne Mechanics' Institute were commenced in the Scots schoolhouse. Here again.
Non-conformist scholars were largely responsible for providing instruction and guiding the "spirit" of the institution.
Lectures and classes were started on the Sydney and English pattern and the working population were encouraged to participate.
Mechanics' Institutes began to spread out from the capital towns, many at first modelling their function on that of the capital towns. The mechanics' institutes came 126
at a time when there was no, or extremely little, educational provision in the various Australian towns. In any case, they alone initially provided^means whereby the ordinary working man could attend classes for elementary education, and attend lectures and demonstrations on scientific, industrial and other topics. Libraries, lectures and classes were the means by which the mechanics1 institutes first took the lead to provide elementary and technical education. The institutes later continued to be prominent and to stimulate other organisations in the field of science teaching and technical instruction.
Fifty years later, government provision in New South
Wales used the Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts as a base to found a technical college and from this base a detached independent State system of technical colleges grew and replaced the mechanics1 institutes. Although the mechanics* institutes were left with little more than a library function in the Australian towns, and later fell into further general decay, they had performed an immense service. The mechanics* institutes in Australia, as in England, were the backbone of popular education and the foundation of technical education.
It has been shown that the personalities responsible for the setting up of Mechanics' Schools of Arts in Australia had much the same outlook as those responsible for this task in Britain0 Hence, the structure and aims of institutes in Australia followed the English pattern.
Functionally, it has been seen on closer examination that the committees of original Australian institutes deliberately communicated with, applauded and followed the English mechanics' institutes. 127
Many examples have been seen. The very first Australian
Mechanics’ Institute of Van Diemen's Land acquired through its secretary while on a visit to London, copies of the rules and catalogues from the London Mechanics' Institute after some communicationo
Perhaps the greatest of the Australian institutes, The
Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts, recorded many times and for many years in its committee meeting minutes, sentiments of affiliation with the English institutes. More than this, are the direct statements of intention to follow the movement in England. One such example is among those already quoted in Chapter Four. The Committee of the Sydney Mechanics'
School of Arts had stated:
The Committee, anxious to render... this great branch of the means whereby the founders and promoters of mechanics' institutes have succeeded at home...
The continual restatement of aims - those of the Mother
Country - and references to Birbeck, and Brougham's speeches are significant. The original large mechanics' institutes in Australia looked upon the movement in Australia as forming
Australian branches, to Britain as having set the lead, and of Australia as the "Britain of the South". Carmichael, the
"guiding spirit" of the Sydney Mechanics' School of Arts, had, along with many of the first students of the Sydney Institute, first hand experience of the Edinburgh School of Arts.
Carmichael, too, had been in personal communication with the
Utilitarians, Bentham and Mill who were initial supporters of the movement in general and in particular, the London Mechanics'
Institute. 128
The English influence still lingered in the Australian institutes even when adaptation to Australian conditions made the English example less important. When the time came for State responsibility, the New South Wales authorities
studied the English experience of government involvement with the mechanics' institutes and technical education in order to obtain, perhaps, some guidance.
The liberal and "radical" activists of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries stand as towers in the field of
social reform. Important activists were the Non-conformists and Utilitarians and a most important aspect of social reform was education. The mechanics' institute/schools of arts movement was the main vehicle which carried organised technical instruction from its commencement to government responsibility.
The Institutes also formed important groundwork in the area of elemert ary education. The Mechanics' Institutes were a public witness to the value of education to the labouring people, and to society as a whole. 129
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