2008 Legislative Summit International Delegate
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Corporate Dependence in Brazil's 2010 Elections for Federal Deputy*
Corporate Dependence in Brazil's 2010 Elections for Federal Deputy* Wagner Pralon Mancuso Universidade de São Paulo, Brazil Dalson Britto Figueiredo Filho Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, Brazil Bruno Wilhelm Speck Universidade de São Paulo, Brazil Lucas Emanuel Oliveira Silva Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, Brazil Enivaldo Carvalho da Rocha Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, Brazil What is the profile of candidates whose electoral campaigns are the most dependent on corporate donations? Our main objective is to identify factors that help explaining the level of corporate dependence among them. We answer this question in relation to the 2010 elections for federal deputy in Brazil. We test five hypotheses: 01. right-wing party candidates are more dependent than their counterparts on the left; 02. government coalition candidates are more dependent than candidates from the opposition; 03. incumbents are more dependent on corporate donations than challengers; 04. businesspeople running as candidates receive more corporate donations than other candidates; and 05. male candidates are more dependent than female candidates. Methodologically, the research design combines both descriptive and multivariate statistics. We use OLS regression, cluster analysis and the Tobit model. The results show support for hypotheses 01, 03 and 04. There is no empirical support for hypothesis 05. Finally, hypothesis 02 was not only rejected, but we find evidence that candidates from the opposition receive more contributions from the corporate sector. Keywords: Corporate dependence; elections; campaign finance; federal deputies. * http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1981-38212016000300004 For data replication, see bpsr.org.br/files/archives/Dataset_Mancuso et al We thank the editors for their careful work and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments and suggestions. -
The November 2011 Elections in Nicaragua: a Study Mission Report of the Carter Center
The November 2011 Elections in Nicaragua Study Mission Report Waging Peace. Fighting Disease. Building Hope. The November 2011 Elections in Nicaragua: A Study Mission Report of the Carter Center THE NOVEMBER 2011 ELECTIONS IN NICARAGUA: A STUDY MISSION REPORT OF THE CARTER CENTER OVERVIEW On November 6, 2011 Nicaragua held general elections for president and vice president, national and departmental deputies to the National Assembly, and members of the Central American Parliament. Fraudulent local elections in 2008, a questionable Supreme Court decision in October 2009 to permit the candidacy of incumbent President Daniel Ortega, and a presidential decree in January 2010 extending the Supreme Electoral Council (CSE) magistrates in office after their terms expired provided the context for a deeply flawed election process. Partisan election preparations were followed by a non-transparent election day and count. The conditions for international and domestic election observation, and for party oversight, were insufficient to permit verification of compliance with election procedures and Nicaraguan electoral law, and numerous anomalies cast doubt on the quality of the process and honesty of the vote count. The most important opposition party rejected the election as fraudulent but took its seats in the legislature. Nicaragua’s Supreme Electoral Council dismissed opposition complaints and announced that President Daniel Ortega had been re-elected to a third term. In addition, the official results showed that Ortega’s Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) party had won enough legislative seats both to reform articles of the constitution (requires a 60% majority) and to call a constituent assembly to write a new constitution (requires 66%). -
Nicaragua: in Brief
Nicaragua: In Brief Maureen Taft-Morales Specialist in Latin American Affairs September 14, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R44560 Nicaragua: In Brief Summary This report discusses Nicaragua’s current politics, economic development and relations with the United States and provides context for Nicaragua’s controversial November 6, 2016, elections. After its civil war ended, Nicaragua began to establish a democratic government in the early 1990s. Its institutions remained weak, however, and they have become increasingly politicized since the late 1990s. Current President Daniel Ortega was a Sandinista (Frente Sandinista de Liberacion Nacional, FSLN) leader when the Sandinistas overthrew the dictatorship of Anastasio Somoza in 1979. Ortega was elected president in 1984. An electorate weary of war between the government and U.S.-backed contras denied him reelection in 1990. After three failed attempts, he won reelection in 2006, and again in 2011. He is expected to win a third term in November 2016 presidential elections. As in local, municipal, and national elections in recent years, the legitimacy of this election process is in question, especially after Ortega declared that no domestic or international observers would be allowed to monitor the elections and an opposition coalition was effectively barred from running in the 2016 elections. As a leader of the opposition in the legislature from 1990 to 2006, and as president since then, Ortega slowly consolidated Sandinista—and personal—control over Nicaraguan institutions. As Ortega has gained power, he reputedly has become one of the country’s wealthiest men. His family’s wealth and influence have grown as well, inviting comparisons to the Somoza family dictatorship. -
LETTER to G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS
LETTER TO G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS We write to call for urgent action to address the global education emergency triggered by Covid-19. With over 1 billion children still out of school because of the lockdown, there is now a real and present danger that the public health crisis will create a COVID generation who lose out on schooling and whose opportunities are permanently damaged. While the more fortunate have had access to alternatives, the world’s poorest children have been locked out of learning, denied internet access, and with the loss of free school meals - once a lifeline for 300 million boys and girls – hunger has grown. An immediate concern, as we bring the lockdown to an end, is the fate of an estimated 30 million children who according to UNESCO may never return to school. For these, the world’s least advantaged children, education is often the only escape from poverty - a route that is in danger of closing. Many of these children are adolescent girls for whom being in school is the best defence against forced marriage and the best hope for a life of expanded opportunity. Many more are young children who risk being forced into exploitative and dangerous labour. And because education is linked to progress in virtually every area of human development – from child survival to maternal health, gender equality, job creation and inclusive economic growth – the education emergency will undermine the prospects for achieving all our 2030 Sustainable Development Goals and potentially set back progress on gender equity by years. -
Media Statement on the Public Announcement of Members of the Eastern Cape Planning Commission by Premier Noxolo Kiviet
Media statement on the public announcement of members of the Eastern Cape Planning Commission by Premier Noxolo Kiviet Programme Director Members of the Executive Council The Director-General Special guests and partners Head of Departments Media Representatives Welcome to this very important day, when we are launching our Provincial Planning Commission assigned to spearhead the development of our 2030 vision in collaboration with all our people in the province. The Executive Council of the Eastern Cape took a decision to link the planning function to the Provincial Treasury resulting in creation of the provincial Ministry of Planning and Finance under MEC Phumulo Masualle. Subsequent to that announcement, the MEC presented in November 2011 a comprehensive report on the institutional structure for the planning commission. The report recommended amongst others the need to set up the planning infrastructure include the following aspects: The commission comprising 8 part-time members drawn from eminent persons that are familiar with the development challenges of the province; Given the part-time nature of the commissioners, it was further recommended that administrative secretariat be appointed to support the operational requirements of the commission; Technical support staff be appointed to enhance the research capacity within the planning commission; The commission share its corporate services function with the Provincial Treasury to ensure the efficient use of the personnel resources; Resources be set aside from the budget to resource the functioning of the commission. The MEC for Planning and Finance further recommended that the mandate of the Eastern Cape Planning Commission be: 1 The drawing up of the long-term plan of the Province- Vision 2030. -
Parliamentary Strengthening and the Paris Principles: Tanzania Case Study
Parliamentary Strengthening and the Paris Principles Tanzania case study January 2009 Dr. Anthony Tsekpo (Parliamentary Centre) and Dr. Alan Hudson (ODI) * Disclaimer: The views presented in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of DFID or CIDA, whose financial support for this research is nevertheless gratefully acknowledged. Overseas Development Institute 111 Westminster Bridge Road London SE1 7JD UK Tel: +44 (0)20 7922 0300 Fax: +44 (0)20 7922 0399 www.odi.org.uk i Parliamentary strengthening and the Paris Principles: Tanzania case study Acknowledgements We would like to thank all of the people who have shared with us their insights and expertise on the workings of the Parliament of Tanzania and about the range of parliamentary strengthening activities that take place in Tanzania. In particular, we would like to thank those Honourable Members of Parliament who took the time to meet with us, along with members of the Secretariat and staff members from a number of Development Partners and from some of the key civil society organisations that are engaged in parliamentary strengthening work. Our hope is that this report will prove useful to these people and others as they continue their efforts to enhance the effectiveness of Tanzania’s Parliament. In addition, we gratefully acknowledge the financial support provided by the UK’s Department for International Development (DFID) and the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA). ii Parliamentary strengthening and the Paris Principles: Tanzania -
International Women's Day Speech Addressed by Premier Noxolo Kiviet
INTERNATIONAL WOMEN’S DAY Address by: Eastern Cape Premier, Ms Noxolo Kiviet 01 March 2011 Honourable Speaker and Deputy Speaker Members of the Executive Council Director-General and senior members of our administration Members of the Media Honoured guests Ladies and gentlemen As part of the womenfolk, I am quite honoured to have this opportunity to join in solidarity our worldwide community in launching a month-long programme commemorating the International Women’s Day, observed globally on 08 March each year since 1911. The centenary of this day comes as we continue to battle in our respective societies with economic, political and social challenges that in 1908 compelled women to raise their voices and speak up demanding shorter working hours, better pay and voting rights. The 1910 international conference of women decision, recognised by the United Nations, to set aside a day to put pressure for women's demands remains pungently relevant even today as we have not yet reached a stage where we can say that social equity, justice, peace and development is accessible to all. | Page 2 of 10 It is also worth remembering that this year in South Africa; we will be celebrating the 55th year anniversary of the 1956 women’s march to the Union Building. Women from all over South Africa, representing all racial groups and classes descended on Pretoria in defiance of the apartheid regime oppression brought about by the extension of pass laws. On 09 August we shall honour them recognising their boldness in demonstrating their resentment of such laws. Our current state reflects triumph over adversity as true freedom, as expressed by our first democratically elected President, Nelson Mandela, “cannot be achieved unless women have been emancipated from all forms of oppression”. -
Professional and Ethical Standards for Parliamentarians Background Study: Professional and Ethical Standards for Parliamentarians
Background Study: Professional and Ethical Standards for Parliamentarians Background Study: Professional and Ethical Standards for Parliamentarians Warsaw, 2012 Published by the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) Ul. Miodowa 10, 00–251 Warsaw, Poland http://www.osce.org/odihr © OSCE/ODIHR 2012, ISBN 978–92–9234–844–1 All rights reserved. The contents of this publication may be freely used and copied for educational and other non-commercial purposes, provided that any such reproduction is accompanied by an acknowledgement of the OSCE/ODIHR as the source. Designed by Homework Cover photo of the Hungarian Parliament Building by www.heatheronhertravels.com. Printed by AGENCJA KARO Table of contents Foreword 5 Executive Summary 8 Part One: Preparing to Reform Parliamentary Ethical Standards 13 1.1 Reasons to Regulate Conduct 13 1.2 The Limits of Regulation: Private Life 19 1.3 Immunity for Parliamentarians 20 1.4 The Context for Reform 25 Part Two: Tools for Reforming Ethical Standards 31 2.1 A Code of Conduct 34 2.2 Drafting a Code 38 2.3 Assets and Interests 43 2.4 Allowances, Expenses and Parliamentary Resources 49 2.5 Relations with Lobbyists 51 2.6 Other Areas that may Require Regulation 53 Part Three: Monitoring and Enforcement 60 3.1 Making a Complaint 62 3.2 Investigating Complaints 62 3.3 Penalties for Misconduct 69 3.4 Administrative Costs 71 3.5 Encouraging Compliance 72 3.6 Updating and Reviewing Standards 75 Conclusions 76 Glossary 79 Select Bibliography 81 Foreword The public accountability and political credibility of Parliaments are cornerstone principles, to which all OSCE participating States have subscribed. -
Bi-Cameralism Under the New Constitution the Legislature: Bi-Cameralism Under the New Constitution
Constitution Working Paper Series No. 8 The Legislature: Bi-Cameralism under the new Constitution The Legislature: Bi-Cameralism under the new Constitution The Legislature: Bi-Cameralism under the new Constitution Kipkemoi arap Kirui and Kipchumba Murkomen SID Constitution Working Paper No. 8 ii The Legislature: Bi-Cameralism under the new Constitution The Legislature: Bi-Cameralism under the new Constitution Constitution Working Paper No. 8 Published by: Society for International Development (SID) Regional Office for East & Southern Africa Britak Centre, First Floor Ragati/Mara Road P.O. Box 2404-00100 Nairobi, Kenya Tel. +254 20 273 7991 Fax + 254 20 273 7992 www.sidint.net © Society for International Development (SID), 2011 ISBN No. 978-9966-029-07-2 Printed by: The Regal Press Kenya Ltd. P.O. Box 46166 Nairobi, Kenya Design & Layout: Sunburst Communications Ltd. P.O. Box 43193-00100 Nairobi, Kenya Email: [email protected] SID Constitution Working Paper No. 8 The Legislature: Bi-Cameralism under the new Constitution iii Abstract The aims of this paper are threefold. First, the paper retraces the history of the Kenyan legislature before and after independence tracking the various transformations spanning a century of its existence. These transformations have been largely characterised by two competing forces: one epitomized by a strong executive seizing power from other arms of government, and the other by pro-reform forces pushing for an expanded democracy, better governance and accountability, and the promotion of rule of law. They agitated for electoral, legislative and constitutional reforms resulting in the reduction of the powers of the president, the re-introduction of multiparty democracy and the expansion of people’s democratic space and shifting power from the presidency back to other arms of the state, including parliament, and by extension to the people. -
Models of Bicameral Parliaments. a Comparative Approach a Comparative Parliaments
POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS AND ACTIVITIES AND INSTITUTIONS POLITICAL Zbigniew Machelski Models of bicameral parliaments. A comparative approach Regardless of any structural properties “chambers of reflection” that were to ensure and internal differences (unicameralism vs. full optimisation and high standard of the bicameralism), the parliament defines the legislative process. This is a reference to the formal framework within which other or- tradition of the Republican Rome, whose Se- ganisations and institutions in society are to natus (literally council of elders) has become operate. The aim of the article is not so much a nearly universally recognised role model1. to analyse but to classify bicameralism. Each The reference to tradition is important, but classification has its strengths and weakness- it does not explain all contemporary polit- es. First, as in the case of most tools used in ical phenomena, which are the domain of comparative methods, it carries with it a risk political science. Studies conducted in the of simplifications, without which, howev- mid-1990s confirmed that 126 legislatures er, formal modelling is impossible. Second, in various geographical regions of the world making comparisons is associated with easy were unicameral, while 56 were bicameral2. manipulation of some variables. This often In the initially bicameral system, unicamer- stems from political scientists’ own prej- alism has clearly become dominant. udice, when they try to examine political The discussion about the sense of the phenomena in accordance with their own bicameral system keeps coming back from preferences. In analyses of bicameralism, time to time, also in Poland3. Critics of bi- this is manifested in a tendency to attribute cameralism are trying to demonstrate that rationality only in the case of federal or large the bicameral structure of the parliament is states. -
The Parliamentary Mandate
THE PARLIAMENTARY MANDATE A GLOBAL COMPARATIVE STUDY THE PARLIAMENTARY MANDATE A GLOBAL COMPARATIVE STUDY Marc Van der Hulst Inter-Parliamentary Union Geneva 2000 @ Inter-Parliamentary Union 2000 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the Inter-Parliamentary Union. This book is sold subject to the condition that it shall not be a way of trade or otherwise, be lent, re-sold hired or otherwise circulated without the publisher's prior consent in any form or binding or cover other than that in which it is published and without a similar condition including this condition being imposed on the subsequent publisher. ISBN 92-9142-056-5 Published by INTER-PARLIAMETARY UNION Headquarters Liaison Office with the United Nations Place du Petit-Saconnex 821 United Nations Plaza C.P. 438 9th Floor 1211 Geneva 19 New York, N.Y. 10017 Switzerland United States of America Layout, printing and binding by Atar, Geneva Cover design by Aloys Robellaz, Les Studios Lolos, Carouge, Switzerland (Translated from the French by Jennifer Lorenzi and Patricia Deane) t Table of Contents FOREWORD ix ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS xi INTRODUCTION l PART ONE: NATURE AND DURATION OF THE PARLIAMENTARY MANDATE I. NATURE OF THE PARLIAMENTARY MANDATE 6 1. The traditional opposition between national sovereignty and popular sovereignty 6 2. The free representational mandate 8 3. The imperative mandate 9 4. A choice motivated by pragmatic rather than ideological considerations? 10 II. DURATION OF THE PARLIAMENTARY MANDATE.. -
Elections in Ecuador February 17 Presidential & Legislative Elections
Elections in Ecuador February 17 Presidential & Legislative Elections Frequently Asked Questions The Americas International Foundation for Electoral Systems 1850 K Street, NW | Fifth Floor | Washington, D.C. 20006 | www.IFES.org February 13, 2013 Frequently Asked Questions Who will Ecuadorians elect in the 2013 elections? ...................................................................................... 1 When are elections in Ecuador? ................................................................................................................... 1 When did the electoral process begin? ........................................................................................................ 1 How is Ecuador organized politically? .......................................................................................................... 1 What are the main political parties? ............................................................................................................ 2 Who is running for president and vice president? ....................................................................................... 2 How is election administration structured in Ecuador? ............................................................................... 3 Who can vote in this election? ..................................................................................................................... 3 During what hours will polling stations be open? .......................................................................................