Private Conservation in Latin America – Impacts on Local and Regional Development with Focus on Chile

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Private Conservation in Latin America – Impacts on local and regional development with focus on Chile

Benedikt Hora Matrikelnummer: 0816431

A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of Geo- and Atmospheric Sciences of the University of Innsbruck, Austria, in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Geography at the Leopold-Franzens-Universität Innsbruck

Supervised by em. o. Univ.-Prof. Dr. Axel Borsdorf Innsbruck, 25.10.2018

Dedicated to my beloved family, Carla and Helena, and to my wonderful parents, Michael and Theresia

Acknowledgements

Acknowledgements Firstly, I would like to thank my supervisor em. o.Univ.-Prof. Dr. Axel Borsdorf for supporting me during my PhD with advice. He helped me to organize the PhD and disseminate the research at conferences, such as the Mountains of Our Future Earth conference in Perth/ Scotland in 2015. Furthermore, I want to thank Univ.-Prof. Dr. Martin Coy, who advised me during my PhD. I express my thanks to all the interviewees in Valdivia, Santiago de Chile, Neltume and Chaitén, who were kind enough to answer the research questions. Furthermore, I want to thank all the persons who participated in the questionnaires during the fieldwork in Neltume and Chaitén. I am also thankful for financial support from the Vice Rectory of Science in Innsbruck, who provided me with a on financial assistance relating to travel and publishing provided by the Faculty of Geo- and Atmospheric Science. e year grant between 05.2015 and 05.2016. I’m also grateful for Last but not least, I wish to thank my family for their patience, inspiration and motivation. Thanks also to Bernadette Hora, Christoph Huber and Michael McCluskey for proofreading.

Content

Acknowledgements ...... 4 Content ...... 5 Erweiterte Zusammenfassung ...... 6 Extended Abstract ...... 8 Resumen ...... 10 1 Introduction ...... 12 1.1 Disciplinary roots of geographic Latin American studies in German speaking countries ... 12 1.2 The history of protected areas with examples in Germany, Austria and Chile ...... 16 1.3 Biosphere Reserve Program...... 25 2 Private Protected Areas in Latin America ...... 28 2.1 Chile the private conservation paradise? ...... 30 2.1.1 Parque Pumalín ...... 32 – 2.1.2 The case of Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo...... 34 2.1.3 The case of the Oncol park ...... 36 3 Hypothesis and research questions ...... 39 4 Theoretical background ...... 40 5 Methods ...... 42 6 Results ...... 47 7 Discussion ...... 50 8 Conclusion ...... 52 9 References ...... 54 10 Directory of illustrations, tables and abbreviations ...... 64 11 Appendix Published Articles in Original Format ...... 65

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Erweiterte Zusammenfassung

Erweiterte Zusammenfassung Seit den 1990er Jahren kam es in Lateinamerika, insbesondere in Chile zu zahlreichen Neugründungen von privaten Schutzgebieten. Die Initiative entstand sowohl von inländischen, wie auch von ausländischen Investoren. Deren Ziele variieren von einem reinen Schutzgedanken bis zu gewinnorientierten Tourismusdestinationen. Die Fläche der privaten Schutzgebiete in Chile beträgt inzwischen 1.651.916 ha und hat somit einen Anteil von 2,2 % an der Gesamtfläche des Landes. Dadurch ist Chile nach Belize (5,7 %) und Costa Rica (5,19 %) der Staat mit dem drittgrößten Flächenanteil in Lateinamerika, der unter privaten Schutz gestellt wurde. Ein im Zuge der Doktorarbeit veröffentlichter Review Artikel (Private Protected Areas in Latin America: Between conservation, sustainability goals and economic interests. A Review; Hora et al. 2018) erläutert das Phänomen im lateinamerikanischen Kontext. Privater Naturschutz nimmt in Chile auch in der Regionalentwicklung eine außerordentliche wichtige Stellung ein. Diese Doktorarbeit veranschaulicht anhand von ausgewählten Beispielen die Auswirkungen von Privatparks auf deren Umgebung. Die ersten beiden (Reserva Biológica de Huilo Huilo, Parque Pumalín) der drei Fallbeispiele wurden anhand ihrer relativen Vergleichbarkeit ausgewählt. Beide privaten Schutzgebietsprojekte ähneln sich in ihrer Bekanntheit, Größe, regionalen Bedeutung und befinden sich in demselben Biosphärenreservat (Bosques Templados Lluviosos de los Andes Australes). Der Parque Oncol als drittes Fallbeispiel ist wesentlich kleiner und dieses unter Schutz gestellte Ökosystem befindet sich auf der Küstenkordillere. Die Fläche Reserva Biológica de Huilo Huilo von 100.000 ha entstand aus der Abwicklung des forstwirtschaftlichen Betriebs Complejo Forestal y Maderero Panguipulli Mitte der 1990er Jahre. Neben den Outdooraktivitäten bietet das Reserva Luxushotellerie an. Die Feldarbeit zur Fallstudie wurde im März 2016 in der Ortschaft Neltume durchgeführt. Die Mehrheit der Dorfbewohner hat einen persönlichen wirtschaftlichen Vorteil durch das Reserva. Lediglich diejenigen, die weiterhin in der Forstwirtschaft arbeiten, sehen einen Nachteil. Die Befragten, die im Tourismus arbeiten, klagen außerdem über die starke Saisonalität ihrer Arbeit (Hochsaison: Dezember Februar). Die Feminisierung des Arbeitsmarktes unterzieht sich einem bedeutenden Wandel. In vielen Haushalten sorgen die Frauen jetzt für ihr eigenes Einkommen, da sie mehr Arbeitsmöglichkeiten– sowohl innerhalb als auch außerhalb des Huilo Huilo Projektes haben. Auch wurden öffentliche Infrastrukturprojekte durch den Tourismus gefördert. Inzwischen ist die einstmals schwer zu erreichende Region über eine geteerte Schnellstraße mit dem chilenischen Straßennetz verbunden. protected areas contribute to sustainable development? A case study from the Huilo Huilo Biological Reserve in Neltume,Aus Chile; dieser Hora Untersuchung 2017). entstand der Artikel “Do large private Als weiteres Beispiel wurde der Parque Pumalín in der Region Los Lagos untersucht. Dieser 1991 gegründete Park wurde von dem Unternehmer Douglas Tompkins gegründet. Mit 284.6300 ha ist dieser Park das zweitgrößte private Schutzgebiet in Chile und gilt als das prominenteste Beispiel privater Schutzgebiete. Das private Naturschutzgebiet Parque Pumalín entstand Anfang der 1990er Jahre auf der Initiative des US-Amerikaners und Gründer der Marken North Face, Esprit u.a., Douglas Tompkins. Davor war das Gebiet in der Hand einiger Großgrundbesitzer. Dieser Park befindet sich im Fjordland der Los Lagos Region in der Nähe der Gemeinde Chaitén. Mit 290.000

(Weischet 1970) wurde Chaitén für die Befragung der Bevölkerung ausgewählt, da es in unmittelbarerha ist er der Nähe größte zum private Parque Park Pumalín in Chile. liegt. Im Die siedlungsarmen wichtigsten Zugänge “patagonischen zu diesem Park Urwaldchile” sind von dort aus am leichtesten zu erreichen. Chaitén bildet eine wichtige Etappenstation an der Carretera Austral. Die Kleinstadt wurde 2008 vom Ausbruch des gleichnamigen Vulkans und des darauffolgenden Lahars fast vollständig zerstört. Nach einigen Jahren der Ungewissheit hat sich Chaitén inzwischen erholt und hat heute etwa die Hälfte der Einwohner wie vor dem Vulkanausbruch.

Erweiterte Zusammenfassung

Die Feldarbeit wurde im Jänner 2018 durchgeführt. Es besteht eine Arbeitsgemeinschaft zwischen dem Parque Pumalín und der Gemeinde Chaitén. Einige Tourismusbetriebe bieten Touren in den Park an. Hostal und Campingplatzbetreiber sehen den Nutzen des Parks positiv, da dadurch Gäste mehrere Tage dort verbringen. Die Mehrheit der in Chaitén lebenden Menschen ist im öffentlichen Dienst tätig. Auch diese sehen die Existenz des Parks positiv, da er einer der Hauptattraktionen der Region ist. Im Jahr 2018 soll der Park in das Nationalparksystem Chiles eingegliedert werden. Dies ruft Sorgen bei den Anwohnern hervor, da sie die sehr gute und fast kostenfreie Infrastruktur (Wanderwege, Campingplätze) bei der Übernahme bedroht sehen. Daraus entstand der dritte Artikel (Private Protection Initiatives in Mountain Areas of Southern Chile and Their Perceived Impact on Local Development - The Case of Pumalín Park; Hora 2018). Das dritte Beispiel ist der Parque Oncol. Dieser Park entstand aufgrund einer Kompensationsmaßnahme des Forstbetriebs Arauco (Celulosa Arauco y Constitución). Die Umgebung ist durch extensive forstwirtschaftliche Nutzung mit eingeführten Arten geprägt (Eucalyptus und Pinus radiata). Das 3.400 ha große Areal wurde 1989 eingeweiht und ist inzwischen eine touristische Attraktion in der Nähe von Valdivia. Die Anwohner des Parks profitieren direkt und indirekt durch die neu entstandenen Arbeitsmöglichkeiten (Hora & Marchant 2016). Die Daten für die Analysen für das Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo und den Parque Pumalín stammen aus Primär- und Sekundärquellen, Interviews und Befragungen, die während Feldbegehungen und Archivarbeit gesammelt wurden. In den Untersuchungsorten Neltume und Chaitén wurden sowohl Kartierungen als auch Haushaltsbefragungen durchgeführt. Durch eine gewichtete Auswahl des Geschlechts und des Alters konnte eine hohe Repräsentativität erreicht werden. Die Interviews wurden nach der Methode von Gomez & Jones (2010) kodifiziert und interpretiert. Bei der Analyse des Parque Oncol wurden lediglich Literaturrecherchen und Interviews durchgeführt. Die Literaturrecherche erfolgte durch Google Scholar und SCOPUS. Die Ergebnisse dieser Untersuchung zeigen die wachsende Bedeutung und Verschiedenartigkeit des privaten Naturschutzes insbesondere in Chile auf. Private Schutzgebiete leisten einen zusätzlichen wichtigen Beitrag zur Sicherung der bedrohten Artenvielfalt. Hauptsächlich bei Spezies, die im nationalen System nicht ausreichend geschützt werden können.

Extended Abstract

Extended Abstract Since the 1990s numerous of new private protected areas have been implemented in Latin America and in Chile in particular. The initiative comes from both domestic and foreign investors. Their goals vary from protection only to profit orientated tourism destinations. In Chile, the area of private protected areas amount to 1,651,916 ha and comprises 2,2% of the territories. This makes Chile after Belize (5,7 %) and Costa Rica (5,19 %) the country with the biggest territorial share under private conservation in Latin America. A review article published in the course of the thesis (Private Protected Areas in Latin America: Between Conservation Sustainability and Economic Interest, A Review; Hora et al. 2018) explains the phenomenon in the Latin American context. Private nature conservation is also playing an exceptionally important role in regional development in Chile. This thesis will use selected examples to outline the impact of private parks on the environment. The first two (Reserva Biológica de Huilo Huilo, Parque Pumalín) of the three case studies were selected on the basis of their relative comparability. Both private protected areas are similar in their prominence, are similar in terms of environmental awareness, size, regional importance and both are located in the same biosphere reserve (Bosques Templados Lluviosos de los Andes Australes). The additional third case study Parque Oncol is much smaller and the protected ecosystem is located on the coastal cordillera. The Reserva Biológica de Huilo Huilo is an initiative of a Chilean entrepreneurial family called Petermann. The area of 100,000 ha originated from the closing of the forestry Complejo Forestal y Maderero Panguipulli in the mid-1990s. In addition to the outdoor activities in the Reserva basic and luxury accommodation is offered there. Field work on the case study Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo was conducted in March 2016 in the village of Neltume. The majority of the inhabitants have gained a personal economic advantage through the Reserva. Only those who continue to work in the forestry sector see a disadvantage. Respondents working in tourism also complain about the strong seasonality of their work (high season: December - February). The feminization of the labor market is a major change. In many households, women now provide their own income as they have more options both inside and outside the Huilo Huilo project. Public infrastructure projects were also promoted by tourism. Meanwhile, the once remote region is connected via a paved highway with the Chilean road network. The result of this research was the second article "Do large private protected areas contribute to sustainable development? A case study from the Huilo Huilo Biological Reserve in Neltume, Chile; Hora 2017). The second example studied is the Parque Pumalín in the Los Lagos region. Founded in 1991, this park was founded by entrepreneur Douglas Tompkins. With 284,663 hectares, this park is the second largest private protected area in Chile and is considered the most prominent example of private protected areas in Chile. The private nature reserve Parque Pumalín was built in the early 1990s on the initiative of the American and founder of the brands North Face, Esprit, and others, Douglas Tompkins. Before that, the area was in the hands of landowners. This park is located in the Fiordland of the Los Lagos region near the municipality of Chaitén. With 290,000 ha, it is the largest private park in Chile. Chaitén was selected for interviewing the population due to the sparse settlement in the "Patagonian Rainforest of Chile" (Weischet 1970), because it is located in close proximity to Parque Pumalín and the most important entrances to the park are reached from there. Chaitén forms an important stage stop on the Carretera Austral. The town was almost completely destroyed in 2008 by the eruption of the eponymous volcano and the subsequent Lahar. After several years of uncertainty, Chaitén has recovered, although its population is half of what is was before the volcanic eruption.

Extended Abstract

The field work was carried out in January 2018. There is a joint venture between the Parque Pumalín and the municipality of Chaitén. Some tourism companies offer tours in the park. Hostal and campsite operators see the park as positive as guests stay several nights. The most of population works in the public service areas. They, too, have a positive view of the initiative, as it is one of the main attraction s of the region. In 2018, the park is to be incorporatedChaitén’s into the National Park system of Chile. This is cause for concern among the residents, as they see the high quality and the accessibly priced infrastructure (hiking trails, campsites) threatened with the change of. This resulted in the third article (Private protection initiatives in mountain areas of Southern Chile and their perceived impact on local development - The Case of Pumalin Park, Hora 2018). The third example is the Parque Oncol. This park was created as a result of a compensation measure by the forestry company Arauco (Celulosa Arauco y Constitución) who have extensive forestry activities in the area and have replaced large tracts of native forests with introduced species (Eucalyptus and Pinus radiata). The 3,400-hectare site was inaugurated in 1989 and has become a tourist attraction near Valdivia. The residents of the park benefit directly and indirectly from the new job opportunities (Hora & Marchant 2016). The data for the analysis for the Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo and the Parque Pumalín come from primary and secondary sources, interviews and surveys collected during field visits and archival work. Household surveys were carried out at the Neltume and Chaitén sites. Through a weighted selection of sex and age a, high degree of representativeness was achieved. The interviews were codified and interpreted with the method of Gomez & Jones (2010). In the analysis of Parque Oncol, only literature research and interviews were conducted. The literature search was done by Google Scholar and SCOPUS. The results obtained during this research show the growing role of private conservation has in terms of protecting biodiversity threatened at the national level, especially in ecosystems poorly represented in the National System of Protected Wildlife Areas. These initiatives also allow local economies to be energized and are responsible for delivering new development alternatives based on low impact activities such as special interest tourism, in generally rural and marginalized territories. However, it is necessary to look at this process with a critical approach, given that the withdrawal of the state in its role as guarantor of the protection of natural heritage and its responsibility as a guide for regional development strategies, results in a loss of influence before private actors, who become gravitating agents of these territories. This is a risk due to the high dependence of the local economy on these ventures, which can be a limitation to long-term sustainability. On the other hand, there is also an interesting paradox, to what extent can of tourism be developed without causing a degradation of nature? Is the route of tourism development a viable long-term option for any place?

Resumen

Resumen Desde la década de 1990, se han implementado una serie de áreas protegidas privadas nuevas en América Latina y particularmente en Chile. La iniciativa proviene de inversores nacionales y extranjeros. Los objetivos que persiguen estas áreas varían desde la protección hasta la creación de destinos turísticos orientados a la actividad comercial. En Chile, la superficie de áreas protegidas privadas asciende a 1,651,916 ha, alcanzando el 2,2% de los territorios. Esto hace que Chile, después de Belice (5,7%) y Costa Rica (5,19%), sea el país con la mayor proporción territorial bajo conservación privada en América Latina. El artículo de revisión publicado en esta tesis (Áreas privadas protegidas en América Latina: entre la conservación, la sostenibilidad y el interés económico. Una revisión Hora et al. 2018) explica el fenómeno en el contexto latinoamericano. La conservación privada de la naturaleza también está desempeñando un papel excepcionalmente importante en el desarrollo regional en Chile. Esta tesis utilizará ejemplos seleccionados para delinear el impacto de los parques privados en el medioambiente. Los dos primeros estudios de caso (Reserva Biológica de Huilo Huilo, Parque Pumalín) de los tres realizados, se seleccionaron para ser comparados. Ambas áreas protegidas privadas son similares en su importancia, atractivo, tamaño e importancia regional; ambas están ubicadas en la misma reserva de la biosfera (Bosques Templados Lluviosos de los Andes Australes). El tercer estudio de caso corresponde al Parque Oncol, el cual es mucho más pequeño, cuyo ecosistema protegido se encuentra en la cordillera costera. La Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo es una iniciativa de la familia chilena Petermann. El área de 100.000 ha se originó a partir del cierre del Complejo Forestal y Maderero Panguipulli a mediados de la década de 1990. Además de las actividades al aire libre, se ofrece tanto alojamiento de lujo como básico. El trabajo de campo sobre el estudio de caso Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo se realizó en marzo de 2016 en el pueblo de Neltume. La mayoría de los habitantes que se han vinculado con las actividades desarrolladas por la Reserva se han beneficado económicamente de ella. Solo aquellos que continúan trabajando en el sector forestal la consideran como una desventaja. Los encuestados que trabajan en turismo señalan como una debilidad la fuerte estacionalidad de su trabajo (temporada alta: diciembre - febrero). La feminización del mercado laboral es un cambio importante. En muchos hogares, las mujeres ahora proporcionan sus propios ingresos ya que tienen más opciones tanto dentro como fuera del proyecto Huilo Huilo. Los proyectos de infraestructura pública también fueron promovidos por el turismo. Mientras tanto, la región que se consideraba de dificl conectividad hace algunos años, hoy se encuentra bien conectada a través de una carretera pavimentada con la red vial chilena. Los resultados de esta investigación se presentan en el segundo artículo "¿Contribuyen las áreas protegidas privadas grandes al desarrollo sostenible? Un estudio de caso de la Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo en Neltume, Chile; Hora 2017). El segundo caso de estudio corresponde al Parque Pumalín en la región de Los Lagos. Fundado en 1991 por el empresario Douglas Tompkins cuenta con 284,663 hectáreas, siendo la segunda área protegida privada más grande de Chile y el ejemplo más destacado de áreas protegidas privadas en Chile. La reserva natural privada Parque Pumalín fue construida a principios de la década de 1990 por Douglas Tompkins, ciudadano norteamericano fundador de las marcas North Face, Esprit entre otros. Antes de eso, el área estaba en manos de algunos terratenientes. Este parque está ubicado en la región de Los Lagos, cerca del municipio de Chaitén; con 290,000 ha, es el parque privado más grande de Chile. El trabajo de campo y las entrevistas se desarrollaron en la localidad de Chaitén, la más cercana al Parque Pumalín donde se encuentran los principales accesos y es también una importante parada escénica en la Carretera Austral y del bosque lluvioso Patagónico (Weischet 1970). La ciudad fue destruida casi por completo en 2008 por la erupción

Resumen del volcán del mismo nombre y por el posterior Lahar. Después de varios años de incertidumbre, Chaitén se ha recuperado y ahora tiene aproximadamente la mitad de la población, como antes de la erupción volcánica. El trabajo de campo se llevó a cabo en enero de 2018. Existe una vinculación entre el Parque Pumalín y el municipio de Chaitén. Algunas compañías de turismo ofrecen tours en el parque. Los operadores de hostelería y camping consideran el parque de manera positive, ya que las estadías de los huéspedes se extienden por varios días. Por otro lado, la mayoría de las personas que viven en Chaitén trabajan en el servicio público. Estos también ven positivamente la existencia del parque, ya que es uno de los principales atractivos de la región. En 2018, el parque se incorporará al sistema de parques nacionales de Chile; esto causa preocupación entre los residentes, ya que consideran que el estandar de calidad de la infraestructura (rutas de senderismo, campings) y los casi gratuitos costos de acceso pueden verse amenazados. Este trabajo dio como resultado el tercer artículo de esta tesis (Iniciativas de protección privada en las zonas de montaña del Sur de Chile y el impacto percibido para el Desarrollo Local - El Caso del Parque Pumalín, Hora 2018). El tercer ejemplo analizado es el Parque Oncol. Este parque fue creado como resultado de una medida de compensación por parte de la empresa forestal Arauco (Celulosa Arauco y Constitución). La zona se caracteriza por su amplio uso forestal con especies introducidas (Eucalyptus y Pinus radiata). El sitio de 3.400 hectáreas fue inaugurado en 1989 y se ha convertido en una atracción turística cerca de Valdivia. Los residentes del parque se benefician directa e indirectamente de las nuevas oportunidades de trabajo (Hora & Marchant 2016). Los datos para los análisis de la Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo y para el Parque Pumalín provienen de fuentes primarias y secundarias, entrevistas y encuestas recolectadas durante las visitas de campo y el trabajo de gabinete. Las encuestas se llevaron a cabo en los sitios de Neltume y Chaitén. A través de una selección ponderada de sexo y edad, se logró un alto grado de representatividad. Las entrevistas fueron codificadas e interpretadas con el método de Gomez y Jones (2010). En el análisis de Parque Oncol, solo se realizaron investigaciones literarias y entrevistas. La búsqueda bibliográfica fue realizada por Google Scholar y SCOPUS. Los resultados obtenidos durante esta investigación dan cuenta del papel creciente que la conservación privada, en sus diferentes tamaños, tiene en términos de protección de la biodiversidad amenazada a nivel país, especialmente en ecosistemas escasamente representados en el Sistema Nacional de Áreas Silvestre Protegidas. Estas iniciativas también permiten dinamizar las economías locales y son responsables de entregar nuevas alternativas de desarrollo basado en actividades de bajo impacto como el turismo de intereses especiales, en territorios generalmente rurales y marginalizados. Sin embargo, es necesario mirar este proceso con un enfoque crítico, dado que el repliegue del Estado en su rol de garante de la protección del patrimonio natural y también en su responsabilidad de orientar las estrategias de desarrollo regionales, lo hace perder influencia ante actores privados, quienes se transforman en agentes gravitantes de estos territorios. Esto supone un riesgo debido a la alta dependencia que se produce por parte de la economía local de estos emprendimientos, lo cual puede ser una limitante a una sustentabilidad a largo plazo. Por otro lado, se produce también una paradoja interesante, ¿Cuáles son los límites del desarrollo turístico sin provocar una degradación de la naturaleza? ¿Es la vía del desarrollo turístico una opción viable al largo plazo para cualquier lugar?

1 Introduction

1 Introduction 1.1 Disciplinary roots of geographic Latin American studies in German speaking countries Research in Latin America has deep roots in different countries, languages and disciplines. In the 18th century the Austrian geographer Thaddäus Haenke undertook numerous scientific studies in the fields of geography, cartography and zoology, mineralogy and geology in the South American countries Peru, Chile and Bolivia (Ovando-Sanz 1974). His works on Saltpetre in the Atacama Desert made his contribution outstanding. He can be seen as the predecessor of Alexander von Humboldt in Latin American studies (Gicklhorn 1964). Between 1799-1804 Alexander von Humboldt travelled the Spanish colonies of New Granada (today Panama, Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador), Peru and New Spain (today Mexico) and the United States of America and published the famous natural science book Kosmos: Entwurf einer physischen Weltbeschreibung (von Humboldt 1869). He published the well-known book Vues des Cordillères et monuments des peoples indigènes de l`Amérique focusing on paintings of indigenous people of the Americas and the Andes (1824). Rudolph Amandus Philippi, a German palaeontologist, botanist and zoologist did scientific research for the Chilean government relating to the Atacama Desert (1860). In Chile he is seen as the founder of modern science. Furthermore, he explored the sparsely populated southern part of Chile. This includes the exploration of the Lago Llanquihue and Lago Ranco region with his brother Bernhard Eunom Philippi in 1858. His works facilitated the European colonisation of this area. In Santiago de Chile he was in charge of the Museo Nacional de Historia Natural for 40 years (Gotschlich 1904). The German Alfred Hettner worked on his dissertation about the climate of Western Patagonia in 1881. Extensive scientific travel especially though Colombia resulted in publications like Die Sierra Navada von Santa Marta (1885), and Reisen in den Columbianischen Anden (1888). Based on his research in the Colombian Andes Alfred Hettner developed the well- scheme of regional geography he wrote about German immigrants in Chile and Brazil (1902). Oskar Schmieder provided an important impetus to culturalknown geography“ with his regional geography” (1932). Furthermore, of the New World (1932, 1934, 1962). Hans Steffen worked for the Chilean government in 1889 at the Universidad de Chile, determining the disputed border in Patagonia between Argentina and Chile (1929). The following generation of German speaking geographers diversified the fields of research in Latin America. Notable names are Carl Troll and Herbert Wilhelmy, a student of Heinrich Schmitthenner who lived in Argentina and Paraguay from 1936 to 1937 investigating rural colonisation. These works formed the base of the regional geography of the La-Plata-States (1963). Wilhemy contributed with important work in the field of urban geography of Latin American cities: South America in the mirror of its cities (1952), Herbert Wilhelmys geographische Stadtforschungen (Borsdorf 2004). Additionally, investigations in Colombia about opportunities for, and problems with, cattle rearing in the Caribbean coastal areas of Colombia were carried out by Wilhelmy (1952).

1 Introduction

Carl Troll developed new ideas for climate classifications (Klimaklassifikation nach Troll und Paffen), landscape ecology and comparative geography of mountain regions during his extensive journeys through Bolivia, Ecuador, Northern Chile, Panama and Peru between 1926 and 1929. Later findings resulted in the important scientific works: Studien zu vergleichenden Geographie der Hochgebirge der Erde (1941); Die tropischen Gebirge: Ihre dreidimensionale klimatische und pflanzengeographische Zonierung (1959); Jahreszeitenklimate der Erde (1965); Landschaftsökologie (1968). Another noteworthy Austrian geographic researcher focused on South America, and contemporary to Troll, was Hans Kinzl. During the 1930s he accompanied different expeditions into the Peruvian Andes initiated by the Austrian and German Alpine Club. New maps concentrating on recent and ice age glaciation of the Peruvian cordillera were created by Kinzl (1934; 1949; Fliri 1979). He carried out human geographic investigations concerning the Tyrolian settlement in Peru Pozuzo (Leidlmair 1980). Another German pioneer of regional geography in Latin America and the United States of America was Leo Waibel. He also was a student of Hettner at the University of Heidelberg. The term Wirtschaftsformation, which describes the connection between physiognomic and functional factors of an economic area, was established by Waibel (1929). He used the economy of Mexico and its geographic structure as an example. His contributions in agricultural geography, especially in agricultural colonisation and pioneer settlements in Latin America were important. In southern Brazil he investigated European agrarian colonisation (1949; 1950) as well as a general study on cattle farming on the southern hemisphere (1922). Waibels students Josef Schmidthüsen and Gottfried Pfeifer continued the research tradition of their teacher. Schmidthüsen concentrated on physical geography topics in southern Chile, focusing on Chilean forests (1953; 1954; 1960). Wilhelm Lauer a student of Carl Troll did scientific research in El Salvador and Chile. He established the institute of geosciences at the Universidad Austral de Chile, where he worked as a professor from 1956 till 1958. There he investigated the glacial formations of the lake district in southern Chile (Lauer 1968). Furthermore, he worked on general human geography topics in the Chilean context (1961; 1962). Wolfgang Weischet, a student of Carl Troll, undertook scientific investigation in Chile as the director of the Institute of Geography and Geology at the Universidad Austral de Chile in Valdivia from 1959 until 1961, having succeeded Lauer in his position. His area of research was meteorology therefore his main contribution was in regional climatology (1996, 2000; 2013). He wrote the second regional geography of Chile (1970) after the basic work of Carl Martin (1923). Jürgen Bähr (1979) and Axel Borsdorf (1974) and continued with regional monographies on Chile. Borsdorf and Heller (1995) published another regional geography of Chile. From the 1960s onwards a new generation of German speaking geographers emerged. A few university cities in Germany and Austria became important centres of investigation. Martin Coy published research in Brazil and Argentina about gated communities (2002, 2009) and his research on pioneer fronts and regional development in the Amazon basin (1990). In 2006 Martin Coy became professor for applied geography and sustainability science in Innsbruck and since then he continued his research on Brazil and Argentina. In

1 Introduction

Tübingen Reinhold Lücker contributed on urbanization processes in peripheral regions in Brazil (1990). Abele published on the geomorphology and zonation of the Andes in the Chilean-Peruvian border region (1982; 1987). The geographic department of Kiel has maintained a long standing focus on Latin America (Jürgen Bähr, Rainer Wehrhahn and Paul Gans). Bähr focused on human geography and urban geography in Latin America (1979; 1982). Bähr co-developed the model of the Latin American city (1995). The most important city for Austrian geographic science of Latin America is Innsbruck. In the 1990s Gerhard Abele was professor of physical geography at the Institute of Geography in Innsbruck. Unfortunately, his sudden death in 1994 ended his research in the Central Andes. In 1991 Axel Borsdorf was appointed full-professor at the Institute of Geography in Innsbruck as the successor of Adolf Leidlmair. As a result, the period from 1991 to 2014 produced significant levels of scientific research focussed on the whole of Latin America with particular emphasis on the Andean States. Topics focused on urban geography with a new model for the Latin American city, with the example of Santiago de Chile (Borsdorf et al. 2002, Borsdorf & Hidalgo 2005). Borsdorf published articles and books with regional geographic and human geographic topics with the focus on Chile (1993; 1995). A book about the Andes was also published together with Christoph Stadel (2013a). Furthermore, he wrote about climate change adaptation methods in the Colombian Cinturón Andino Biosphere Reserve (2011) and a regional geography of Colombia (2013b). He is the editor of a white book analysing the Biosphere Reserves in Chile (Moreira-Muñoz & Borsdorf 2014). In 2019 a new publication is planned as a new edition of Wolfgang Weischet s regional geography of 1970.

Christoph Stadel a Canadian-Austrian’ geographer was professor in Salzburg from 1992 till 2004. He wrote about agricultural and settlement frontiers in the tropical Andes in Ecuador (2005). In Nuremberg at the Friedrich-Alexander University Perdita Pohle publications on protected areas and indigenous groups in Ecuador must be mentioned (Pohle et al. 2010; López et al. 2017; Gerique et al. 2017). ’s Klaus Rother wrote about the Chilean agrarian reform in the 1970s (1974; 1977a) and settlement development in Central Chile (1977b). Additionally, he did comparative research on the Mediterranean climate regions of California, Central Chile, South Africa and Australia (1984). In human geography, Paul Gans published work about the Chilean census of 2002 (Gans & Leiva 2004). In the 2000s a new generation of German speaking geographers has evolved. The student of Axel Borsdorf, Andreas Haller is now working in the Institute of Interdisciplinary Mountain Research in Innsbruck. His focus lies in Peru with topics of urbanisation in mountain regions (2012; 2013; 2017). Gerhard Rainer, a student of Martin Coy, works in viticulture in the Salta Region in Argentina (2018). Robert Hafner works on topics in Argentina with focus on soybean production (Hafner & Coy 2016). Michael Lukas, who studied at the Freie Universität Berlin and in the Christian-Albrechts Universität in Kiel, is now working in the Universidad de Chile in Santiago de Chile. He has published works on urban development in the context of water related issues (2014) and neoliberal urban policy in Santiago de Chile. He published comparative studies as co-

1 Introduction author on transportation, social injustice and land capital, between Buenos Aires and Santiago de Chile (Apaolaza et al. 2016). Johannes Rehner who studied geography at the Ludwig-Maximilian-University München (LMU) in Germany is now working in the Instituto de Geografía in the Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile. He is studying economic and urban geographic topics in Chile and Asian-Chileans trade relations (2015; 2017; 2018). Finally, conservation studies in Latin America have not been an important field for German speaking geographic scientists. An exception is the publication of Pohle et al. (2010) about conservation of tropical mountain rain forests in Ecuador. In the USA and Great Britain conservation science in Latin America has been far more pronounced. The disciplinary roots can be found in biology or sustainability science or in interdisciplinary institutions. Holmes an associate professor in Conservation and Society at the University Leeds is to mention (2013; 2014; 2015) with profound studies on private conservation projects in Chile. Serenari et al. (2015) wrote comparatively on private development- based forest conservation in Patagonia. Additionally, Serenari et al. (2016) investigated the impact of -being in Patagonia. Geographic research on sustainability and conservation private protected areas on local people’s well The discussion on and concepts of regional and local sustainable development play an important role in this thesis. Therefore, actual issues, such as climate change and its challenges must be mentioned. Scientific publications of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC 2007, 2014) show that human caused climate change is a fact and is mainly responsible for global warming and degradation (Solomon et al. 2007). Hence, many initiatives on international and national levels were implemented in order to tackle the emerging problems with solutions based on scientific evidence. While sustainability has become normalised into mainstream social discourse, questions of what sustainability means and how it is measured remain unanswered. Sustainability can have multiple definitions, depending on the scope and purpose underpinning the use of the term. The following definition formulated in the Bundtland report in 1987 is used because of its succinct yet broad application development is development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs (Johnston: “sustainable et al. 2007 p. 60). Within this definition it becomes obvious that sustainable development is more oriented towards people and their desires and less focused on nature” and the environment. In the socio-economic context it does not mean a higher degree of justice but rather a generation treaty for securing future livelihoods at the local and global level (Coy 2007). Furthermore, the term sustainability can be subdivided into three dimensions (Becker & Jahn 2006 p. 243):  Normative Dimension: goals, evaluation and criteria of sustainability in the context of society  Analytical Dimension: description and investigation of contemporary crisis, problems and transitions with the criteria of future viability

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 Operative Dimension: political and strategic alignment on different levels of action areas In recent years the sustainability debate is often confronted with the economic, social and ecological conflicts which occur on a global scale. Disputes on resources, domestic and international military conflicts and ethnic and religious terrorism is an increasing phenomenon. The challenge of contemporary politics is to characterize and recognize these global phenomena and processes and find approaches to solutions on the regional aims to give this task a pithy term. The challenge for sustainable development is to consider local political and socio-cultural andpeculiarities local level. of aThe certain leitmotiv area when“think decision global act makers local” implement policies. The next chapter introduces the history of conservation over last 200 years in different regions of the world. A focus area will be Germany, Austria the European Alps and Chile. The debate of private conservation including the political, economic and social aspects will be discussed and contextualised. The Man and the Biosphere Programme of the UNESCO program will be described. The investigated private protected areas of Parque Pumalín and the Huilo Huilo Reserva Biológica are located within the Chilean Biosphere Reserve Bosque Templados Lluviosos de los Andes Australes.

1.2 The history of protected areas with examples in Germany, Austria and Chile

Nature conservation has a long history. Yellowstone National Park National Park, created in 1872 in the state of Wyoming, United States of America (Jackson & Hayden 1973). However, the concept of placing valuable fascinatingwas landscapes the world’s under first protection already existed at the beginning of the 19th century. In Germany the Drachenfels (1822) in the Siebengebirge and the Forest of Fontainebleau (1861) in France had already been placed under protection but not categorized as National Parks. The second official National Park was created in Australia near Sydney which was named Royal National Park in 1879. Rocky Mountain National Park was constituted in Canadaworld’s in 1885 and in New Zealand Tongariro National Park was established in 1887. Chile was the first country in Latin America, which created its own National Park system in 1926, followed by Argentina with the Parque Nacional Nahuel Huapi in 1934. Sweden was the first country in Europe which created its first National Park in 1909. Switzerland followed with the Swiss National Park in 1914. The idea of protecting particularly valuable land in National Parks had already emerged in the beginning of the 19th century. Notable scientists and poets promoting conservation were the English poet William Wordsworth, the American painter George Catlin and the Swedish geologist Adolf Erik Nordenskjöld. It was the conservationist John Muir who defined the first conservation area today Yosemite-National Park in California (Muir 2010). Figure 1 shows the 19th, 20th and 21st centuries milestones in politics, conservation and science. – In the 1930s and 1940s there was a wave of newly implemented National Parks in the Chile: Juan Fernández 1935; Rapa Nui 1935; Tolhuaca; 1935; Nahuelbuta 1939; Villarrica 1940; Bosque de Fray Jorge 1941; Puyehue 1941; Cabo de Hornos 1945. This wave of fledgling National Parks in Chile continued in the 1950s and 1960s. In Germany the implementation of National Parks was much later, not occurring until the 1970s.

1 Introduction

Germany

Germany`s first National Park was created in 1970 called Nationalpark Bayerischer Wald. Today Germany has 16 different National Parks with a total of 1,047,859 ha (Table 1). Out of this total area only 213,588 ha are terrestrial territory. The terrestrial area only makes up a small share of 0.6% on territory. With the inclusion of the maritime National Parks, the total size increases to 1,382,673 ha. This relatively small percentage of the area put aside for conservationGermany’s can be explained by the high population density of the country (Job 2008). Table 1 National Parks in Germany sorted by year of foundation Source: BfN 2018b

Name State Year of Size in ha Type/ Features foundation

Nationalpark Bayerischer Bavaria 1970 Wald 24,217 Mittelgebirge

Nationalpark Berchtesgaden Bavaria 1978 20,804 Alps Nationalpark Schleswig- Schleswig-Holstein 1985 Holsteinisches Wattenmeer 441,500 Maritime

Nationalpark Niedersächsisches Lower Saxony 1986 345,000 Maritime Wattenmeer

Nationalpark Hamburg 1990 Hamburgisches Wattenmeer 13,750 Maritime

Mecklenburg- Nationalpark Jasmund 1990 Vorpommern 3,070 Peninsular

Mecklenburg- Nationalpark Müritz 1990 Vorpommern 32,200 Lakes, Rivers

Nationalpark Sächsische Saxony 1990 Schweiz 9,350 Mittelgebirge

Nationalpark Vorpommersche Brandenburg 1990 78,600 Peninsular, Maritime Boddenlandschaft

Nationalpark Unteres Brandenburg 1995 Odertal 10,323 Lakes, Rivers

Nationalpark Hainich Thuringia 1997 10,700 Terrestrial North Rhine- Nationalpark Eifel 2004 Westphalia 10,770 Mittelgebirge

Nationalpark Kellerwald- Hesse 2004 Edersee 5,738 Mittelgebirge

Lower Saxony & Nationalpark Harz 2006 Saxony-Anhalt 24,732 Mittelgebirge

Nationalpark Schwarzwald Baden-Württemberg 2014 10,062 Mittelgebirge Nationalpark Hunsrück- Rhineland-Palatinate 2015 10,230 Mittelgebirge Hochwald - Saarland

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Austria

Austria established seven National Parks within its territory. The first one was founded in 1981 and called National Park Hohe Tauern. Four of them conserve mountain areas (Hohe Tauern, Gesäuse, Nockberge und Kalkalpen). Three of them water bodies (Neusiedler See Seewinkel, Thayatal and Donauauen). Today these National Parks cover 2,376 km² or 2,8% of the countries surface (Nationalparks in Austria 2018) (Table 2). – Table 2 Austrian National Parks Source: Nationalparks in Austria 2018

Name State Year of Size in ha Type/ Features foundation

Salzburg, Tyrol, Hohe Tauern 1981 Carinthia 185,600 Alps

Neusiedler See- Burgenland 1993 Seewinkel 9,700 Lakes, Rivers

Donau-Auen Lower Austria, Vienna 1996 9,300 Rivers

Kalkalpen Upper Austria 1997 20,800 Rivers

Thayatal Lower Austria 2000 1,300 Alps

Gesäuse Styria 2002 11,100 Alps

Chile

The first National Park founded in Latin America was the Parque Nacional Vicente Pérez Rosales in 1926. It is located in the Andean cordillera in the Llanquihue province. The famous volcano Osorno (2,652 m) and the lake Todos los Santos are located within this National Park. The archipielago Juan Fernández and the island of Rapa Nui followed and were declared National Park in 1935. In the subsequent decades more National Parks were created. Today Chile has 36 National Parks with a total of 9,141,200 ha; 49 Reservas Nacionales with 5,428,980 ha and 16 Monumentos Naturales with 34,429 ha. In total nearly 20% of the Chilean territory is under conservation administrated by the Chilean state. These three conservation categories vary, based on their protection level and their size (CONAF 2018) (Fig. 2) (Table 3).

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Table 3 National Parks in Chile Source: CONAF 2018

Name Natural region Year of Size in ha Type / Geographic features foundation

Vicente Pérez Zona Sur 1926 25,300,000 Main western cordillera Rosales Archipiélago de Island 1935 960,000 Archipelago Juan Fernández Rapa Nui Island 1935 713,000 island Tolhuaca Zona Sur 1935 650,000 Main western cordillera Nahuelbuta Zona Sur 1939 680,000 Main western cordillera Villarrica Zona Sur 1940 6,300,000 Main western cordillera Bosque de Fray Norte Chico 1941 1,000,000 Coastal mountain range Jorge Puyehue Zona Sur 1941 10,680,000 Andes Cabo de Hornos Zona Austral 1945 6,310,000 mountains / archipelago Conguillío Zona Sur 1950 6,080,000 Mountains Laguna del Laja Zona Central 1958 1,190,000 Main western cordillera Laguna San Zona Austral 1959 174,200,000 Patagonian mountains Rafael Torres del Paine Zona Austral 1959 24,000,000 Patagonian mountains Huerquehue Zona Sur 1967 1,250,000 Main western cordillera Isla Guamblin Zona Austral 1967 1,062,500 Main western cordillera La Campana Zona Central 1967 800,000 Coastal mountain range Volcán Isluga Norte Grande 1967 17,470,000 Main western cordillera Bernardo Zona Austral 1969 352,590,000 Patagonian mountains O'Higgins Lauca Norte Grande 1970 13,790,000 Main western cordillera Pali Aike Zona Austral 1970 500,000 Patagonian Pampa Las Palmas de Zona Central 1971 37,020,000 Coastal mountain range Cocalán Alerce Andino Zona Sur 1982 3,930,000 Main western cordillera Chiloé Zona Austral 1983 4,310,000 Coastal mountain range Isla Magdalena Zona Austral 1983 15,760,000 Patagonian mountains / island Queulat Zona Austral 1983 15,410,000 Patagonian mountains Pan de Azúcar Norte Grande 1985 4,380,000 Coastal mountain range Hornopirén Zona Austral 1988 4.820.000 Main western cordillera Llanos de Challe Norte Chico 1994 4,570,000 Coastal mountain range Nevado Tres Norte Grande 1994 5,910,000 Main western cordillera Cruces Llullaillaco Norte Grande 1995 26,870,000 Main western cordillera Alberto de Zona Austral 2000 146,000,000 Patagonian mountains / island Agostini Corcovado Zona Austral 2005 20,960,000 Main western cordillera Radal Siete Tazas Zona Central 2008 51,480,000 Main western cordillera Morro Moreno Norte Grande 2010 730,000 Main western cordillera Salar del Huasco Norte Chico 2010 16,000,000 Main western cordillera Alerce Costero Zona Sur 2012 1,390,000 Coastal mountain range Yendegaia Zona Austral 2013 14,800,000 Tierra del Fuego

1 Introduction

Figure 2 a) Parque Nacional Conguillío b) Parque Nacional Villarrica c) Parque Nacional Vicente Pérez Rosales d) Parque Nacional Torres del Paine Source: Author

Protected areas in the Alps

The European Alps run through seven countries. These include France, Italy, Monaco, Liechtenstein, Austria, Germany, Switzerland and Slovenia. According to Bender et al. (2017) there are 131 (large) protected areas in the Alps, with a total size of 52,036 km² (which are within the Alpine Convention Area total = 190,717 km ²). According to Bender et al. (2017) there are 13 National Parks with a total area of 12,714 km² or 6.6% of the Alpine Convention Area (Fig. 3). National Parks demand the highest level of protection, with an emphasis on so-called process conservation, i.e. allowing natural dynamics to recreate a largely untouched secondary wilderness (Job et al. 2013). In addition, there are 13 Biosphere Reserves in the Alps with a total area of 12,292 km² or 6.4% of the Alpine Convention Area. There are 102 Nature Parks (area 24,411 km²). These types of parks offer limited protection without major restrictions relating to land use (Pütz & Job 2016). Additionally, there are four (area 2,620 km²) UNESCO World Heritage areas within the Alpine Convention Area. Including some parts of the Dolomites in Italy, the Jungfrau- Aletsch area, the Glarus Trust and the Monte San Giorgio in Switzerland. These four types of protected areas in the Alps can overlap in some cases. Bender et al. (2017) investigated the correlation between demographics and the implementation of protected areas. In the case of the Alps and in almost all cases the National Parks were established in regions with negative migration and structural economic weaknesses. Most National Parks are located in peripheral inner Alpine areas

1 Introduction with net emigration. National Parks are not seen by local stakeholders as inductive to population development and particularly for in-migration. The designation of National Park for both the Berchtesgaden and Hohe Tauern National Parks has led to a positive effect on the tourism sector (Job et al. 2016; Getzner 2010). The contrary can be stated in the case of Biosphere Reserve municipalities and nature park municipalities. Both tend to be located in the more populated Alpine rims and closer to urban centres outside the Alps, leading to a form of suburbanization of the Alpine area (Bätzing 2015). Private conservation is not of importance in the Alps and none of the countries has a private conservation tradition. Conservation is seen as the task of the state. In the case of Austria, the Länder (States of Austria) are responsible for nature conservancy. Therefore, every state of Austria has its own conservation laws. Private conservation plays a minor role (Umweltbundesamt 2018). In the mountainous state of Tyrol there are 10 different conservation categories implemented within the legal system (Landschaftsschutzgebiet; Ruhegebiet; Naturpark; Geschützter Landschaftsteil; Naturschutzgebiet; Nationalpark; Naturdenkmal; Sonderschutzgebiet; Natura 2000; Ramsar-Konvention) (Tiroler Naturschutzgesetz 2005). The history of PPAs in Germany is slightly different. Since the reunification of the two German states old open-cast lignite mines military training camps and former border land have been made available for nature conservation as areas of National Natural Heritage (Nationales Naturerbe). Most federal states hesitated to take responsibility for the new areas, as the financial burden was too high. A few public institutions of individual Federal States, NGOs and private foundations stepped in to accept ownership and responsibility. This increased the land holing of charitable foundations and NGOs of National Heritage Land especially since 2005. Some 16,000 ha were transferred in this manner. (Johst & Unselt 2012). In Germany there is neither an official (e.g. legally established) nor a generally accepted definition of a PPA. The boundary between private and state-owned protected areas is not entirely clear because private individuals and NGOs have contributed significantly to some predominantly state-funded foundations owning protected areas (Stolton et al. 2014).

1 Introduction

Figure 3 Large protected areas in the Alps (as of 05/2016) Source: Bender et al. 2017

1.3 Biosphere Reserve Program

In 1976 Biosphere Reserves were created by the UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) in order to offer rapid protection to representative areas of nature and cultural landscapes. In those areas the local population should be integrated in plans to protect and develop their region. In the conference of Seville in 1996 a 90-point programme was declared by UNESCO. In this convention four main goals were defined: (i) conserve natural and cultural diversity, (ii) use models of land management and approaches to sustainable development, (iii) use biosphere reserves for research, monitoring, education and training and (iv) implement the biosphere reserve concept. Also three levels of action were established: international, national and specific Biosphere Reserve (Man and the Biosphere Programme UNESCO 1996). The 3rd world congress of Biosphere Reserves in Madrid held in 2008 adopted new strategies for the challenges of the 21st century. These included adaptation for climate change, loss of biodiversity, culture and urbanism (UNSECO 2008). Biosphere Reserves are supposed to fulfil three different functions. In Figure 4 a prototypical Biosphere Reserve with different uses is shown. Settlements remain in the transition and buffer zone. Nature conservation is focused in the core zone and its importance decreases in the buffer zone. Economic development is concentrated in the

1 Introduction buffer zone. The core zone remains largely untouched by recreation and environmental education activities. Research and monitoring occurs in all zones. Figure 4 The three zones of a Biosphere Reserve Source: Lourival et al. 2011 modified

Today there are 621 Biosphere Reserves in 117 countries (UNESCO 2018). This requires enormous efforts of coordination and management in a wide variety of biogeographic and socio-political situations worldwide. Success and implementations varies in different countries. Biosphere Reserves are divided in three zones. In the transition zone and buffer zone various types of land use is permitted while the core zone remains under strict protection (Table 4). Table 4 Different use zones of Biosphere Reserves Source: Lourival et al. 2011

Transition zone Buffer zone Core zone

Multiple use, productive Protection of the environment activities, urban areas core zone such cattle rearing; under a traditional scheme; Activitiesforestry that and don’t tourism, affect the minimal human intervention

In Chile there are 10 Biosphere Reserves. The first two, Fray Jorge and the Juan Fernandez reserve were established in 1977. The most recent reserve Nevados de Chillán Biological Corridor was implemented in 2011 in the Bío-Bío region. In Austria there are seven Biosphere Reserves evaluated and supervised by the National Committee on Man and the Biosphere, which is hosted by the Austrian Academy of Science (Moreira-Muñoz & Borsdorf 2014). In Germany there are 16 Biosphere Reserves (German MAB National Committee 2005).

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One example how a whole region can develop positively through the establishment of a Biosphere Reserve is the reserve Großes Walsertal located in the Austrian Alps in the province of Vorarlberg (Fig. 5). The Großes Walsertal region received the first prize in the European Dorferneuerungpreis 2002 and also the EDEN-Award (European Destinations of Exellence) in 2009 in addition to the European Energy Award 2010. In this Biosphere Reserve there are four bodies integrated on a regional level: Bezirkshauptmannschaft Bludenz, Büro für Zukunftsfragen des Landes Vorarlberg, Umweltschutzabteilung des Landes Vorarlberg, Energieinstitut Vorarlberg (Grosseswalsertal 2018).

Figure 5 Großes Walsertal –View south-westward from the foot of Blasenka over the Seewaldsee Source: Böhringer Friedrich 2008

2 Private Protected Areas in Latin America

2 Private Protected Areas in Latin America Private conservation has become prominent in conserving valuable land in recent years. This tendency can be observed worldwide, particularly in developing countries (Jones et al. 2005). These initiatives can be linked to biodiversity conservation, biocarbon sequestration, biofueles, ecosystem services and ecotourism (Fairhead et al. 2012). The term neoliberalization of nature refers to an economic strategy that seeks to apply market forces to natural spaces, indicating that the environment does not escape the pressure of the market forces (Heynen 2005). This process is contesting the former practice where conservation is in the hands of public administration (Langholz & Lassoie 2001), and is occurring in many countries. In developing countries this tendency began in the end of the 1980s (Holmes 2015). Since the 1980 s the emergence of large non-government environmental organizations has generated significant political influence on a global scale. These include Conservation International, The’ Nature Conservancy (TNC), World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) and the World Resource Institute (Zimmerer et al. 2004). The term private protected area (PPA), still lacks a clear and concise definition. However, the IUCN (International Union for Conservation of Nature) defines the a PPA as a “a land parcel of any size that is predominantly managed for biodiversity conservation, protected with or without formal recognition and is owned or otherwise secured by individuals, communities, corporations, or non-governmental organizations p. 275).

Furthermore, PPAs are also called Private Reserves, Nature Reserves,” (IUCN Reservas2005 Naturales de la Sociedad Civil (Society Nature Reserves) or Ecological Reserves. They can vary in size from less than 1 ha to several thousand ha. Among the first authors to recognize private-sector involvement in nature were Alderman (1994) and Langholz (1996). Until then the understanding of PPAs had suffered from sparse data and loose definitions (Stolton et al. 2014; Fritzsimons 2015). In Table 5 the whole land area of the privately conserved areas in different Latin American countries are listed. In Chile 2.2 percent of its territory is under private conservation. This makes Chile the country with the third largest share of private conservation in Latin America, after Belize (5.66%) and Costa Rica (5.19%).

2 Private Protected Areas in Latin America

Table 5 Private protected areas in different Latin American countries Source: Hora 2018

Country Legal total Ownership for profit not payment for area of status surface for ecosystem PPAs as % area in ha profit services of the country’s total surface area Recognition by state, NGOs, private Argentina (in province, 152,247 individuals, yes yes no 0.054 the Andes only) commune firms or NGO Recognition Belize 130,663 NGOs yes yes no 5.66 by state

NGOs, Brazil (in the legal basis communes, Mata Atlantica in 11 federal 899,471 yes yes no 0.1 private only) states individuals

Recognition by state, NGOs, Chile province, 1,651,916 communes, yes yes no 2.2 commune persons or NGO weak NGOs, private Colombia 25,590 yes yes no 0.02 control individuals

indigenous communities, Costa Rica legal status 264,228 private yes yes yes 5.19 individuals, NGOs, firms

Guatemala legal status 48,098 NGOs no yes yes 0.44 no legal Honduras 45,000 NGOs no 0.4 basis indigenous communities, Mexico legal basis 404,000 private no 0.2 individuals, NGOs, firms Nicaragua legal status 5,534 NGOs yes yes no 0.04 no legal Panama 40,000 NGOs 0.5 basis

NGOS, firms, no legal Peru 564,536 private yes yes no 0.06 basis individuals

no legal Venezuela 443,000 yes yes no 0.48 basis

2 Private Protected Areas in Latin America

2.1 Chile the private conservation paradise? In Chile there are 308 private protected areas with an estimated area of 1,651,916 ha (2.2 – %). They are located in regions with higher protection value and threatened biomes (Pliscoff & Fuentes-Castillo 2001). The most important biome is the Chilean temperate forest, which is classified as biological hotspot (Echeverría et al. 2006). 34% of the plants in these forests are endemic (Armesto et al. 1996). Notable endemic tress are Nothofagus (southern beeches) family or the Fitzroya cypressoides (Alerce), among many others (Fig 6). Figure 6 a) Nothofagus trees b) Fitzroya cypressoides (Alerce) Source: Author

Many native forests in southern Chile were converted to forestry plantations of introduced species during the 20th century. Imported Pinus radiata from California and Eucalyphus globulus from Australia are planted in monocultures and predominantly used in wood chip production and cellulose extraction (Oyarzún & Huber 1999). This process has led to a continuing decrease of native forests. These plantations are predominantly located in the regions Bío-Bío, La Araucanía, Los Ríos and Los Lagos. This change of land use from native forests to plantations facilitated the development of private conservation initiatives (see Camus 2006). In the late 1980s the first private conservation initiatives were implemented in Chile. One of the first private protected area was the El Cañi Santuary located in the Araucanía Region in Chile . This park is located within a type of forest predominantly to the Araucanía with a size of 524 hectares. Following Table 6 shows the 14 biggest private(Žebrytė protected & areas Ruiz in 2014) Chile sorted by their size.

2 Private Protected Areas in Latin America

Table 6 Main private protected areas in Chile Source: Author

Name Size (ha) Region Owner Year of Creation

Magallanes Wildlife Conservation Karukinka 291,510 2004 Society

Fundación Pumalín Parque 284,630 Los Lagos (established by 1991 Pumalín Tompkins family)

Comunidad Agrícola Indigenous people of 231,972 Atacama 1997 Diaguita Huasco Alto Huascoaltinos

Fundación Futuro Parque 107,586 Los Lagos (established by 2005 Tantauco Sebastian Piñera)

Reserva Biológica Huilo 89,934 Los Ríos Petermann family 2000 Huilo

Conservación Hacienda Patagonica 763,849 Aysén 2004 Chacabuco (established by Tompkins family)

Reserva The Nature Costera 50,440 Los Ríos 2005 Conservancy Valdiviana Conservation Land Fundacion 37,379 Magallanes Trust (established by 2013 Yendegaia Tompkins family) AAVC 34,245 Biobío Forestal Arauco ? Caramávida Comunidad Comunidad Agrícola Agrícola 31,570 Coquimbo Estancia Estero 2014 Estancia Estero Derecho Derecho Fundación Huinay (established by San Ignacio del Endesa S.A. with 28,402 Los Lagos 1998 Huinay Pontifical Catholic University of Valparaiso)

Parque Tepuhueico 21,150 Los Lagos multiples 1990s

Initiative of Adriana Comunidad Hoffmann, was funded Alto Huemul 18,564 by Sociedad 1996 (Fundo Inmobiliaria Ecológica Rayenlemu) O’Higgins Alto Huemul S.A. Mapuche community Quinquen 17,966 La Araucanía 1992 of Quinquén

2 Private Protected Areas in Latin America

Private protected areas in Chile can be classified according to their ownership structure and their commercial activity. They may vary from individual or family ownership to corporation owned to NGO-owned areas. Their commercial activity may vary from for- profit PPAs to PPAs with minimal commercial activity. Table 7 shows different PPAs in Chile and a matrix of their activities. Table 7 Examples of private protected areas (PPAs) with different ownership structures and levels of commercial activities Source: Holmes 2014, adapted

PPAs with some PPAs with minimal commercial For-profit PPA commercial activity activity

Owned by individual or family or Katalapi foundation linked to Huilo Huilo Tantauco Pilancura one individual Patagonia Sur/ Owned by corporation Oncol Masisa properties The Cliffs

Punta Curiñanco NGO-owned None Karukinka Ahuenco Other San Ignacio del Huinay

2.1.1 Parque Pumalín The green utopia in Patagonia

One of the best known private protected areas in Chile is the Pumalín initiative, which was started by the founder of the North Face brand. In the beginning 16,996 ha of land were acquired from predominantly absentee landowners (Wakild 2009). Through extensive land purchases in the region of Chiloé Continental a plot of land of 283,280 ha was acquired until 1998. In 2005 the area was declared Santuario de la Naturaleza by President Ricardo Lagos. In 2018 the Pumalín Park administrated by Tomkins Conservation, was transferred to the Chilean Government and declared National Park. Additionally, the Patagonia park located in the Aysén region administrated by the Tompkins Conservation foundation was transferred to the Chilean state. In total 4,500,000 ha of land were transferred. Pumalín Park also contained significant infrastructure, including camp sites, walking trails and information centres among other facilities (Fig. 7 & 8).

2 Private Protected Areas in Latin America

Figure 7 Location of Pumalín Park north of Chaitén Source: Author

Figure 8 a) Café Caleta Gonzalo b) Dead trees and secondary vegetation on the slopes of the Chaitén volcano after the 2008 eruption c) Pasture at the southern entry of Pumalín park – El Amarillo d) Camp site at the El Amarillo entry Source: Author

2 Private Protected Areas in Latin America

2.1.2 The case of Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo Sustainable Tourism in the Valdivian Rainforest?

The privately protected area called Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo comprises 100,000 ha in the municipalities of Panguipulli and Futrono, in the Los Ríos region of Chile. It is located in the main Andean range close to the Argentinean border. The nearby village of Neltume which is surrounded by the reserve has approximately 3,000 inhabitants (Zumelzu 2014). The Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo is located in the within the Reserva de la Biósfera de los Bosques Templados established by UNESCO in 2007. This Biosphere Reserve comprises 2,296,795 ha in which many other National Parks are located (Moreira-Muñoz & Borsdorf 2014). Most of the Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo is situated in the buffer zone of the Biosphere Reserve, where limited human activity is permitted. A transition zone with strict protection is located outside the reserve but within the Reserva National Mocho-Choshuenco, on the slopes of the Mocho-Choshuenco volcano. On the Argentinian side, the Biosphere Reserve borders on the Reserva de la Biósfera Andino Norpatagónica (Figure 9). Figure 9 Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo within the Reserva de la Bíosfera Andino Nordpatagónica Source: Author

2 Private Protected Areas in Latin America

This region of southern Chile was originally inhabited by the Mapuche communities, an indigenous group who inhabited the La Frontera area. The first non-indigenous residents arrived in the area in 1885. Shortly after a mission from the Order of Friar Minor Capuchin arrived and established schools and churches (Kohut 2006). Neltume, was established in the beginning of the 20th century due to a boom in the timber industry in Chile at the time. Forestry fundos (country estates) were vast privately owned properties. During the socialist Allende administration many landowners had their land expropriated. They created a large-scale state-owned company which managed 360,000 ha of land in the Cordillera of Panguipulli, Neltume, Liquiñe and Chihuío the Complejo Forestal y Maderero Panguipulli. Neltume became the production centre of the complex, where the saw mill and the dryer were located (Barrena et al. 2016). – In total 3,500 people were employed in the Company in the 1970s (CODEPU 1990). After the military coup the company was run by CONAF (Corporación Nacional Forestal). During the last phase of the military regime, between 1987 and 1990, large tracts of state owned land was sold at low prices to Chilean businessman (CODEPU 1990). The Petermann family, who now own the Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo, also bought shares in the Complejo in the early 1990s. During the mid-1990s, when the forest industry was in crisis, Petermann sold some land to investors, to be used as pleasure lots. Finally, the Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo was created in 2000, with an area of 60,000 ha (Román & Nahuelhual 2009). In the meanwhile, they have extended their territory to 100,000 ha. Within their reserve, tourism projects were quickly developed (Huilo Huilo Tourism Development & Huilo Huilo Foundation), and most recently the Huilo Huilo Real Estate was created. All these initiatives presented an idyllic, natural, wild image of the area in the first decade of the 21st century with the newly established tourist area attracting both foreigners and Chileans alike. In recent years, access to the area has been improved by new paved roads along the north shores of Panguipulli lake increasing tourism (Fig. 10).

2 Private Protected Areas in Latin America

Figure 10 a) Volcano Mocho-Choshuenco b) Huilo Huilo waterfalls c) Spring festival in Neltume d) Sawmill and dryer in Neltume Source: Author

2.1.3 The case of the Oncol park When a private park supports the local economy

The private protected area Oncol Park is located in the Coastal Range near to the city of Valdivia. It is a conservation area for the Valdivian temperate forest, which is a biodiversity hotspot and one of the few remaining endemic forests in the coastal range. Over the last few decades, this area has become characterized by substantial deterioration of the environment, caused by extensive planting of exotic species such as Eucalyptus and Pinus radiata. This PPA conservation project has improved the local economy of the tourist destination known as the Conflicts over land use and ownership continue as a result of land tenure claims from the Mapuche indigenous community and outside investors“Valdivia trying – toCorral buy coastline”. property in the territory (Hora & Marchant 2016) (Fig. 11). The Oncol Park is owned and operated by the Arauco forestry company (Celulosa Arauco y Constitución) dedicated to the exploitation of native forests for the production of Eucalyptus and Pine. Forestal Valdivia acquired a 3,400 ha plot of land in 1985 leading to the creation of the Oncol Park in 1989. This park is exceptional because these PPAs are usually run by sole individuals, NGOs, conservation communities and foundations.

2 Private Protected Areas in Latin America

Figure 11 Location of the Oncol park near Valdivia Source: Hora & Marchant 2016.

Oncol Park has become a major coastal tourist attraction. According to studies (Hora & Marchant 2016) this has helped create jobs in the local community, through provisions of maintenance and other value-added services such as horse riding and guided tours. Furthermore, the cafeteria and sports facilities that operate in the park (for example the canopy is leased out to local entrepreneurs) have allowed activities related to tourism industry production chains to develop. The park has impacted territorial dynamics and the local economy through the large influx of tourists, especially during summer. Between 2004 and 2014 the flow of visitors has quadrupled from 3,102 to 12,200. Tourism has been declared one of pillars of the development of the Los Ríos region. Regional policies have been established between 2011 and 2014 have meant that the lush landscape has been preserved and enhanced. Oncol park has encouraged the development of other nearby smaller conservation initiatives. For example, the Pilunkura, Curiñanco and the Llenehue parks were established by descendants of indigenous people in the area. Oncol park and the newly created parks conserve a very biome, containing rare endemic plants such as the Latua pubiflora (Fig 12).

2 Private Protected Areas in Latin America

Figure 12 a) Latua pubiflora (“Palo de los brujos”) blossom b) Lookout of Oncol park towards the Pacific ocean c) Entry of Oncol park d) Entry of the nearby Pilunkura park Photos: Author

3 Hypothesis and research questions

3 Hypothesis and research questions As shown in Chapter 2 research has already been undertaken relating to private protected areas on global level (Fairhead et al. 2012; Zoomers 2010; Holmes 2015) and in African countries like Tanzania (Benjaminsen & Bryceson 2012) as well as in Latin America (Borras et al. 2012). In Chile the following articles have been published (Pauchard 2002; Meza 2009; Tecklin 2014; Holmes 2014; 2015; Serenari et al. 2015; Serenari et al. 2016). However, many questions remain open concerning the legal status of PPAs, their aims achievements and if they are founded on common ideals. Private protected areas have significant impact to the people, environment and economy of Chile. The following hypothesizes were made in order to investigate the phenomenon.  PPAs are a new investment trend in southern Chile. Significant differences exist between different PPAs including size, economic objectives, and ownership structures. No common model for environmental protection exists across the country.

 Some PPAs deliver bivalent impacts to local communities: leading to social exclusions (aim: expensive ecotourism) or to social inclusions (aim: philanthropy, environmental education).

 The PPAs are so different that international norms and Chilean standards for protected areas cannot be generally applied

These hypotheses lead to following research question:  What are the aims of privately protected areas and do they achieve them?

 Are there any common objectives with respect to PPAs or are their aims too different?

 How do PPAs differ from to stated owned National Parks?

 Is there a communal and environmental benefit from PPAs operating in Chile?

4 Theoretical background

4 Theoretical background The intention of this thesis is to describe the phenomenon of private conservation within Chile. The research approach is based on phenomenology. The term originated from the Greek term phainómenon "that which appears" and lógos Seiffert 2006). Phenomenology plays a minor role in Human Geographic science (Hasse 2017). Seamon (2014) states that since the 1970s placemaking (Heimat) processes"study” have become ( obsolete with globalisation. However, the phenomena of private protected areas can be seen as a placemaker, even though the actors might not originate from the region. As private protected areas try to preserve a specific biome, usually endemic and endangered, they imbue the area with a specific identity. Most of these initiatives try to integrate the local population into conservation projects. As these private protected areas seek to conserve a unique territory the scientific approach can be described as idiographic. The research can be described as regional geographic (Länderkunde) which consider and honours the geographic object ideographically (Bobek & Schmidthüsen 1949). As three different private protected areas (Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo, Parque Pumalín and Parque Oncol) were investigated within Chile work can be considered as a comparable regional geography (Vergleichende Länderkunde (Krebs 1966)). This undertaking can be categorized into descriptive science, as the research approach is not based on any theory or specific political philosophy. With respect to scientific metatheories it can be categorized as neo-positivistic (Table 7). As the scientific approach was preceded by a literature revision, certain points of view may have influenced the author relating to PPAs. Therefore, the methodological approach can be described as deductive. The neo-positivistic approach also has a political position, which can lead to liberal reforms. The research is not guided by a political theory; however, recommendations for political decision makers can be formed from the results. Table 7 The concept of neo-positivism Source: Blotevogel 1998 changed

Metatheory Ontology Epistemology Methodology Political position

Observable Knowledge Theory based approach, Neopositivm things area through Criticism, Intersubjectivity Deduction facts experience --> Liberal reforms

From existing opinions in Can be scriptures and common investigated Research on Private sense a hypothesis can Private Protected Area can through Private Protected protected areas be formed. Through help developing a region existing Areas in Chile are facts investigation hypothesis scriptures and can be falsificated or visits approved

4 Theoretical background

Scholars who have written about PPAs use terms and theories which were integrated in the beginning of the research process, such as neoliberalization of nature by Heynen (2005), green grabbing defined by McMicheal (2009) and Fairhead et al. (2012), agrarian political economy by Bernstein (2010), neoliberal change by Sepúlveda (1997) and Corcuera (2000) and Tecklin & Sepúlveda (2014) and land grabbing by Borras et al. (2012). Sustainable development as defined by Serenari et al. 2016 was taken into account. (Table 8). Table 8 Terms used by scholars writing about PPAs Source: Author

Term Description Author

Agrarian political  Who owns what? Who does what? Who gets what? Bernstein (2010) economy  And what do they do with the surplus wealth that has been created?  Nature is becoming increasingly valuable: A source McMichael (2009), of profit. Ecosystems are being put up for sale Green grabbing (2012)  The appropriation of land and resources for Fairhead et al. (2012) environmental ends  The capturing of control of relatively vast tracts of land and other natural resources through a variety of mechanisms and forms involving large-scale capital that often shifts resource use to that of Land grabs extraction, whether for international or domestic Borras et al. (2012) se to the convergence of food, energy and financial crises, climate change mitigationpurposes, as imperatives capital’s respon and demands for resources from newer hubs of global capital.

Sepúlveda (1997); Corcuera (2000); Neoliberal change  Chile presents a good example of neoliberal change in Latin America Tecklin & Sepúlveda (2014)

 Current trend that seeks to apply market forces to Heynen (2005) Neoliberalization of natural spaces, demonstrating that the environment De Matheus e Silva et al. Nature does not escape these trends (2018)

 In Chile certain PPAs, mainly large ones, attempt to Sustainable unite global and national sustainable development Serenari et al. 2016 development and biodiversity conservation goals, primarily through ecotourism development.

5 Methods

As this PhD thesis was intended as a cumulative work with at least three different publications a whole set of methods was applied in order to answer the research questions. In this chapter the methodology used in the three articles will be established. Do large private protected areas contribute to sustainable development? A case study from the Huilo Huilo Biological Reserve in Neltume

For the publication of Hora, B. 2017. Do large private protected areas contribute to sustainable development? A case study from the Huilo Huilo Biological Reserve in Neltume, Chile. eco. mont-Journal on Protected Mountain Areas Research. (9): 5-14, following methods were applied. Data used in this study was obtained during two periods of fieldwork: (1) between January and August 2015, and (2) in February and March 2016. A mixed methodology was used, consisting of secondary data review (including various government reports and participant observation (informal conversations with local actors and participation in local activities), and 14 semi-structuredHuilo Huilo’s visitor’s interviews statistics with key provided informants by the (Table Foundation), 9).

5 Methods

Table 9 Key informants interviewed Source: Author.

Actor Manager for

Administration of the Reserva Biológica

Huilo Huilo Member of the landowner’s family

Forestry management plan of the Huilo Executive from the forestry sector Huilo project

Private sector Various social, environmental and Head of the Fundación Huilo Huilo research projects within the Fundación Huilo Huilo

Public relations of the Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo journalist Huilo Huilo

Head of the Mocho Choshuenco National Administration of the Mocho Choshuenco Reserve National Reserve

Governmental offices Head of the Regional Office of Protected Administration of the PPAs in the Los Ríos Areas (CONAF) Region

Administration of the PPAs in the Head of CONAF Panguipulli Panguipulli section Administration of the PPA Reserva Costera Head of Nature Conservancy,– Valdivia Valdiviana NGOs Staff member of the World Wildlife Working with the World Wildlife Foundation, Valdivia Foundation in Valdivia Valdivian man working in the forestry Good knowledge of the forestry industry business in the Los Ríos Region Running an ecotourism agency focused on Owner of a tourism agency in Neltume special-interest tourism in Neltume

Local stakeholders Small tourism entrepreneur in Neltume Running a hostel in Neltume

Head of a civil organization (Frente Coordinating various social and ambientalista de Panguipulli) environmental groups in the region Professor working on environmental Experience in various environmental Academia conservation from the Universidad conservation projects in the region and Austral de Chile Chile

The interviews were recorded and transcribed, and the contents were subsequently analysed using a codification method in which themes, words, phrases and interpretations are flagged within and across the transcripts (Gomez & Jones 2010). In order to garner local opinion about the socioeconomic and cultural changes driven by the implementation of this PPA, a survey with local people (n = 63) living in the nearby village of Neltume was carried out. More than 60 households were selected randomly and canvassed using a questionnaire. A second survey with students of Neltume (n = 27) and young people, asking for their perceptions of the future development of the village, was

5 Methods conducted in the rural school. The intention was to have two local focus groups whose opinions would probably differ. Finally, in order to investigate the opinions and perceptions of visitors to Huilo Huilo (n = 138), tourists were asked for their opinions about the PPA. All the information gathered was triangulated, a technique which, according to Olsen (2004), allows the mixing of data or methods so that diverse viewpoints or stances cast light upon a topic. This method was used in order to validate the results of the study. The combination of the expert interviews, the different surveys and literature review allows the in-depth analysis of the perceived impacts of the PPA in the local development of Neltume. Private Protected Areas in Latin America: Between conservation, sustainability goals and economic interests. A review

For the second publication (Hora, B., C, Marchant& A. Borsdorf 2018. Private Protected Areas in Latin America: Between conservation, sustainability goals and economic interests. A review. eco. mont-Journal on Protected Mountain Areas Research. (10). 87-94) was intended as a review article. For this purpose, various bibliographic databases, such as the Web of Science, ScienceDirect, Scopus, Google Scholar among others, were considered. The main research strategy was to identify articles which contain primary keywords (Private Protected Areas, nature conservation) and to delimit our search; we drew on the World Database of Protected Areas (IUCN 2018), which allowed us to focus on countries where these phenomena have been already described. Following this strategy, we identified more than 60 studies for this review. This allowed us to make a profound comparative study.

5 Methods

Private Protection Initiatives in Mountain Areas of Southern Chile and Their Perceived Impact on Local Development—The Case of Pumalín Park In the third publication (Hora, B. 2018. Private Protection Initiatives in Mountain Areas of Southern Chile and Their Perceived Impact on Local Development The Case of Pumalín Park. Sustainability. 10(5):1584) the following methods were used to investigate how local people of Chaitén perceive Pumalín Park, and how they value— its contribution and effects of local development: Firstly, a review of literature was carried out to find primary and secondary data to characterize the study area. These include topics dealing with conservation and its effects on the environment in a global, Latin American and Chilean context. Also, secondary data from the Chilean government, such as Census statistics, were acquired. These include the Census of 1992, 2002, 2011 and the most recent version in 2017. Secondly, in order to gather primary data and conduct a survey to explore local perceptions of the park and its impact on local development, two visits to Chaitén and Pumalín Park were carried out in January 2017 and 2018. During these visits the following methods of social qualitative networks were used: (i) eight semi-structured interviews with stakeholders were carried out in order to seek their opinions on the following main topics: environmental, economic and social impacts and challenges of the Pumalín Project at the local level; g its transfer to the Chilean state. Three of the interviewees were working for the municipality of Chaitén (the Secretaryalso the future of Communal paths of the Planning, project’s SECPLAN; development, one considerin at Municipal Administration, one in the Pumalín project, the Director of Land and Mapping Program, The Conservation Land Trust-Chile and Conservación Patagónica), two were working in the accommodation business as well as two providers of tourist services in Chaitén. The interviews were recorded and transcribed for further analysis. Furthermore, a questionnaire was applied to local inhabitants (n = 82) in order to gather opinions that can be analysed statistically using the Likert scale. Different types of questions were addressed, comprising three dimensions: economical, environmental and sociocultural. This questionnaire was applied in households, in the Junta de Vecinos (neighborhood council) and restaurants and cafés within the city of Chaitén. These places were located within 500 m of the main square. The southern part of Chaitén, which is now separated from the rest of the city, was not considered, because of its isolation. The households were selected randomly within this radius. In restaurants and cafés, the owners and local clients were consulted. People who had lived in Chaitén over the past 10 years and who were over the age of 18 were allowed to participate in this survey. The data was analysed descriptively with Excel tools. The demographic and socio- economic characteristics of the 2017 Census of Chaitén correlate with the people who answered the questionnaire in terms of age and socio-economic status (Censo Chile 2017). Furthermore, the areas where the questionnaire was applied were chosen considering that people of all socio-economic groups of Chaitén could have been selected. The data was described using a univariate analysis. The questionnaire was administered directly. 82 people answered the questionnaire. 52 of them were female and 30 were male; the average age of the interviewee was 35 (the youngest interviewee was 18 and the oldest 62 years old). On average they had lived in Chaitén for 18 years (min 2 years, max 62 years). The formal education of the subjects was distributed as follows: elementary school: 20 people; high school: 36 people; university studies: 21 people. 5 people did not answer this question. The occupations were also inquired about. 15 of them were

5 Methods students; 36 were contracted workers; 14 independent workers and 17 housewives. These sociodemographic features correlate with the results of the Chilean Census of 2017. The census shows that 72.8% of the population is aged 16 65. Therefore, the bias of the sample can be described as minor. Another small bias could be – that the economically less dynamic part of Southern Chaitén was not considered. Another limitation of the survey is the gender bias present in the questionnaire because 52 (63%) of the interviewees were females and 30 (37%) were males. In the Census of 2017 59.5% were male and 40.5% were females. Thirdly, the city was referenced using a map of Chaitén. This was necessary to show how tourism related businesses returned to Chaitén after the volcanic eruption in 2008. Finally, in order to ensure the accuracy of the results, all collected data and information were analysed and triangulated; this method allows the mixing of data or methods so that diverse viewpoints cast light upon a topic (Olsen 2004). Table 10 shows a matrix of the three articles with the methods used and the authors who developed the analysing tool.

Table 10 Matrix of methods used. Source: Author

Article Methods used Authors

Do large private protected  Two fieldtrips between January and August areas contribute to 2015 and February and March 2016  Codification of interviews sustainable development? A  Mixed methodology, consisting of secondary (Gomez & Jones 2010) case study from the Huilo data review; participant observation and 14  Triangulation technique Huilo Biological Reserve in semi-structured interviews with key (Olsen 2004) Neltume, Chile informants  Research of various bibliographic Private Protected Areas in databases, such as Web of Science,  Topic of theme from a Latin America: Between ScienceDirect, Scopus, Google Scholar theoretical and conservation, sustainability among others contextual point of view goals and economic interests:  Keywords in search: Private Protected (Rother 2007) A review. Areas, nature conservation  Literature review to find primary and secondary data in the research area Private Protection Initiatives  Census data of 1992, 2002, 2011 and 2017  Analyse perceptions of in Mountain Areas of  Fieldwork in January 2017 and 2018 local populations (Bennet Southern Chile and Their  Social science investigation methods were & Dearden 2014) Perceived Impact on Local used: eight semi-structured interviews with  Triangulation technique Development—The Case of stakeholders in Chaitén (Olsen 2004) Pumalín Park.  Questionnaire to local inhabitants n=82 analysed with Likert Scale

6 Results

A case study from the Huilo Huilo Biological Reserve in Neltume

The economic transformation experienced by Neltume in recent decades has changed the traditional landscape of this mountain area. Neltume and its surroundings are moving away from forestry (extraction of trees) to become an area of special tourism focused on environmental education and outdoor activities. This rapid change was triggered by a private initiative, which shows the significant role that the private sector can play in regional development in normally marginalized rural areas. In general, the formerly isolated people of Neltume have seen a sharp increase in connectivity through the development projects triggered by the Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo. The Chilean state has shown interest in developing the area through infrastructure projects. The northeast shore of Panguipulli Lake now has a paved road, extended to Puerto Fuy in 2017. In the near future, the regional government of the Los Ríos region wants to create a ski resort on the slopes of the Mocho-Choshuenco volcano. This development could be combined with the small resort that is already run by Huilo Huilo to significantly increase economic benefit during the winter season. However, the seasonality of the tourism economy in southern Chile remains a challenge for local communities. This study has shown the need for a more diversified economic base, to reduce the strong dependency on tourism, and especially on Huilo Huilo as the main attraction of the area. On leaving high school, young people tend to move away from the area, as they do not find local job opportunities. In contrast, skilled people like teachers and some opportunity-seekers in the tourism sector are arriving in Panguipulli and its surroundings, seeking better environmental living conditions. They could be considered amenity migrants (Moss 2006; Borsdorf et al. 2011), a recent phenomenon already observed both in established mountain tourism destinations in Chile such as Pucón (Zunino & Hidalgo 2010) and in small mountain villages like Malalcahuello (Marchant & Rojas 2015). Within the Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo, some parcels have been sold to allow amenity migrants to construct houses. These are used mainly as second homes by city inhabitants or foreigners. The further sale of property is not foreseen as the area would lose its character as a natural reserve. The vast majority of the permanent residents of Neltume consider the creation of the PPA a positive development for their village. Most see their economic situation as improving. Furthermore, they appreciate the cultural activities that the Fundación Huilo Huilo organizes. The future development of the region depends on how the managers of the Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo, state bodies, the local community and the indigenous community can moderate conflicts of interest (for example, the construction of hydroelectric power plants). It can be expected that the influx of tourists will increase in the near future. Mitigating negative side effects, such as increased traffic, as well as waste and water management, will be an important factor in future planning.

6 Results

Private Protection Initiatives in Mountain Areas of Southern Chile and Their Perceived Impact on Local Development—The Case of Pumalín Park The case of the Pumalín Project is a good example of how a private protected area can help shape the development of a region, and also contribute to parallel economic activities. In 1991 when Douglas Tompkins started with this idea, private conservation and activities such as ecotourism were something new and strange, especially in a country where economic growth was seen at that time as the only way to achieve the goals of development and to fight poverty. Results of the investigation show that 27 years after the implementation, it is clear that Pumalín Park has changed this paradigm. Other possibilities for development are emerging in marginalized rural areas that are rich in nature and cultural landscapes such as the Patagonian fjord lands. The various initiatives developed by the Tompkins Foundation over this period have shown that nature conservation and economic well-being can coexist without restricting local development. The findings of this research have shown that the park is perceived both by the local population and stakeholders as a positive contribution to the town of Chaitén, especially after the volcanic eruption in 2008. The Park is considered to be a relevant territorial actor in many official documents and also in the reconstruction plan of the city; the municipality that improved articulation between private initiatives and the local and regional organizations are necessary in order to finish reconstruction. In interviews with local stakeholders and questionnaires with locals, the vast majority shared the view of the positive impact of private conservation in their region. In this case, it can be seen as one of the key economic stimulators in the region, besides public services such as road construction and administration, among others. The majority of the local population does not wish for the integration of the park into the National Park system. They argue that the high quality of infrastructure would decrease in this case. Further studies to observe future developments of private conservation in Chile are desirable. National politics might change and neoliberalism may be superseded by a more protectionist approach. Naturally this could have effects on the property market and on private conservation areas.

Benefits and drawbacks of PPAs

Findings of this research show different beneficiaries and drawbacks of private protected areas. Economic beneficiaries can be tourist operators, agricultural producers such as local beekeepers and of course those working in eco-tourism. Ecologically benefits of PPAs can include closing gaps in fragmented biomes and expanding protection in under- represented areas. A weakness of PPAs is the lack of a clear, internationally-recognized definition and limited government support. Sometimes there is an unclear ownership pattern. Moreover, there are limited opportunities to engage with wider conservation policies. Economically there is a potential risk of green grabbing, which can lead to dispossession of the local communities. Local landholders can be banned from using resources when PPAs are implemented and governed by external agents. Which may lead to them being driven away from their local livelihoods.

6 Results

Comparative study of the three articles considering the sustainability concept

The three studies were analysed based on the three pillars of sustainability. As for the environmental aspects covered in publication 1 (Hora 2017) it can be stated that the protection of endangered Native Valdivian rainforest ecosystems is significantly enhanced, as the forestry industry has declined to a very low level. Regarding social impact, it can be stated that there are more females in the workforce and pubic infrastructure (transportation, electricity etc.) has improved in the region. Economic affluence has also increased. However, tourism has increased the seasonality of the economy. The local incomes have the tendency to be more uneven. Mitigation measures could include an increase in income due to tourism during the winter season. Regarding the environment, publication 2 (Hora et al. 2018) states that PPAs can close gaps between fragmented biomes and can conserve areas which are underrepresented in the National Park system. Many PPAs in Chile fulfil this task as they are located in areas which are prone to land use change. The Oncol Park can be categorized as such. Economically, PPAs can contain new business opportunities for local communities. Socially, sustainability is not always a given, because PPAs may become a motive for green grabbing and can have a potentially precarious status. Examples of green grabbing which resulted in dispossession and eviction were shown in the Tayrona Natural Park in Colombia (Ojeda 2012). Therefore, PAAs must always to be observed in the terms of their relation with their nearby communities. The third publication (Hora 2018) concurs with the first on environmental sustainability. Pumalín Park protects the threatened Valdivian temperate rain forest. Regarding social benefits, the Pumalín Park promoted a higher awareness of local people for conservation. It was shown that Pumalín Park has a positive impact on economic sustainability, because local enterprises in tourism benefit from the opportunities (Figure 13).

Figure 13 Sustainability matrix of the published articles Source: Author

7 Discussion

In this section the postulated hypotheses will be discussed and contextualized with other authors.  PPAs are a new investment trend in southern Chile. Significant differences exist between different PPAs including size, economic objectives, and ownership structures. No common model for environmental protection exists across the country The investigation shows that the phenomenon of PPAs is an investment trend in southern Chile, which started in the early 1990s. The first big PPA was the Pumalín Park, which was created in 1991. Many other PPAs were created in the 2000s (Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo 2000; Karukinka 2004; Hacienda Chacabuco 2004; Parque Tantauco 2005; Reserva Costera Valdiviana 2005). Since the 2010s the implementation has decreased because of market saturation and increasing unattractive soil prices. Their size, economic objectives and ownership structure differ significantly. Within Chile they vary from pure protection with little or no commercial activity (San Igancio de Huinay; Tantauco; Punta Curiñanco; Ahuenco) to highly commercial private protected areas like (Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo; Patagonia Sur/The Cliffs). This shows that the cases studied respond to the flexibility patterns of the operating structures that this form of neoliberal conservation promotes (Igoe & Brockington 2007), fostering environmental awareness and local development through ecotourism. In 2010 the association Asi Conserva Chile was founded, which acts as an umbrella organisation for PPAs in Chile. Today 37 owners of PPAS are organized in this association in 10 different regions. They comprise more than 600 thousand hectares (Asi Conserva Chile 2017). This is an attempt by civil society to promote common guidelines for sustainable development, recognition, support and legal support among the PPA members of the network. Until now the Chilean state has achieved little success in developing a legislation which orientates and unifies criteria for achieving the aims mentioned above. Although the bill to create the National Service for Biodiversity and Protected Areas seeks to organize the country in nature conservation standards, considering public and private, maritime and terrestrial areas under a single administration figure. The high dispersion of public services’s and ministries involved in the issue is an impediment to this. Currently, the administration of SNASPSE falls to CONAF, whose work is the promotion of production installed under the aegis of the Ministry of Agriculture and not necessarily conservation (CONAF 2018). Today there is still a national standardized conservation law endorsed by the Ministry of Environment, which is unlikely to be changed in the near future as Parliament does not prioritize it.  Some PPAs deliver bivalent impacts to local communities: leading to social exclusions (aim: expensive ecotourism) or to social inclusions (aim: philanthropy, environmental education). Results show that all types of impacts occur in the analysed Chilean private protected areas. In the case of the Reserva Biólogica de Huilo Huilo there is an obvious exclusion occurring because of an exclusive accommodation services and entry restrictions to the park for local inhabitants. Furthermore, the formally accessible forest which provided firewood for village of Neltume is now inaccessible. However young students receive environmental education and local family members receive aid and can find employment within the Fundación Huilo Huilo. These activities are a clear example of how the reserve

7 Discussion seeks to become integrated into the local scene and play a relevant role in local development. the area’s In the case of Pumalín Park, the impacts on local communities and the economy differs significantly. Pumalín Park does not charge any fee for entry. In the city of Chaitén most people working in the administration see the Park as an important economic factor for their regional development. Small businesses that specialize in ecotourism have been established and as Serenari et al. (2016) stated, this activity can improve the well-being of local inhabitants as well as degrade it. However, from a national interest point of view during the 90s, Pumalín park was viewed critically by national politicians who saw it as a threat to national sovereignty due to its extension and strategic location. One of the emblematic cases regarding this was the opposition that Tompkins and his foundation put up to the Hidroaysen hydroelectric project, which was canceled. In this sense, it is worth mentioning the differences between the impact of conservation directed by the state and what is observed from the results obtained in the analysis of the case studies of this research. According to Tecklin & Sepulvada (2014) the protected areas of SNASPE are conceived as areas of strict conservation by the local communities, they a preponderant role as a tool that allows improving the quality of life of the communities surrounding these areas. So in the socio-territorial dimension their contributiondon’t have is scarce. This contrasts with what is observed in the private areas under study, which, in pursuit of goals that go beyond conservation, have other forms of local governance and consider economic purposes, so their influence may be more relevant.  The PPAs are so different that international norms and Chilean standards for protected areas cannot be generally applied. The confirmation for this statement may be seen in the fact that the PPAs studied in this research are distinguished by their heterogeneity. All vary significantly in size, from 291,510 ha (Parque Karukinka), 284,630 ha (Parque Pumalín) to many with a few hectares like Area Costera Protegida Punta Curiñanco (80 ha) or Oncol Park (75,4 ha). Their ownership structure varies also significantly. Private protected areas can be in the hand of foreign millionaires like in the case of Pumalín Park; indigenous communities like Red the Parques Indigenas del Mapu Lahual, business families like Reserva Biológica de Huilo Huilo. NGOs can be the owners of private protected areas for example the Valdivian Coastal Reserve which is run by the Nature Conservancy. The Oncol Park is run by Arauco a Chilean forestry company, as a compensation project. These results demonstrated that during the last 30 years the implementation of PPAs played a major role in transforming the landscape as well as on regional and local development. This comes in contrast to European countries where conservation is seen by mainly as responsibility of the state. This can also be seen in the light of neoliberal and capitalistic principles associated with the acquisition and possession of large areas of land (Pauchard & Villarroel 2002; Holmes 2014, 2015). In this sense, the Chilean case is a good example, of how environmental conservation can be considered a business and as mentioned by De Matheus e Silva et al. (2018) a new strategy of capitalist accumulation in southern Chile, which is decisive in local socio- spatial transformations and in the commodification of nature and landscape. A process not exempt from contradictions and potential conflicts due to the heterogeneity of the initiatives.

8 Conclusion

This thesis gave an overview of PPAs, their distribution within Latin America and their specific effects. The three case studies in Chile (Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo, Pumalín Park and Oncol Park) differ significantly in their size, local impact, ownership structure. In contrast to the small Oncol Park the regional and national importance of the the Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo and the Pumalín Park is very significant. Additionally, it has to be considered that large private protected areas receive more attention from the media and politicians compared to small private protected areas. Nevertheless, they are far more in number and generally contribute positively in the regional development. In this sense, more case studies that analyze the local impacts of small private protected area projects are necessary. In Chile the implementation of these large private protected areas has generated a political debate about private conservation due to the territorial implications that large- scale projects have. In the case of the Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo the transition to conservation was caused by the decline of forestry in the area, after which the state did not actively promote a change in the economic matrix of the area, leaving did not actively local development guidelines in private hands. In the case of Pumalín Park, mainly absentee plots were bought by the philanthropist Douglas Tompkins during the 1990s, this action was viewed with skepticism by politicians and private parties for years. In both cases, it should be noted that the concern arises once the project has been developed, demonstrating that, in many cases, territorial planning and regional development respond more slowly than private initiatives. On the other hand, a transition from private protected areas towards National Parks in Chile is occurring. Through the transition act on the 29th January of 2018 between the Chilean state and the Tompkins Foundation, the Pumalín was integrated into the National Park system. Ex-president of the Republic of Chile, Michelle Bachelet and Kris Tompkins, CEO of Conservación Patagónica, participated in the ceremony (Fig. 14). This phenomenon is very new in the recent history of Chile. Since the beginning of the project the owners planned to transfer the territory to the state. This makes Pumalín Park e similar policies. How a successful sustainable development of the region can be achieved is still under discussion by local inhabitantsexceptional, and as other also atprivate the political protected level. areas don’t shar This is because there are discrepancies between some political actors in the regional government of Aysén and the local inhabitants, since not all of them agree that almost 90% of the regional surface is destined for conservation, believing that this restricts the possibilities for development of other economic activities, such as raising livestock, mining development and hydroelectric power. In addition, some sectors view with distrust that regional development is based almost exclusively on tourism, a sector that is still being consolidated in the area. These concerns have been raised by the current government, who in April 2018 were open to review the arguments against the creation of the Patagonia parks network (Cooperativa 2018).

8 Conclusion

Figure 14 Ex-president Michelle Bachelet and Kris Tompkins CEO of Conservación Patagónica at the transition act Source: López García 2017

It is also important to consider how future political developments will have effects on PPAs and global conservation. Since the beginning of the 21st century world politics have been changing rapidly. They are triggered by globalisation processes, migration and shifts in economic and strategic alliances and affiliations due to augmented military conflicts. Recent events like elections results in favour of right-wing populist parties, diplomatic crisis, re-militarisation and internal security concerns seem to confirm these tendencies. In general, a flight into the unknown is taking place in world politics, with formally firmly established orders and institutions becoming increasingly meaningless. Nation states could decide to adopt a more protectionist strategy and import substitution industrialization economy in order to secure their freedom, sovereignty and self- determination. Of course, this will have effects on the soil market and therefore indirectly affect the future of private protected areas as well. Depending on the size and ownership structure their status or reintegration into the National Park system might be possible. In the case of Pumalín Park this already has happened. Of course, the future of PPAs depends also on the legal constitution and the legal acknowledgment of the country they are located in. Finally, this thesis seeks to advance geographic science in the field of Latin American studies and conservation studies. Chile in general and the sparsely populated Patagonia in particular, are located in the very periphery of the world economic centres and powers. However, this thesis showed that global developments and capital continue to influence these regions in the form of land acquisition as private protected areas. Further studies of how this region will be affected by the new era of political and economic uncertainties will be necessary.

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10 Directory of illustrations, tables and abbreviations

10 Directory of illustrations, tables and abbreviations Illustration Directory

Figure 1 Events in conservation, politics and science between 19th and 21st century Source: Zimmermann et al. 2007, CONAF 2018, BfN 2018a, BfN 2018b, Nationalparks in Austria 2018, own interpretations...... 20 Figure 2 a) Parque Nacional Conguillío b) Parque Nacional Villarrica c) Parque Nacional Vicente Pérez Rosales d) Parque Nacional Torres del Paine Source: Author ...... 23 Figure 3 Large protected areas in the Alps (as of 05/2016) Source: Bender et al. 2017 ...... 25 Figure 4 The three zones of a Biosphere Reserve Source: Lourival et al. 2011 modified ...... 26 Figure 5 Großes Walsertal –View south-westward from the foot of Blasenka over the Seewaldsee Source: Böhringer Friedrich 2008 ...... 27 Figure 6 a) Nothofagus trees b) Fitzroya cypressoides (Alerce) Source: Author ...... 30 Figure 7 Location of Pumalín Park north of Chaitén Source: Author ...... 33 Figure 8 a) Café Caleta Gonzalo b) Dead trees and secondary vegetation on the slopes of the Chaitén volcano after the 2008 eruption c) Pasture at the southern entry of Pumalín park – El Amarillo d) Camp site at the El Amarillo entry Source: Author ...... 33 Figure 9 Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo within the Reserva de la Bíosfera Andino Nordpatagónica Source: Author...... 34 Figure 10 a) Volcano Mocho-Choshuenco b) Huilo Huilo waterfalls c) Spring festival in Neltume d) Sawmill and dryer in Neltume Source: Author ...... 36 Figure 11 Location of the Oncol park near Valdivia Source: Hora & Marchant 2016...... 37 Figure 12 a) Latua pubiflora (“Palo de los brujos”) blossom b) Lookout of Oncol park towards the Pacific ocean c) Entry of Oncol park d) Entry of the nearby Pilunkura park Photos: Author ...... 38 Figure 13 Sustainability matrix of the published articles Source: Author ...... 49 Figure 14 Ex-president Michelle Bachelet and Kris Tompkins CEO of Conservación Patagónica at the transition act Source: López García 2017 ...... 53

Index of tables

Table 1 National Parks in Germany sorted by year of foundation Source: BfN 2018b ...... 17 Table 2 Austrian National Parks Source: Nationalparks in Austria 2018 ...... 18 Table 3 National Parks in Chile Source: CONAF 2018...... 19 Table 4 Different use zones of Biosphere Reserves Source: Lourival et al. 2011 ...... 26 Table 5 Private protected areas in different Latin American countries Source: Hora 2018 ...... 29 Table 6 Main private protected areas in Chile Source: Author ...... 31 Table 7 The concept of neo-positivism Source: Blotevogel 1998 changed ...... 40 Table 8 Terms used by scholars writing about PPAs Source: Author ...... 41 Table 9 Key informants interviewed Source: Author...... 43 Table 10 Matrix of methods used. Source: Author ...... 46

List of abbreviations CONAF Corporación Nacional Forestal NGO Non-governmental organisation NP National Park IUCN International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources PPA Private Protected Area

11 Appendix – Published Articles in Original Format

11 Appendix Published Articles in Original Format

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Research eco.mont – Volume 9, Number 1, January 2017 ISSN 2073-106X print version – ISSN 2073-1558 online 5 version: http://epub.oeaw.ac.at/eco.mont https://dx.doi.org/10.1553/eco.mont-9-1s5

Do large private protected areas contribute to sustainable development? A case study from the Huilo Huilo Biological Reserve in Neltume, Chile

Benedikt Hora

Keywords: private protected areas, sustainable tourism, Chilean Andes, economic transition

Abstract Profile This study explores the impacts perceived by the local population in Neltume, a Protected area small rural village in the mountains of southern Chile, after a private protected area, the Huilo Huilo Biological Reserve, was established. Since the 1990s, Neltume Huilo Huilo Biological has experienced economic transition from the forestry sector to the development of special-interest tourism. This research aims to investigate how this transition affects the local population and tourism in the area. Methods used were secondary data Reserve review, participant observation, semi-structured interviews with key informants, and questionnaires with local householders, students and tourists. The results indicate Mountain range that this kind of private protected area plays an important role in local development. However, such developments could present a risk in the future because they create a Andes strong dependency for local inhabitants on just one economic activity. Country

Chile

Introduction nancially to implement a rainforest protection area where the forest was threatened by logging. Another Private actors have become increasingly prominent example is the Mbaracayú Natural Forest Reserve in in conserving naturally valuable areas. Their numbers Paraguay, which aims to protect the Atlantic Forest, are rising thanks in particular to neoliberal tendencies one of the five world biodiversityhotspots (Quintana in conservation which emphasize and strengthen the & Morse 2005). In Brazil, similar private initiatives role of private individuals. This phenomenon can be have been developed. There, the small private reserves observed worldwide, particularly in developing coun- (< 50 ha) tend to be more successful in conservation tries. Private initiatives can be linked to biodiversity and ecotourism (Pegas & Castley 2014). Chile has 308 conservation, biocarbon sequestration, biofuels, eco- Private Protected Areas (PPAs), with an estimated area system services and ecotourism (Fairhead et al. 2012). of 1 651 916 ha (Núñez et al. 2013). In Chile, Mapuche Igoe & Brockington (2007) argue that the neoliberali- indigenous communities have implemented private zation of conservation involves the regulation of na- protection initiatives on their territories (Meza 2009). ture through commodification. Holmes (2012, 2014) According to the IUCN guidelines, PPAs are de- points out three reasons for this new phenomenon. fined as thoseunder “ individual, cooperative, NGO or Firstly, the retreat of state bodies and an increase of corporate control and/or ownership, and managed under not- NGOs who are running protected areas, formulating for-profit or for-profit schemes […] [where] the authority for policies, and becoming more active in other environ- managing the protected land and resources rests with the land- mental protective activities. Second, conservation is owners, who determine the conservation objective, develop and increasingly integrated in market mechanisms. In or- enforce management plans and remain in charge of decisions, der to protect biodiversity, valuable land is sold, for subject to applicable legislation” (Dudley 2008, 26). Newly example for bio-prospecting or ecotourism, or as pay- established areas are often considered problematic, as ments for ecosystem services. Third, since the 1980s benefits from the areas’ resources are seized by outsid- and accelerating since the 2000s, leading NGOs have ers, causing exclusion and harm to local people and increased their cooperation with companies, copying possibly leading to displacement and impoverishment. their methods, for example in marketing, and showing For example, evidence from the ecotourism project their own activities in a good light. in the Tayrona National Park in Colombia (90% of In Latin America, private actors are the main driv- which remains in private hands) shows that ancestral ers in transforming environmentally valuable land inhabitants were displaced. In 2010, fishermen who into protected areas (Büscher & Whande 2007). This were living beside the beach in the park were evicted. is facilitated by the new global policies dealing with Most of them left for the nearby city of Santa Marta climate change and environmental degradation. One (Ojeda 2012). In the coastal areas of Tanzania, wild- example is the Regenwald der Österreicher environmental life conservation has led to an end of former activities project in Costa Rica, in which an Austrian non-profit (e. g. smallscale fishing) and capital accumulation by a organization helped the Costa Rican government fi- number of powerful actors (revenue-seeking state of- Research 6

Figure 1 – Study area.

ficials, international conservation organizations, tour- Public protected areas cover 19.2% of Chile’s ter- ist companies, the State Treasury) (Benjaminsen & ritory, comprising 36 National Parks, 49 National Bryceson 2012). However, harm to the local people Reserves and 15 Natural Monuments, and covering can be mitigated if the protection process is carried 14 500 000 million ha (Sierralta et al. 2011). Most of out in a participatory manner. Although establishing the protected areas are concentrated in the far south, PPAs can result in conflicts, they make a significant in the Patagonian fjords region, and the extreme north contribution to biological conservation in some areas of the country, where conflicts in land use are rare. (Holmes 2013), and analysing PPAs is important be- Chile has 308 PPAs, with an estimated area of cause they are relatively rarely studied. It is also rel- 1 651 916 ha (Núñez et al. 2013), or 2.12% of Chile’s evant to explore how and why this trend has emerged territory. However, they tend to be in areas with higher and the impacts that PPAs have on both people and protection value and threatened biomes (Pliscoff & nature (Holmes 2015). Fuentes-Castillo 2001), mainly in areas of the Chilean Chile presents a good example of neoliberal change temperate forests, which are classified as biological in Latin America, which was introduced shortly after hotspots (Echeverría et al. 2006). 34% of the plants in the establishment of the military regime (1973). From these forests are endemic (Armesto et al. 1996). Im- then on, private actors took over public tasks. Pri- portant endemic trees located in the area are from the vate actors also became more active in conservation Nothofagus (southern beeches) family or the Fitzroya cy- (Sepúlveda 1997; Corcuera 2000; Tecklin & Sepúlveda pressoides (Alerce), among many others. 2014). The first PPAs were established in Chile at the Many areas of native forest in southern Chile were end of the 1980s (Parque Oncol 1989; Santuario El converted in the 20th century to forest plantations, Cañi 1990; Parque Pumalín 1991) (Sepúlveda & García where the Pinus radiata imported from California and 1997). Holmes (2013) mentions four factors that have Eucalyptus globulus are found in monocultures for cel- facilitated their implementation in Chile: lulose extraction and wood chip production (Oyarzún - The strong property rights; & Huber 1999). The Decree Law 701 of 1974 aimed - market-orientated solutions propagated by the mili- to convert the forestry industry into a largely privately tary regimen; owned, exporting business. This included selling the - the possibility of running a PPA profitably, espe- country’s forests at artificially low prices to private cially through speculation; industry, direct subsidies for plantation (75% of the - a sufficient number of wealthy Chileans who are cost), and tax exemptions (Wilson et al. 2005). This interested in owning a PPA. ongoing process has led to decreasing native forests. Benedikt Hora 7

Plantations are found particularly in the regions of side, the Biosphere reserve borders on the Reserva de la Bio-Bio, la Araucanía, Los Ríos and Los Lagos. This Biósfera Andino Nordpatagónica. destruction of native forest also enhanced the interest This region of southern Chile was originally inhab- of implementing PPAs. ited by Mapuche communities, an indigenous group In this process towards PPAs, the Reserva Biológica who have their main living sites in the la Frontera area. Huilo Huilo can be seen as an emblematic example. The first non-indigenous residents came to the area in The forestry industry was in a crisis and the native 1885. Then a mission from the Order of Friars Minor forests in the area were becoming increasingly deci- Capuchin arrived and established schools and church- mated. With the establishment of the reserve and the es (Kohut 2006). Neltume, which is situated further conversion to tourism, a new economic opportunity into the mountains, became colonized at the begin- developed not only for the owners of the reserve but ning of the 20th century through a boom in the wood also for the local community. The public sector has industry in Chile at the time. In 1947, Panguipulli be- also helped the region to become a tourist destination, came an official municipality (Rivas 2006). through the creation of the Destino Turístico Siete Lagos During the first decades of the 20th century, other within the strategic regional development plan of the colonists came, and extracting the native forest be- Los Ríos region. Serenari et al. (2015) have already car- came a major economic activity in the area. The fun- ried out an investigation of the community living close dos (country estates) were organized privately by large to the Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo using a cultural con- land owners. In 1971, under Allende, the socialist sensus survey. The study showed that the community government expropriated all the former owners in the had divided opinions about the private reserve. One area. They created a large-scale state-owned company group missed jobs in the forestry industry; the other which managed 360 000 ha of land in the Cordillera was happy with the new opportunities in tourism. of Panguipulli, Neltume, Liquiñe and Chihuío – the In this context, the present article aims to give an Complejo Forestal y Maderero Panguipulli. The productive initial picture of the perceived impacts that the pro- centre of the Complejo was Neltume, where the saw- tected area has in a small rural village in southern mill and dryer were located. From there, the processed Chile (Neltume), and of the inhabitants’ perception wood was transported via Choshuenco and Panguipul- of the local development. Focus groups were adult li to the markets. In total 3 500 people were employed home-owners and students finishing high school. in the Company in the 1970s (CODEPU 1990). Dur- Visiting tourists were also asked for their opinions of ing the military regime, the company was run by the this kind of conservation initiative. The main research CONAF (Corporación Nacional Forestal). During the last questions were: How is the implementation of a PPA phase of the military regime, the state owned prop- affecting those who live nearby socio-economically erties; between 1987 and 1990, large amounts of the and socio-culturally? How do opinions differ between land were sold at cheap prices to Chilean businessmen adults and young students? How is the project - per (CODEPU 1990). ceived by tourists? And finally, how is the implementa- The Petermann family, who now own the Reserva tion of the PPA shaping the regional development of Biológica Huilo Huilo, also bought shares in the com- Neltume and its surroundings? plex. During the mid-1990s, when the forest industry was in crisis, Petermann sold off some land to inves- Study area tors, to be used as pleasure lots. Finally, in the year 2000, the Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo was created, with The Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo comprises around an area of 60 000ha (Román & Nahuelhual 2009). In 100 000 ha in the municipalities of Panguipulli and recent years it has been extended to 100 000 ha. Within Futrono, in the Los Ríos region in Chile. It is located the reserve, tourism projects were very soon started in the main Andean range close to the Argentinean (Huilo Huilo Tourism Development, Huilo Huilo border. The rural village studied, Neltume, which is Foundation), and most recently the Real Estate Huilo surrounded by the Reserva, has approximately 3 000 in- Huilo was created. All these initiatives tended to pre- habitants (Zumelzu 2014). sent an idyllic, natural, wild image of the area. The Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo (Figure 1) is located In first decade of thest 21 century, the newly es- within the Reserva de la Biósfera de los Bosques Templados, tablished tourist area started to attract foreigners and established by UNESCO in 2007. This biosphere re- local Chileans alike. In recent years, access to the area serve comprises 2 296 795 ha in which many other has been improved by new paved roads along the national parks are located (Pino et al. 2014). Most ofnorth shores of Panguipulli lake, thus increasing the the Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo is located in the buf- numbers of tourists. fer zone of the Biosphere reserve, where limited human activity is permitted, and a transition zone where Methods greater activity is allowed. The core zone with strict protection is located outside the reserve, within the Data used in this study was obtained during two Reserva Nacional Mocho-Choshuenco, on the slopes of periods of fieldwork: (1) between January and August the Mocho-Choshuenco volcano. On the Argentinian 2015, and (2) in February and March 2016. A mixed Research 8

methodology was used, consisting of secondary data ond survey with students of Nelturne (n = 27) and review (including various government reports and Hu- young people, asking for their perceptions of the fu- ilo Huilo’s visitors statistics provided by the Founda- ture development of the village, was conducted in the tion), participant observation (informal conversations rural school. The intention was to have two local focus with local actors and participation in local activities), groups whose opinions would probably differ. Finally, and 14 semi-structured interviews with key inform- in order to investigate the opinions and perceptions of ants (Table 1). visitors to Huilo Huilo (n = 138), tourists were asked The interviews were recorded and transcribed, and for their opinions about the PPA. Table 2 summarizes the contents were subsequently analysed using a codi- the questions for each group. fication method in which themes, words, phrases and All the information collected was triangulated, a interpretations are flagged within and across the tran- technique which, according to Olsen (2004), allows scripts (Gomez & Jones 2010). the mixing of data or methods so that diverse view- In order to garner local opinion about the socio- points or standpoints cast light upon a topic. This economic and cultural changes driven by the imple- method was used in order to validate the results of mentation of this PPA, a survey with local people the study. The combination of the expert interviews, (n = 63) living in the nearby village of Neltume was the different surveys and literature review allows the carried out. More than 60 households were selected in-depth analysis of the perceived impacts of the PPA randomly and canvassed using a questionnaire. A sec- in the local development of Neltume.

Table 1 – Key informants interviewed. Actor Responsible for Private sector Member of the landowner’s family Administration of the Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo Executive from the forestry sector Forestry management plan of the Huilo Huilo project Head of the Fundación Huilo Huilo Various social, environmental and research projects within the Fun- dación Huilo Huilo Huilo Huilo journalist Public relations of the Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo Governmental Head of the Mocho Choshuenco National Reserve Administration of the Reserva Nacional Mocho Choshuenco offices Head of the Regional Office of Protected Areas Administration of the PPAs in the Los Ríos Region (CONAF) Head of CONAF – Panguipulli Administration of the PPAs in the Panguipulli section NGOs Head of Nature Conservancy, Valdivia Administration of the PPA Reserva Costera Valdiviana Staff member of the World Wildlife Foundation, Working with the World Wildlife Foundation in Valdivia Valdivia Local Valdivian man working in the forestry business Good knowledge of the forestry industry in the Los Ríos Region stakeholders Owner of a tourism agency in Neltume Running an ecotourism agency focused on special-interest tourism in Neltume Small tourism entrepreneur in Neltume Running a hostel in Neltume Head of a civil organization (Frente ambientalista Coordinating various social and environmental groups in the region de Panguipulli) Academia Professor working on environmental conservation Experience in varoius environmental conservation projects in the from the Universidad Austral de Chile region and Chile

Table 2 – Summary of questions per group. Questions for local people Questions for students Questions for visitors Household characteristics Household characteristics Basic biographical information Number of family members Number of family members Place of residence Town / City / Country How long resident in Neltume How long resident in Neltume Age and sex Age and sex Age and sex Educational level Educational level Educational level Current job Current job / occupation Parents’ current job / occupation Are you working, or is someone in your What do you want to do after finishing school Basic information about your stay family working on the Huilo Huilo Project? (study at university, study for a technical How are you travelling? Where? career, work)? Where are you staying? Do you believe that the socio-economic situ- Would you like to work on the Huilo Huilo How many days are you staying in the area ation has improved in recent years? Why? project in the future? Why? (Panguipulli municipality)? How much will you spend (approx.) during Do you think that Huilo Huilo is a support for Where do you want to live in the future? your stay? (US$ or CLP) the community of Neltume? Why? Do you think that Huilo Huilo is a support for What means of transport do you use? the community of Neltume? Why? In what outdoor activities do you participate Do you think that Huilo Huilo respects the Are you working, or is someone in your here in the Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo? labour rights of their workers? Why? family working on the Huilo Huilo Project? Have you visited the Reserva Nacional Mo- Where? cho – Choshuenco? Are you satisfied with the activities developed Do you take part in the activities developed Opinions about your stay by the Fundacíon Huilo Huilo in Neltume? by the Fundacíon Huilo Huilo in Neltume? Do you like the conservation concept of the Which ones? Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo? Your opinion of the Huilo Huilo Project How do you see your future? And your job? Do you find the entrance fees and activi- Write a few words. ties within the Biological Reserve cheap or expensive? Benedikt Hora 9

Results

Socio-demographic profile of the local inhabitants of Neltume The average age of the inhabitants questioned was 45. The average time the people had lived in Neltume was 30 years. 21 were male and 42 were female. The households had an average 3.6 members. 31.6% were between 0 and 18 years of age; 59.4% were aged 18 to 65, and 9% were over 65. People were asked about the occupation of the other members of their households. 32 were working in the tourism sector, 20 in the forestry sector, 5 in other businesses, and 6 were retired. The majority of the inhabitants work in tourism, but a significant minority are still active in- for estry, while others worked independently, for example in their own small shops. Where educational level was concerned, 33 had basic education (8 years of formal education in Chile), 25 had a medium level of education (12 years of formal Chilean education), and 5 had a university degree.

Current economic activities A wide variety of special-interest tourist activities and sightseeing opportunities exist in Neltume (Fig- ure 2). Outdoor activities possible in the area include rafting in the Fuy river, kayaking on Pirihueico lake, trekking, mountaineering, skiing (Huilo Huilo is the Figure 2 – (top) Neltume and the Mocho Choshuenco; (bottom) Museo de los only ski resort in South America where you can go Volcanes © B. Hora skiing all year round), mountain biking, horse riding and fly fishing. The most important cultural attraction is the museum, the Centro Cultural Museo y Memoria de Neltume, which presents the history of the Mapuche culture, and the economic changes in the area in recent decades. There is another museum, the Museo de los Volcanes, within the Huilo Huilo territory. This complex also includes its own brewery, the Petermann Artisanal Brewery, and a restaurant. The Fundación Huilo Huilo also develops conservation projects, which attract scientific tourism to the area, and organize various festivals, such as the spring festival or the Festival de Artes in Neltume (Figure 3). These initiatives bring the community together and give the inhabitants the chance to participate in work- shops to learn new skills (mosaics, crafts and natural cosmetics). With regard to the tourism infrastructure in the village, accommodation has increased from just one hostel in 2005 to more than 15 cabins, 5 hostels and bed & breakfasts, 4 camp sites, 6 lodges and 2 hotels in 2016. Services like small supermarkets, bakeries, coffee shops, restaurants, internet facilities and craft shops are also to be found, all developed by local families. The Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo has won various awards for sustainable tourism: as best destination for Conservación de la Vida Silvestre y su Hábitat, and the Vir- gin Holidays Responsible Tourism Award 2012. It also won the Ecotrophea awarded by the German Travel Figure 3 – Activities during the spring festival in Neltume, 2015. © B. Hora Research 10

Agency (DRV) in 2012. In 2015, it won the World 2% 11% Legacy Award in the category Conservation of the real 19% world organized by National Geographic. At national Yes, deﬁnitely Yes, moderately level, in 2011 Huilo Huilo won FEDETUR’s Feder-( Yes, a lile ación de Turismo) recognition as the most sustainable 17% Not at all tourist destination in the country. No answer Socio-economic changes perceived by the inhabitants of Neltume Of the 63 inhabitants questioned, 12 (19%) answered that they had definitely experienced a socio-economic improvement in recent years (Figure 4). 32 (51%) 51% said that they had experienced moderate economic improvement. In answer to the question about whether Figure 4 – Answers to the question: Do you think that your the Huilo Huilo project was helping support the local socio-economic situation has improved in recent years? (n=63) community (Figure 5), 25 (40%) stated that it definitely was; 24 (38%) thought that the project had brought 5% some moderate improvement. The peak-season income Yes, completely isn’t enough alone to live off for a whole year. 17% The households of Neltume who were less satis- Yes, moderately fied with their economic situation were those who 40% Yes, a lile were generating their income predominantly from for- Not at all estry, which is in decline because the Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo focuses on conservation. This new model of development based on tourism was a big change for the older people, because it implies a new relationship with nature. One interviewee (male, over 70) said: 38% „We had worked with wood for our entire life … For us, if we did not cut down a tree, there was no bread… When Mr. Pe - Figure 5 – Answers to the question: Do you think that Huilo termann came and bought here in Huilo Huilo, we thought that Huilo is supporting the local community? (n=63) we would be unemployed, we didn’t understand what tourism was.” In the household survey, people who declared that they were completely satisfied or more or less- sat to Lake Neltume through an 11-kilometre-long tunnel isfied with their economic situation had a total of 20 with a diameter of 6.3 m (Endesa 2016). This would out of 22 family members working in the tourism sec- subsequently reduce the water flow of the Fuy River tor. The people still working in forestry saw their own and the runoff of the main attraction, the Huilo Huilo economic situation as less prosperous, but they didn’t waterfalls, which are already prone to dry out in the want to be involved in tourism. However, the picture summer months. is not black and white because some of the households that included forestry workers also had family Feminization of the workforce members working in the tourism sector. In total, there Women especially have benefitted from the eco- are only 85 inhabitants of Neltume working directly nomic transition; changes to their working lives have for the Forestal Neltume Carranco forestry plant. changed the life of the community significantly. When Although the new work opportunities related to forestry was the main source of employment, most tourism are welcome, the inhabitants see problems re- women worked in the home and only a small per- garding how this business currently functions. Firstly, centage worked outside, as school teachers, in crafts people see a strong dependency on this seasonal ac- or in the health sector, for example. The men worked tivity, whose duration is really short, because in Chile mainly in the forestry industry and were considered winter tourism is not a massive phenomenon. Sec- the bread-winners. Now, women are able to earn their ondly, most of the people do not have start-up capital own money to help their families, mainly in the ho- to set up their own businesses (mostly cabins, which tel and restaurant sectors. Many women have been are the preferred kind of undertaking), and they com- trained in new skills in Huilo Huilo, like baking and plain about the lack of government support to invest cooking. One woman interviewed (40 years old) said: in the tourism sector. Thirdly, many of those inter- “I have been working in the hotel for four years. Although my viewed see the implementation of the Neltume Hy- income is low, I can help my husband and we can raise our kids. droelectric Plant by the Spanish company Endesa as a They don’t need to work like we did when we were young […]. serious risk for the environment and subsequently for Without tourism we would have emigrated, because it is difficult tourist activities. The water required to operate the hy- to find a job here in Neltume; maybe in Panguipulli it’s easier droelectric station will be carried from Lake Pirihueico because it’s a small city, but here… no…” Benedikt Hora 11

350

8% 300

Yes, completely 250 11% Yes, moderately 200 41% Yes, a lile 150 10% Not at all 100 No answer 50

0 r s y y k a a a a a d n n m li na el ain in do and Ital stri Peru ance eden n rl 30% zu Sp Brazil bani Ch Japa ua stra rman Fr azilan Au Mexico Canada ge Al ne Sw Belgiu Ec Uruguay itze Au Denmar Ge Colombia therlands Ar Sw Ve eat Britai Sw Ne Gr United State Figure 6 – Answers to the question: Do you think that Huilo Figure 7 – Foreign visitors to Huilo Huilo hotels, October Huilo supports the community in Neltume? (n=27). 2014 to October 2015.

How young people of Neltume see their future known as an exclusive high-end hotel in the Patagon- In March 2016, 27 students aged 14 to 16 at the ian rainforest. With the awards gained, international Tierra Esperanza school took part in a survey. (Usually attention was brought to the Huilo Huilo hotels. Na- students leave school at 17.) They were asked what ca- tional and international companies also offer packages reer they wanted to follow after school. Eleven replied and organized tours, which attract more visitors. that they wanted to go to university; 4 replied that they Finally, at the entrance to the Huilo Huilo water- wanted to learn something technical; 4 replied that falls, the most-visited attraction in the area, visitors they wanted to work. Another question concerned were asked for their opinions about the biological re- whether they would like to work within the Huilo- Huserve (Figure 8). More than 76% of the tourists were ilo project: 5 said that they would like to; 17 said that satisfied with the conservation concept. Most of them they would not like to; 5 did not answer the question. had visited the Huilo Huilo waterfalls. The visitors When asked whether they wanted to stay in Nel- who were not satisfied complained about high prices, tume or leave for a town, 5 declared that they wanted of around US$5 per person. 60% of the tourists ques- to stay, and 13 that they wanted to leave Neltume for tioned were staying in holiday flats in Neltume, Puerto another town in Chile or to leave the country. So the Fuy or Choshuenco. 16% were staying in one of Huilo majority of the students wanted to leave the village, as Huilo’s hotels and a further 16% on nearby campsites. they see a lack of opportunity there. The majority also The remaining 10% were just on a day visit from other agreed that Huilo Huilo is a great support for the vil- cities. Out of the 138 tourists, 19% were visiting the lage. 14 (52%) out of 27 answered with “Yes, completely” site as part of a tour organized by an agency, and 71% or with “Yes, moderately” (Figure 6). Most claimed that were travelling independently, usually by car. 90% of Huilo Huilo gives the community jobs. Neltume and visitors lived in Chile and 10% came from abroad. On Huilo Huilo do not offer many professional jobs out- average, the tourists spend US$341 per day. This rela- side the hotel and tourism sector, due to the relative tively high amount of money reflects the spending in isolation. Most professional Huilo Huilo employees the high-priced hotels of Huilo Huilo. It is possible, come from other Chilean cities, especially the capital. however, that the money spent was for the whole trav- However, the research also showed that some people el group, so the value could be biased. from larger cities in Chile move to Neltume and work in tourism or as teachers in the school, because they Concluding remarks like the amenities and the pristine surroundings. With increasing economic improvement in the area, some The economic transformation experienced by Nel- students at Tierra Esperanza might rethink and after tume in recent decades has changed the traditional completing their education in the cities return to Nel- landscape of this mountain area. Nowadays, Neltume tume to work in a local business or within the Huilo and its surroundings are moving away from forestry Huilo project. (extraction of trees) to become an area of special- tourist tourism focused on environmental education How visitors see the project and outdoor activities. This rapid change was trig- Between October 2014 and October 2015, 12 881 gered by a private initiative, which shows the signifi- Chilean nationals visited Huilo Huilo’s hotels, stay- cant role that the private sector can play in regional ing at least one night (Fundación Huilo Huilo 2015). development in normally marginalized rural areas. Foreign visitors came predominantly from Argentina, In general, the formerly isolated Neltume has seen a Germany, the United States, Brazil and Switzerland sharp increase in connectivity through the develop- (Figure 7). The Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo is well ment projects triggered by the Reserva Biológica Huilo Research 12

3% indigenous community can moderate conflicts of in- 8% terest (for example, the construction of the planned Yes, completely hydroelectric powerplants). It can be expected that Yes, more or less 13% the influx of tourists will increase in the near future. Not so much Mitigating the negative side effects, such as increased Not at all traffic, and waste and water management, will be an important topic.

Acknowledgements

76% This research was supported by the University of Innsbruck through the PhD scholarship NEU Nach- wuchsförderung 2015. I am also grateful to the people in Figure 8 – Answers to the question: Do you like the conservation Neltume and the Huilo Huilo Foundation, who helped concept of the Reserva Biológica Huilo Huilo? (n=138) me with data and their valuable local knowledge.

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Zumelzu, L. 2014. Neltume, de una economía maderera Author a enclave del turismo de conservación: Una aproximación a las transformaciones económicas y socio-ambientales 1990- 2010. Benedikt Hora Seminario de título para optar al título de Profesora studied Geography at the University of Innsbruck, de Historia y Ciencias Sociales y a los grados de Licen- Austria, and gained a Master’s degree in Global Change ciada en Educación-Bachiller en Humanidades y Cien- and Regional Development from the same university. cias Sociales, Universidad Austral de Chile, Valdivia. He is currently a PhD student at the University of [In Spanish] Innsbruck. His research interests are mountain sci- Zunino, H.M. & R. Hidalgo 2010. En busca de la ence, regional development, settlement geography and utopía verde: migrantes de amenidad en la comuna the geography of rural areas. His focus regions are de Pucón, IX región de La Araucanía, Chile. Scripta Latin America and Europe. Nova Revista Electrónica de Geografía y Ciencias Sociales, Institute of Geography, University of Innsbruck, XIV(331). Available at: http://www.ub.edu/geocrit/ Innrain 52f; 6020 Innsbruck, Austria, E-mail: benedikt. sn/sn-331/sn-331-75.htm (accessed: 20/10/16) [In [email protected] Spanish] Management & Policy Issues eco.mont – Volume 10, Number 1, January 2018 ISSN 2073-106X print version – ISSN 2073-1558 online version: http://epub.oeaw.ac.at/eco.mont 87 https://dx.doi.org/10.1553/eco.mont-10-1s87

Private Protected Areas in Latin America: Between conservation, sustainability goals and economic interests. A review

Benedikt Hora, Carla Marchant & Axel Borsdorf

Keywords: private mountain protected areas, local development, conservation

Abstract Worldwide, but particularly in Latin America, private protected areas (PPAs), including in mountain areas, have become increasingly numerous. In some Latin American countries, PPAs complement the public protected areas to a significant degree. Beneficiaries of these private protection initiatives, which often close gaps in fragmented biomes, may be governments or eco-tourism operators. Drawbacks of PPAs are the lack of clear definitions and ownership, the absence of suitable management, green grabbing, and limited government support. This article gives an overview of PPAs in mountain regions and presents the most important literature published so far.

Introduction to marketing and sustainable self-financing, and bring operational expertise to the competitive industry of Worldwide, a trend towards privatization can be ob- international nature tourism. served (Jeanetti 2008). Even in countries with a strong Furthermore, many studies have demonstrated the market tradition, many services are being contracted private sector’s increasing role in biodiversity conser- out to the private sector, justifying this development in vation (Edwards 1995; Merrifield 1996; Krug 2001). terms of effectiveness, cost efficiency, and the gener - Following the recent opening of private protected ar- ally poor performance of public agencies (Donahue eas (PPAs) in some states, the commitment by other 1989; Kramer et al. unpublished). These trends are countries to expand the total combined protected ar- motivated by the hope that market incentives may re- eas in a representative and well-connected manner, as duce costs and encourage innovations. Castree (2008) part of the Convention on Biological Diversity’s Aichi coined the term neoliberalization of nature to refer to the Target 11, will require the inclusion of a range of pro- current trend that seeks to apply market forces to nat- tection mechanisms over a variety of tenures, includ- ural spaces, demonstrating that the environment does ing strengthening the status of protected areas over not escape these trends. private land (Woodley et al. 2012). Traditionally nature protection, conservation and The aim of this article is to give a critical review regional development have been the concern of public of this new kind of protected areas, and to analyse authorities (Langholz & Lassoie 2001), as normally the whether the liberal movement of the state towards implementation of protected areas needed public fi - private initiatives may lead to enhanced conservation nancing and was not regarded as a business. However, and protection of critical biodiversity, labile ecology, the privatization trend reached nature conservation in increased participation by citizen, and sustainable de- the late 1980s (Holmes 2015). In many countries, pri- velopment. We will look specifically at mountain pro- vate actors declared land as a protected area, bought tected areas in the Latin American context. Mountains land to create such sites, or even took over the con- are important as ecosystem service providers, are of- trol of former national parks. Igoe and Brockington ten hotspots of biodiversity, strongly affected by the (2007) argue that the neo-liberalization of conserva- effects of climate change and globalization, and influ- tion involves the regulation of nature through com- enced by the land demands of amenity migrants. They modification. also attract visitors with specific interests in nature, Rivera and Vallejos (2015) showed that one cen- bird watching, hiking, biking, rafting and climbing, tral point of global politics in conservation was the among other activities (Viviroli et al. 2011). emergence of large non-governmental environmental This paper seeks to answer the following questions: organizations of global influence, including Conserva- What is the current state of private conservation in tion International, The Nature Conservancy (TNC), mountain areas? Is it possible to identify global trends the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) and the in this phenomenon? What are the advantages and dis- World Resources Institute (Zimmerer et al. 2004). advantages of this model of conservation in mountain These new actors in the field of international policyareas? play a key role in conservation and are closely linked with the creation of private parks. Methodology However, the private sector, or public-private partnerships, can offer a number of advantages for pro- From a methodological perspective, this article was tected area operations and management: they can conceived as a narrative review, that is “a kind of publi- provide financial and technical resources, contributecation that aims to describe and discuss the state of the science of Management & Policy Issues 88

Legend Countries in Latin America with private protected area initiatives in mountain areas Countries in Latin America without private protected area initiatives

Figure 1 – Countries where Private Protected Areas are found in significant numbers. Datae: IUCN sourc & UNEP- WCMC 2014 The World Database on Protected Areas Cambridge, UK: UNEP-WCMC. Modified by the Authors

a specific topic or theme from a theoretical and contextual point and is owned or otherwise secured by individuals, communities, of view” (Rother et al. 2007). To achieve this goal, vari- corporations, or non-governmental organizations” (IUCN ous bibliographic databases, such as the Web of Sci- 2005; Brent 2005). ence, ScienceDirect, Scopus, Google Scholar among PPAs are also called Private Reserves, Nature Re- others, were considered. The main search strategy was serves (for example in Colombia the Reservas Naturales to identify articles which contain primary keywords de la Sociedad Civil (Society Nature Reserves)) or Eco- (Private Protected Areas, nature conservation) and to logical Reserves. They are initiated and managed by delimit our search; we drew on the World Database on individuals, corporations and other private bodies. In Protected Areas (IUCN / UNEP 2014), which allowed many cases, the main objective is to preserve biodi- us to focus on countries where this phenomenon has versity. However, some have more specific aims, such been already described. Following this strategy, we as to secure the protection of specific endangered identified more than 60 studies for this review. species, or of complete habitats, such as the páramos (alpine tundra ecosystems) of Colombia. The sizes of Definition of PPAs PPAs vary from less than 1 ha to several thousand ha.

The term private protected area, although increasingly State-of-the-art used, still suffers from the lack of a clear and concise definition. The IUCN defines a PPA as“a land parcel of Among the first authors to recognize private-sector any size that is predominantly managed for biodiversity conser- involvement in nature conservation were Alderman vation, protected with or without formal government recognition (1994) and Langholz (1996). Alderman dealt with the Benedikt Hora, Carla Marchant & Axel Borsdorf 89

Table1 – Selected countries in Latin America which have private protected areas. Source: The Authors Country Legal status Total sur- Ownership For Not for Payment for Area of PPAs as face area profit profit ecosystem % of the country’s [ha] services total surface area Argentina (in the recognition by state, prov- 152 247 NGOs, private yes yes no 0.054 Andes only) ince, commune or NGO individuals, firms Belize recognition by state 130 663 NGOs yes yes no 5.7 Brazil (in the Mata legal basis in 11 federal 899 471 NGOs, communes, yes yes no 0.1 Atlantica only) states private individuals Chile recognition by state, prov- 1 651 916 NGOs, communes, yes yes no 2.2 ince, commune or NGO persons Colombia weak control 25 590 NGOs, private yes yes no 0.02 individuals Costa Rica legal status 264 228 indigenous com- yes yes yes 5.19 munities, private individuals, NGOs, firms Guatemala legal status 48 098 NGOs no yes yes 0.44 Honduras no legal basis 45 000 NGOs no 0.4 Mexico legal basis 404 000 indigenous com- no 0.2 munities, private individuals, NGOs, firms Nicaragua legal status 5 534 NGOs yes yes no 0.04 Panama no legal basis 40 000 NGOs 0.5 Peru no legal basis 564 536 NGOS, firms, pri- yes yes no 0.06 vate individuals Venezuela no legal basis 443 000 NGOs yes yes no 0.48

economics and role of privately-owned lands for na- and Holmes (2014, 2015). Hora and Marchant (2015) ture conservation in general, whereas Langholz ana- showed how a private park (the Oncol Park) may sup- lysed PPAs in Africa and Latin America. Until then, port the local economy; Sánchez (2016) demonstrated recognition of the role of PPAs had suffered from the value of a community-owned protected area to sparse data and loose definitions, and the PPAs them- protect ancestral lands. Hora (2017) gives a deeper selves lacked integration with other protected area net- insight into the goals and management of a family- works (Holmes 2013; Stolton et al. 2014; Fitzsimons owned private protected area, the Huilo Huilo Biologi- 2015). cal Reserve. General overviews and thematic focuses were provided by IUCN (2005, 2014), Langholz and Lassoie Distribution in Latin America (2001), Mitchell (2005), Pasquini et al. (2011), and Stol- ton et al. (2014). Kramer et al. (unpublished) offer a According to IUCN / UNEP, in 2014 there were conceptual framework derived from an initial assess- PPAs in the following Latin American countries: Mex- ment of the strengths and weaknesses of the privately ico, Colombia, Brazil and Chile. run protected areas. Ladle et al. (2014) formulated key For the present review, other countries with suf- challenges for PPAs. ficient data available were also taken into account The Costa Rican Conservation Association (Aso- because of their different approaches (SERNANP ciación 2008) and specifically Solano and Chacón 2017; Stolton 2014; Solano & Chacón 2005: 3–5). (2008) provided overviews on the development of These countries are Belize, Honduras, Guatemala, PPAs in Latin America. The first presentations ofCosta Rica, Venezuela, Panama, Colombia, Peru and Latin American PPAs were presented by Swift et al. Argentina. Table 1 lists the different countries in Latin (1999) and Piskulich (2001). Chacón and Maldonado America with PPAs. (2001) compared the legal frameworks in Chile and There is considerable variety between countries Costa Rica. with private protection initiatives in terms of the Within their studies of Biosphere Reserves and the PPAs’ history, development, legal status and manage- Regional Geography of Colombia, Borsdorf, March- ment. Table 1 gives an overview of the status of PPAs ant and others adressed the topic of privately owned and may serve as the basis for a preliminary classifica - protected areas and discussed their legal status (Bors- tion. Data about their performance in private conser- dorf 2011; Borsdorf & Mergili 2011; Borsdorf et al. vation was obtained for 14 Latin American countries. 2011; Borsdorf et al. 2013; Borsdorf & Marchant Small countries like Costa Rica and Belize have more 2013a, b; Marchant & Borsdorf 2013; Borsdorf 2016). than 5% of their territory under private protected ini- Initial overviews of the Chilean experience ware given tiatives while others have less than 1% of their terri- by Sepúlveda and García (1997), Maldonado (1999), tory covered by PPAs. The ownership of the PPAs Management & Policy Issues 90

lies mainly within non-governmental organizations, or the right to preserve the environmental heritage of a among individuals or indigenous communities. property, or certain attributes or functions of the land. This right is freely and voluntarily constituted by the PPAs’ status and legal rights in Latin Amer- property’s owner, the legal benefit of a private indi- ica, by country vidual or legal entity. This law encourages and makes possible the formal- Colombia ization of private conservation initiatives that comple- Until now, the implementation of PPAs has been a ment the role of the state in protecting the natural her- matter for civil society. There are more than 540 pri- itage, especially by helping to cover under-represented vate parks covering a total of 70 000 ha, most of them ecosystems, mitigating threats, thus helping to protect small (Monteferri & Coll 2009). the biodiversity of the existing protected areas. 144 PPAs are organized into a network called the Asociación Red Colombiana de Reservas Naturales de la So- Costa Rica ciedad Civil (RESNATUR), which was founded in 1993 Costa Rica has 213 PPAs covering 82 045 ha (Stol- and is co-financed by the WWF and the Foundation ton 2014), or more than 1.6% of the country. The for Higher Education (FES). Of these 144 PPAs, 83 country provides good examples of private initia- are located in the Andean region and are run mainly tives in environmental protection in Central America. by private individuals. They vary in size between 1 and Through the project Regenwald für Österreicher, the peo- 10 ha. In 2008, through a resolution of the Ministry of ple of Austria were able to buy 4 000 ha of rainforest the Environment, Housing and Territorial Develop- in Costa Rica in order to prevent it from being logged. ment, RESNATUR was recognized as the organiza- The initiative aims to maintain biodiversity though the

tion that unifies theReservas Naturales de la Sociedad Civil connection of isolated forest areas and to reduce CO2 and private conservation efforts (RESNATUR 2016). in the atmosphere.

Chile Mexico Chile is a prominent example of a country with PPAs in Mexico need formal approval by the gov- private protected initiatives. Since the transition to de- ernment after reviewing the proposal. The government mocracy at the beginning of the 1990s, there has been is responsible for following up on the implementation huge investment, especially in southern Chile, by for- of the PPA’s Management Plan and granting incen- eign and Chilean companies and NGOs. The biggest tives (Chacón Marín 2005: 3). This is also the case in single PPA was created by the US-American business- other Latin American (Guatemala, Costa Rica, Brazil; man and North Face founder Douglas Tompkins: the Chacón 2001). Very important for the formal recog- 310 992 ha Parque Pumalín in the fjord lands of the nition of a PPA is the existence of a management Los Lagos region. A survey carried out by Nuñez-Avi- plan demonstrating the area’s biological significance la et al. (2013) found that there are 308 PPAs in Chile, in the context of the National System of Protected covering a total of 1 651 916 ha, or 2.1% of Chile’s Areas, a sound scientific basis, and the participation surface area. These PPAs are organized into the Aso- of all stakeholders. The main actors are land-owners. ciación de Iniciativas de Conservación en Areas Privadas y de Non-profit NGOs (mostly land trusts) can propose Pueblos Originarios de Chile (ASI Conserva Chile A.G.), and manage PPAs or support other land-owners by an association of owners, holders and users of private providing management plans and technical assistance. lands or of indigenous people in Chile who practise It must be pointed out that Mexico also has a vari- and promote the sustainable exploitation of renew- ety of private Nature Reserves, which have no govern- able natural resources, with an emphasis on the con- ment recognition or that of any other relevant organi- servation and sustainable use of biodiversity. The only zation. The advantage of these reserves is their ability way the Chilean government recognizes the PPAs is to generate diverse environmental services without by their conversion into Nature Sanctuaries. However, having to fulfil any requirements for their creation. there are only 19 Nature Sanctuaries. The main disadvantage is that their existence depends The economic interests and ownership vary greatly on the will of the landowner, which is not practical between the different PPAs in Chile. Owners can be when the priority is to develop stable, long-term con- individuals, families, or a foundation linked to just one servation programmes (Chacón Marín 2005: 4). individual (e. g. Huilo Huilo, Katalapi, Tantauco); other owners are corporations (e. g. Patagonia Sur; Oncol) or Other mountain states of Latin America NGOs. Furthermore, they vary significantly in terms Ecuador has 65 private protected forests, legally of their commercial activity, from having virtually no recognized by the government and managed by the commercial activity (e. g. Tantauco), to functioning as National Corporation of Private Forests (Solano & for-profit PPAs (e. g. Huilo Huilo; Patagonia Sur / The Chacón 2005: 3–5). In Guatemala, 102 Private Natural Cliffs). Reserves, covering a total of 50 000 ha, have been ac- In 2016, a law recognizing the right of conserva- knowledged by the Public Authority of Protected Ar- tion was enacted. This is a Chilean law consisting of eas (Chacon 2005). The number of PPAs in Venezuela Benedikt Hora, Carla Marchant & Axel Borsdorf 91

Figure 2 – Benefits and drawbacks of private protected areas. Source: The Authors is small – just 36 properties affiliated to the association from access to the areas, and the appropriation of the (Red Venezolana de Áreas Privadas para la Conservación de land sometimes appears unfair. Furthermore, these la Naturaleza). In total, APRINATURA manages an initiatives can come into conflict with development area of 443 000 ha. Like Colombia, Venezuela has no projects carried out by national or regional govern- legal framework for PPAs. ments (Morris 2008). Like most Andean countries, Peru recognized the The strengths of PPAs are that they protect biodi- existence of PPAs (which in Peru are called Private Con- versity in areas which are not already under govern- servation Areas) relatively late. In 1997 and 2000, they mental protection but which are under threat from were included in the legal system. 115 PPAs, covering land-use changes, for example forestry and / or large approximately 357 200 ha, are now recognized (SER- agricultural projects. The weaknesses of PPAs include NANP 2017), of which 15 are located in the Andes. the lack of official, institutional, recognition in some countries, and conflicts with state bodies that have Benefits and drawbacks of PPAs different goals and interests. A further weakness is that local landholders can be banned from using lo- Enhancement of ecosystem services cal resources when PPAs are implemented by exter- For environmental services (including carbon fix- nal forces, driving them out of their local livelihoods ing; provision of drinking water, hydroelectricity or (Figure 2). agricultural services; and species maintenance for PPAs share many functions with governmental pharmaceutical, medicinal, food or cosmetic uses), protected areas. These include climate regulation, disaster, erosion and sedimentation prevention pay- water production, and air and water purification.- Re ments can be provided by the government, tourism serves often exist as biological islands, protecting the operators, agricultural producers, communities, or last remnants of rapidly disappearing habitats. Private national or foreign companies. The government can conservation, as in the case of the Pumalín park, can also allow tax deductions. In the study carried out by be seen as temporary bulwarks for threatened lands, Chacón Marín (2005: 2), privately run protected areas protecting them until governments become willing were three times less expensive to run than the public or able to assume responsibility for their protection protected areas. (Langholz & Lassoie 2001). Figure 2 gives an overview of the benefits and The possible disadvantage from an ecological drawbacks of PPAs. Among the possible beneficiar- standpoint is the potentially tenuous status of PPAs, ies are governments, who do not see certain areas as as unlike authorized and permanently supported valuable land to be protected. Local populations can parks, most private reserves are informally protected. profit from PPAs because of increased numbers of They tend to be too small to support megafauna, and tourists, who spend money locally. Agricultural pro- for that reason tend to suffer from the fragmentation ducers in the vicinity of the PPAs can benefit from theeffects typical of biological islands, such as increased increased biodiversity of the surrounding area. The edge effects, introduction of exotic species, and con- drawbacks are that some PPAs exclude local people tamination (Noss 1997). However, these effects are Management & Policy Issues 92

often mitigated by the fact that many PPAs border on interested parties and on the additional protective national parks. effects on national park networks within individual countries is still to some extent lacking. Challenges for Economic considerations future research should address these issues, but even PPAs’ economic advantage is their potential profit- more important are the need to involve local people, ability, especially when the area focuses on ecotourism. impacts on the millennium sustainability goals, and the Economic benefit accrues not only to the landowners improvement of the well-being and quality of life for but also to the governments, as they can avoid costs. the inhabitants of PPAs. PPAs represent the free increase of public protected area systems, being land that governments might oth- Acknowledgements erwise need to purchase and protect. 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Article Private Protection Initiatives in Mountain Areas of Southern Chile and Their Perceived Impact on Local Development—The Case of Pumalín Park

Benedikt Hora

Institute of Geography, Leopold-Franzens-Universität Innsbruck, A-6020 Innsbruck, Innrain 52f, Austria; [email protected] Received: 1 March 2018; Accepted: 10 May 2018; Published: 15 May 2018

Abstract: This paper aims to identify the socio-economic impacts perceived by the local community to be caused by Pumalín Park, one of the biggest and most remarkable private protected areas in Chile. In recent years, the Pumalín Park project has had a tremendous inﬂuence on the local economy by providing job opportunities for local entrepreneurs, protecting native forest and strengthening social awareness, particularly in the nearby town of Chaitén, which was stricken in 2008 by a volcanic eruption. The methods used were secondary data review, semi-structured interviews with key informants and questionnaires aimed at assessing the local population’s perception of the park’s contribution to their community. The results indicate that Pumalín Park plays an important role in local development, enhancing not only conservation of fragile mountain ecosystems, but also revitalizing the economic base of this rural and marginalized area of southern Chile.

Keywords: Chile; Patagonia; private conservation; local development; foreign investment

1. Introduction In Chile, as in many other countries in Latin America and in the world, private conservation significantly contributes to national protected areas [1–3]. According to the IUCN guidelines, Private Protected Areas (PPAs) are defined as those “under individual, cooperative, NGO or corporate control and/or ownership, and managed under non- profit or for-profit schemes [ ... ] [where] the authority for managing the protected land and resources rests with the landowners, who determine the conservation objective, develop and enforce management plans and remain in charge of decisions, subject to applicable legislation”[4]. In Chile this tendency towards private conservation has been observed since the beginning of the 1990s. These initiatives are carried out by either foreigners or national citizens or non-governmental organizations with different non-profit or for-profit goals, such as biodiversity conservation, bio carbon sequestration, ecosystem services and ecotourism [5]. Chile specifically has adopted a very neoliberal approach to their national economy. With the beginning of the Pinochet regime in 1973, governmental institutions were diminished, and private property rights were strengthened [6], promoting foreign investments in the primary sector as well as land sales for conservation. Over the last three decades, this tendency was facilitated by three factors: (i) the retreat of governmental institutions and the increase of NGOs managing protected areas; (ii) the integration of conservation in market mechanisms as a characteristic of global neoliberal capitalism; and (iii) leading conservation NGOs have developed relationships with corporations copying their methods in areas such as marketing and receiving their donations [7]. Therefore, valuable land is increasingly integrated in market mechanisms. Land with a high conservation value is sold for ecotourism, or as payment for ecosystem services. Since the 1980s and mainly since the 2000s, NGOs have been cooperating with corporations and have allowed their activities to be viewed

Sustainability 2018, 10, 1584; doi:10.3390/su10051584 www.mdpi.com/journal/sustainability Sustainability 2018, 10, 1584 2 of 22 as positive [8–10]. However, in Chile, formal recognition of PPAs is inhibited by a lack of implemented regulations [11]. In Latin America, Chile plays a special role in private conservation. It is the only state with 2.2% of its territory under private protection, making it one of the nations with the highest proportion of private conservation areas. Only small countries such as Costa Rica and Belize have a bigger relative share of their territory under private conservation [12]. 19.2% of Chile’s territory is protected in the National Park System known as SNASPE (Sistema Nacional de Áreas Silvestres Protegidas del Estado) [12]. Furthermore, Chile has 308 Private Protected Areas, with an estimated area of 1,651,916 ha [13]. Figure 1 shows the distribution of public and private parks in Chile. In 2013, there were 308 private initiatives in Chile. There is an evident concentration of these undertakings in southern Chile, especially in the Los Ríos (72 areas) and Los Lagos regions (86 areas).

Figure 1. Overview of private protected areas und public protected areas in Chile. Sustainability 2018, 10, 1584 3 of 22

Private conservation areas are relevant in Chile because of two key factors: first, they are considered as complementary, as the Chilean national park system does not cover all threatened biomes of Chilean flora and fauna and are vulnerable to boundary problems with other land uses [14]. Secondly, private protected areas are considered to be a tool for promoting local development. Over the past five years, the Chilean Ministry of the Environment has proposed changes in legislation in order to transform these types of conservation projects into attractions, in order to use them as an investment for tourism. Projects in rural areas and remote zones encouraged the development of the local economy. Private protected areas were encouraged to apply for funding for environmental conservation, improving public and private alliances [15]. According to [16,17] central and southern Chile, where most of the private protected areas are located, is a conservation hot spot on a global scale. The Valdivian Rain forest eco-region is one of only five temperate rainforests worldwide. The biome is highly threatened because of large-scale logging, small-scale firewood extraction, forest fires, clearing, salmon production and penetration of highways. The habitat of the threatened pudú (world smallest deer) correlates with this biome [18]. This threat of land use change occurs more or less in all areas of the biome, which is not under the protection of the national park system. However, the forests in the fjord lands of Patagonia are less vulnerable as the population density is very low. In Table 1 the 15 largest private protected areas in Chile are shown by their size, regional location, ownership and year of creation. The majority of these areas are located in the southern regions of Chile and their creation took place from the early 1990s until 2013 with the Fundación Yendegaia in Tierra del Fuego. The first to be implemented in Chile was Pumalín Park in 1991 of over 284.630 ha. This park became a pioneer initiative, showing how PPAs could become important territorial figures, leading not only to conservation but also to the transformation of an isolated locality such as Chaitén, into one of the most well-known mountain destinations of southern Chile.

Table 1. The 14 biggest Private Protected Areas in Chile.

Name Size (ha) Region Owner Year of Creation Karukinka 291,510 Magallanes Wildlife Conservation Society 2004 Fundación Pumalín (established by Parque Pumalín 284,630 Los Lagos 1991 Tompkins family) Comunidad Agrícola 231,972 Atacama Indigenous people of Huasco Alto 1997 Diaguita Huascoaltinos Fundación Futuro (established by Parque Tantauco 107,586 Los Lagos 2005 Sebastian Piñera) Reserva Biológica Huilo 89,934 Los Ríos Petermann family 2000 Conservación Patagonica Hacienda Chacabuco 763,849 Aysén 2004 (established by Tompkins family) Reserva Costera 50,440 Los Ríos The Nature Conservancy 2005 Valdiviana Conservation Land Trust Fundacion Yendegaia 37,379 Magallanes 2013 (established by Tompkins family) AAVC Caramávida 34,245 Biobío Forestal Arauco ? Comunidad Agrícola Comunidad Agrícola Estancia 31,570 Coquimbo 2014 Estancia Estero Derecho Estero Derecho Fundación Huinay (established by San Ignacio del Huinay 28,402 Los Lagos Endesa S.A. with Pontiﬁcal Catholic 1998 University of Valparaiso) Parque Tepuhueico 21,150 Los Lagos multiples 1990s Initiative of Adriana Hoffmann, was Comunidad Alto Huemul 18,564 O’Higgins funded by Sociedad Inmobiliaria 1996 (Fundo Rayenlemu ) Ecológica Alto Huemul S.A. Quinquen 17,966 La Araucanía Mapuche community of Quinquén 1992 Source: author, 2018. Sustainability 2018, 10, 1584 4 of 22

Private Protected Areas as Mechanism for Promoting Local Development Ref. [19] stated that there are many reasons why PPAs play key roles, not only filling gaps in national biodiversity conservation strategies, but also because they can bolster resource management, enhance citizen participation, promote bottom-up management as well as be a lucrative investment if they are linked to low-impact activities such as small forestry, organic agriculture or ecotourism. According to [20,21] activities such as ecotourism allow economic value to be assigned to natural resources, helping reduce social inequality; [11,21] added that these activities lead to economic transformations at the local level. However, [22] mentioned that there is a lack of literature exploring the social impact of private protected areas, and how they vary according to the different types of ownership of PPAs, especially in ecotourism and their relationship with human well-being. According to [23] little attention has been drawn to the function of PPAs in the promotion of sustainable development, particularly in the context of the debate around the relationship between people and protected areas. This situation is particularly sensitive in mountain areas, due to the fact that they are often marginalized areas, where poverty alleviation remains a core challenge [24]. In this paper, the authors suggest that investing in mountain areas is essential and could offer attractive opportunities for investors interested not only in short-term gains, but also especially in long-term returns on their contributions and enhancing local wellbeing. This could be one of the motivations of PPA owners. Additionally, [25,26] hows in international studies that successful conservation and socio-economic prosperity in the surrounding area are interdependent. Effective conservation involves support and collaboration from the local governments and communities. In turn, this requires that protected areas contribute to the economic well-being of the communities in which they are located. For instance, in Brazil private conservation was investigated by [27] in the context of ecotourism and conservation. In the study, it was shown that small private protection projects (<50 ha) are successful in ecotourism. The assumption then that large reserves are necessary for conservation is challenged. In the state of New South Wales in Australia, a study was carried out by [25] in order to investigate the socio-economic effects of conservation in the area. Three mechanisms were described on how protected areas could have a positive effect on the surroundings. These are improved real estate values, local business stimulus and increased local funding pathways. New protected areas led to an increased number of new dwelling approvals and associated developer contributions, an increase in local business, and increased local government revenue from user-payments for services and grants. In the Chinese Wolong Nature Reserve, [28] investigated the economic participation of local residents in the tourism industry. Due to the economic marginalism and ethnic heterogeneity of the local people they are excluded from tourism revenues. Non-local residents with a better economic situation profit from tourism. A small number of local people with skills, start-up capital, and an advantageous location receive some limited income from tourism. This is a common phenomenon in developing countries. The authors suggest the following recommendations to improve local participation in tourism activities: local capacities need to be improved through education and training and the diversification of ecologically viable tourism products based on the natural and cultural characteristics of the destination. Financial support and economic compensation mechanisms should be established for underprivileged local stakeholders. Tax leverage may be useful for rational distribution of development revenues and conservation costs. In southern Chile, some initiatives have been studied. In fact, [29] described the case of Oncol Park, located in the Chilean Coastal Range, in the Los Ríos region within the Valdivian temperate rainforest, which is a biodiversity hotspot and one of the few remaining endemic forests in the area. This PPA is an example of how private sector companies can develop concrete initiatives that have a positive impact on the local economy by opening up a range of income-generating opportunities, assuming that they are easily accessible and have a good connection to local and regional centers. Ref. [8] analyzed the social impacts of the Huilo Huilo Biological Reserve, one of the biggest PPAs in Los Rios regions located in Neltume, a small rural village. The study reveals how tourism activities, most of them linked to the Huilo Huilo project, were implemented in response to the decline of the Sustainability 2018, 10, 1584 5 of 22 forestry industry, a major activity over the last 30 years. At the same time, [3] conducted a comparative study in the same region, considering different PPAs, which differ in size and types of ownership such as Huilo Huilo (managed by Victor Petermann, a private entrepreneur), the Valdivian Coastal Reserve (managed by NGO The Nature Conservancy) and the Oncol Park (managed by the forestry company Forestal Valdivia). The study suggests that the social impact and consequences of PPAs facilitating ecotourism development should be subjected to the same level of scrutiny that has been given to public protected areas. PPA ecotourism ventures could improve the well-being of local inhabitants as well as degrade it. If private protected areas reach a viable level, they could become an incentive for local people with start-up capital and the willingness to engage in entrepreneurial endeavors. Different parks have been investigated focusing on surrounding communities’ perceptions in order to bring the study into a theoretical context. Among these were the Iron Gate Natural Park in south-western Romania. Management recommendations for park administration are given and the participation of local communities is recommended [30]. In the Prespes Lakes National Park in north-western Greece the local population’s perception of the park was investigated. The need for a new administration and management scheme with the participation of local communities in the decision-making process was revealed. Results of this research show that the information derived from a participatory process could help managers of protected areas resolve potential conflicts [31]. When neighbors of the Ecuadorian National Park Machalilla were consulted about how they saw the park, the majority held a variety of negative opinions. These opinions improved in residents with higher education, knowledge about conservation issues and who belonged to a younger age group [32].

The Pumalín Project in Chaitén The Pumalín project began in 1991, when the American conservationist, philanthropist and businessman Douglas Tompkins bought a 17,000 ha plot of land in the Reñihué fjord, in order to protect native temperate forests at risk of being logged. Douglas Tompkins, who was a passionate outdoors man and founder of the North Face brand, visited Chile in 1963 the ﬁrst time for mountaineering activities. The idea of creating a larger protected area with full public access grew over the 1990s. Therefore, an additional 283,279 ha of land was acquired, mainly, from absentee landowners. During this time the park infrastructure was created; camping sites, walking trails, information centers and other public facilities. The organization responsible for this was the Conservation Land Trust, with Douglas Tompkins at the helm [11]. According to a CLT (Conservation Land Trust) report in 2002, US$ 5,000,000 were invested in the purchase of the park. In 2000 the park received 12,700 visitors and annual operating costs were at around US$ 1,000,000. The creation of Pumalín Park sparked a high degree of controversy in Chile. The process of acquiring a large amount of Chilean territory was seen as foreign intervention in national sovereignty by some political parties [33]. The legal status of Pumalín Park has varied over the years [34]:

• 7th of July 1997: An agreement was signed between Juan Villarzu, the Minister Secretary-General of the Presidency at the time and Douglas Tompkins. • 26th of April 2005: Resolution No. 1.625, in which legal personality was granted and the statutes of the Pumalín Foundation and their amendments were approved. • 19th of July 2005: Decree No. 1.137, designated Pumalín Park as a nature sanctuary.

288,689 ha of private estate named Pumalín Park ware granted legal status as a nature sanctuary by president Ricardo Lagos. Since then, the area is protected under the National Monument Law, which governs this category of protected areas. Complementary to the park, the Tompkins Foundation has implemented different initiatives to diversify the productive activities such as sustainable pasture and cattle management, organic agriculture (e.g., meat, wool, berries, honey, and vegetables), also certified organic honey is produced Sustainability 2018, 10, 1584 6 of 22 and distributed under the Pillán Organics label, not only in the local market “Puma Verde” in Caleta Gonzalo, but also in Puerto Varas and also other cities throughout the country. The most recent development that Pumalín Park experienced was its transfer from the Tompkins Conservation Trust to the State of Chile, taking place during an official ceremony on the 29th of January in 2018 with the former president Michelle Bachelet and Tompkins’ wife Kristine Tompkins. With this official act the creation of the Red de Parques Nacionales de la Patagonia Chilena was confirmed. Besides Pumalín Park, other private initiatives such as the Melimoyu Park and the Patagonia Park will be incorporated into the public national park system. All infrastructure, such as cafeterias, restaurants, camp sites, picnic areas, trails, signs and trail markers, staff houses, and other installations will be donated to the Chilean state. The investment in the two parks owned by Tompkins Conservation is estimated at US$80,000,000 [35] (Figure 2).

Figure 2. Timeline of Pumalín Park.

Understanding the effects of private conservation on local development is still scarce in Chile. Only a few cases have been studied. This study aims to fill the gap between existing knowledge about the case studies (Rerserva Biológica Huilo, Parque Oncol, Valdivian Coastal Reserve) in the Los Ríos Region [3,8,21]. Furthermore, the research aims to better understand the perceived effects of the implementation of Pumalín Park and its effects on the local development over the last 10 years on the town of Chaitén. The research questions of the paper are: What are the perceived effects of private conservation in relation to local and regional development? What are the advantages and disadvantages of the private conservation initiative to the local population?

2. Materials and Methods To investigate how local people of Chaitén perceive Pumalín Park, and also how they value its contribution and effects on local development, the following methods were used: Firstly, a review of literature was carried out to ﬁnd primary and secondary data to characterize the study area. These include topics dealing with conservation and its effects on the environment in a global, Latin American and Chilean context. Also, secondary data elaborated by the Chilean government, such as Census statistics, were acquired. These include the Census of 1992, 2002, 2011 and the most recent version in 2017. Secondly, in order to gather primary data and conduct a survey to explore local perceptions of the park and its impact on local development, two visits to Chaitén and Pumalín Park were carried out in January 2017 and 2018. During these visits the following methods of social qualitative networks were used: (i) eight semi-structured interviews with stakeholders were carried out in order to seek their Sustainability 2018, 10, 1584 7 of 22 opinions on the following main topics: environmental, economic and social impacts and challenges of the Pumalín Project at the local level; also the future paths of the project’s development, considering its transfer to the Chilean state. Three of the interviewees were working for the municipality of Chaitén (the Secretary of Communal Planning, SECPLAN; one at Municipal Administration, one in the Pumalín project, the Director of Land and Mapping Program, The Conservation Land Trust-Chile and Conservación Patagonica), two were working in the accommodation business as well as two providers of tourist services in Chaitén. The interviews were recorded and transcribed for further analysis. Furthermore, a questionnaire was applied to local inhabitants (n = 82) in order to gather opinions that can be analyzed statistically using the Likert scale. Different types of questions were addressed, comprising three dimensions: economical, environmental and sociocultural. In total, 21 different questions were asked (Appendix A). This questionnaire was applied in households, in the Junta de Vecinos (neighborhood council) and restaurants and cafés within the city of Chaitén. These places were located within 500 m of the main square. The southern part of Chaitén, which is now separated from the rest of the city, was not considered, because of its isolation. The households were selected randomly within this radius. In restaurants and cafés, the owners and local clients were consulted. People who had lived in Chaitén over the past 10 years and who were over the age of 18 were allowed to participate in this survey. The data was analyzed descriptively with Excel tools. The established method was based on a study with similar aims carried out on marine protected areas. In this research a mixed-method approach including interviews and household surveys were used in order to examine perceptions of local population living near a marine protected area in the Andaman coast of Thailand [36]. The demographic and socio-economic characteristics of the 2017 Census of Chaitén correlate with the people who answered the questionnaire in terms of age and socio-economic status [37]. Therefore, the results reach a high representability. Furthermore, the areas where the questionnaire was applied were chosen considering that people of all socio-economic groups of Chaitén could have been selected. The data was described using a univariate analysis. The questionnaire was administered directly. 82 people answered the questionnaire. 52 of them were female and 30 were male; the average age of the interviewee was 35 (the youngest interviewee was 18 and the oldest 62 years old). On average they had lived in Chaitén for 18 years (min 2 years, max 62 years). The formal education of the subjects was distributed as follows: elementary school: 20 people; high school: 36 people; university studies: 21 people. 5 people did not answer this question. The occupations were also inquired about. 15 of them were students; 36 were contracted workers; 14 independent workers and 17 housewives. These sociodemographic features correlate with the results of the Chilean Census of 2017. The census shows that 72.8% of the population is aged between 16–65. Therefore, the bias of the sample can be described as minor. Another small bias could be that the economically less dynamic part of Southern Chaitén was not considered. Another limitation of the survey is the gender bias present in the questionnaire because 52 (63%) of the interviewees were females and 30 (37%) were males. In the Census of 2017 59.5% were male and 40.5% were females. Thirdly, the city was mapped using a map of Chaitén. This was necessary to show how tourism-related businesses returned to Chaitén after the volcanic eruption in 2008. Finally, in order to ensure the accuracy of the results, all collected data and information were analyzed and triangulated; this method allows the mixing of data or methods so that diverse viewpoints cast light upon a topic [38].

Research Area The area where Chaitén is now located (Figure 3) was not permanently inhabited during the 19th century; the place is also called Chiloé Continental or Palena. In 1905 the first settlers arrived at the future location of Chaitén when the Chilean Navy determined that the area was suitable for an inland road connection. In 1921 three people from the archipelago of Chiloé built homes for themselves. They were fishermen and loggers [39]. In 1933 another settler arrived and by 1940 Chaitén was officially established as a city and municipality [40]. Sustainability 2018, 10, 1584 8 of 22

In the ensuing years Chaitén served as the main transportation hub to places such as Futaleufú and Palena. The Yelcho river was a channel for boats going to Yelcho lake, the Puerto Cardenas port and from there on to Puerto Ramírez on the other edge of the lake. From there on the villages of Futaleufú and Palena were reached by horseback. From 1946 onwards, the Chilean army established the “Cuerpo Militar de Trabajo” near the city of Chaitén, with a workforce mainly from Chiloé,[39] who built a road connection from Chaitén to the Yelcho lake. In the 1980s the construction of the Carretera Austral (Austral Highway) began. This meant an improvement in connectivity and an increase of traffic, tourists and cargo [40]. In 1991 Douglas Tompkins bought plots of land near Chaitén and began his private conservation initiative [10]. The eruption of the Chaitén volcano in 2008 constituted a major interruption to events. On May 2nd a Plinian eruption took place in a volcano that was assumed to be extinct. The entire population of about 5,000 residents were evacuated to a security radius of about 30 to 50 km away from the volcano on 4 May and 5 May. On May 12th Chaitén was affected by a lahar. The economic loss consisted of around US$12,000,000 in public buildings alone, which were insured. Clouds of ash shut down regional airports and forced the cancellation of hundreds of domestic flights and several international flights in Argentina and Chile [41]. The river Chaitén cut the town in half. From that point on, the southern part of the town became isolated. Most of the houses were destroyed due to the weight of the ashes, which rained down on the rooftops.

Figure 3. Pumalín Park and Chaitén.

In the years after the eruption and evacuation, the whole place was abandoned and property was seized and taken to into government hands. After a few years of uncertainty many former inhabitants returned to Chaitén. At ﬁrst, they came spontaneously and were unorganized. Then in September 2010 authorities announced that Nueva Chaitén was to be re-established on the same site, and would become the new capital of the municipality of Chaitén. In March 2011 basic services, such as drinking water and electricity were re-connected. After that, a master plan for the resettlement of the village was undertaken [42]. The population of Chaitén had stabilized during the 1990s. In 2002, 7,182 people lived in Chaitén, the majority in the urban area. Other populated areas are Santa Lucia, El Amarillo and Santa Barbara. Sustainability 2018, 10, 1584 9 of 22

Due to the volcanic eruption in 2008 Chaitén was completely evacuated and depopulated because of health and security concerns. Nevertheless, according to the recent census of 2017, 5,071 people live in Chaitén (Figure 4) and the population density is 0.6 hab/km2, constituting a normal density for the south of Chile [43]. Nearly 68% of the pre-disaster populace has returned. Over recent years tourist operators have returned, restaurants are opening again, there are four different camp sites and hostels, cabins, as well as restaurants and cafés. Furthermore, there are banks and tourist agencies (Figure 5). They are mainly for purchasing tickets for the ferries and busses. Also, you can buy day-tours to Pumalín Park, which can be visited through different entrances. Therefore, it can be stated that Chaitén once again offers good services to tourists and locals. The prices are comparable to other places in Continental Chiloé. In contrast, the neighboring communes did not see a decline in the population because of the volcanic eruption. However, they were affected by trafﬁc constraints and isolation. Their main access roads were through Argentina during these events.

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0 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 Chaitén Futaleufú Palena

Figure 4. Inhabitants of Chaitén and its neighboring communes (Source: Census 1992, 2002, 2011, 2017).

120000

100000

80000

60000

40000

20000

0 2016 2017

Passangers Small cars

Figure 5. Increase of transported passengers and cars between 2016 and 2017 [44]. Sustainability 2018, 10, 1584 10 of 22

Data from the Naviera Austral shipping line, connecting Chaitén with the rest of Chile, shows a signiﬁcant increase of passengers over recent years in all connecting routes (Puerto Montt —Chaitén, Quellón–Chaitén and the Ruta 7 Bimodal). In the high season months of January and February there were 79,268 passengers and in 2017 there was a movement of 82,071 on all three connections combined. The Ruta 7 Bimodal has the highest rate of movement of all three connections. In Figure 5 the increase of passengers and small cars transported on these combined routes is displayed.

3. Results

3.1. Pumalín Park Catalyses the Local Economy A large majority of the Chaiteninos agreed totally or moderately that Pumalín Park has helped the region with its developing tourism industry (40% and 45%) (Table 2). With 38% and 36% agreeing totally, people still highly agreed with the question: Is Pumalín Park able to improve economic activities which are not related to tourism, such as services, handcrafts, fishing? The results show that the vast majority of the people living in Chaitén see Pumalín Park as economically very positive. The statement, as to whether Pumalín Park was able to attract other investments to the region, was also agreed with by a majority (28% agreed totally and 34% agreed moderately). These results coincide with the vision of the local government, which states in the master plan that tourism is an opportunity for the economic and environmental development of Chaitén, because of the wealth that tourism generates, the possibilities of articulation with other productive activities, and its potential to increase the participation of local population in this activity. The great potential of the commune makes it a quality tourist attraction, ready to position itself at regional, national and even international levels. (Municipalidad de Chaitén 2016). An interviewee working in the municipal administration said: “The park has been a key factor to activate the economy after the eruption of the Chaitén volcano.” Furthermore, the Report for the Reconstruction Plan in 2009 recognizes Pumalín Park as a strategic actor on a regional level. However, specific recommendations are not mentioned [45]. Nevertheless, the difficulty in coordinating long-term actions between the private sector and local government is considered a challenge that should be addressed, and the creation of a public-private coalition to support tourism as a key activity within the commune is a priority. Important action was taken in 2015 when the National Service of Tourism (SERNATUR) developed a program to enhance the formalization and registration of tourist services, the implementation of a promotion and marketing plan, and a mechanism to facilitate technical assistance to identify new attractions in the area and other types of tourism activities. The program was geared towards working with the Chamber of Tourism of Chaitén and the Chaitén Tourism Corporation. In 2017, the process to declare the commune as ZOIT (Touristic Interest Zone) began, bringing new opportunities for investors and local entrepreneurs. Sustainability 2018, 10, 1584 11 of 22

Table 2. Obtained results for the economic dimension (in %).

Has Pumalín Park Has Pumalín Has Pumalín Is Pumalín Has Pumalín Park Promoted the Economy Has Pumalín Has Pumalín Has Pumalín Park Park Promoted Park Park and not Generated Direct in Chaitén in Sectors Park Stagnated Park had a Positive the Economy in Contributed to the State the Employment for not Related to Tourism the Economic Contributed to Impact on the Price Chaitén in the Attracting Driver of the Inhabitants of Like Services, Development Improving Value of the Tourism Investments to Development Chaitén? Handicraft, Cattle in Chaitén? Income? Territory? Sector? the Area? in the Area? Farming, among Others) Totally disagree 7 5 3 11 19 35 31 8 Disagree 7 3 8 3 16 30 21 10 Yes, a little 10 8 15 24 43 20 18 26 Yes, agree 39 40 38 34 8 8 15 23 moderately Yes, agree 37 45 36 29 14 8 15 33 totally Source: author, 2018. Sustainability 2018, 10, 1584 12 of 22

The map in Figure 6 shows the services generated in Chaitén for locals and tourists. Tourism-related services such as accommodation, agencies and high-end restaurants have re-emerged in Chaitén. As a transportation hub for the Carretera Austral, Chaitén has different agencies specializing in boat and air tickets as well as bus connections to places further south.

Figure 6. Services for locals and tourists in 2018 in Chaitén.

To the question inquiring if Pumalín Park was more important than the Chilean state as the driver of employment, the majority disagreed or were indifferent (19% total disagree, 16% disagree and 43% indifferent). This opinion can be explained because the Chilean state is the biggest employer in this peripheral region; around 25% of the employed people in the commune work in public service (Municipalidad de Chaitén 2016). This includes administrative work in the municipality and road construction; for instance, maintaining the Carretera Austral and CONAF (Corporación Nacional Forestal), the recently opened ofﬁce of SERNATUR (Servicio Nacional de Turismo) among others. Furthermore, the police (Carabineros) and the military are important employers. These jobs are stable and have annual contracts, while the tourism sector has a high seasonality, due to the short summer season in Patagonia (December to February). An interviewee working in municipal administration conﬁrmed this observation. Finally, a quote by an administrative worker in the municipality emphasized the good relationship between the city of Chaitén and Pumalín Park:

“The Pumalín Park has been a key economic factor for the city of Chaitén after the eruption and the aftermath of the Chaitén volcano. Without the employment and services generated by the park, the recuperation of the town would have been much slower or impossible”.

Sustainability 2018, 10, 1584 13 of 22

3.2. Pumalín Park Has Helped Conserve Valuable Native Forests Different questions concerning the environmental impact of Pumalín Park were asked (Table 3). 72.5% agreed totally and 17.5% agreed moderately with the question: Has Pumalín Park contributed to the conservation of flora and fauna?” The same percentages were received to the question: Has Pumalín Park contributed to conserve local landscape? This high agreement of the Chaiteninos can be explained due to the fact that the area’s native flora and fauna, now under protection of Pumalín Park, was under permanent threat of land use change. These include logging of endangered native trees such as the Alerce “Fitzroya cupressoides”, which can still be found in Pumalín Park [46]. In El Amarillo, where the main southern entrance of Pumalín Park is located, the Park administration has given financial and logistic aid for the beautification of residential houses. Additionally, El Amarillo has a store selling local products for tourists run by the Pumalín administration. This small place some 25 km east of Chaitén had perfect conditions for developing a small-scale tourist economy and visitor infrastructure. When the volcanic eruption shut down the city of Chaitén, the Pumalín administration decided to move their offices to El Amarillo. This has led to an upgrade of the housing structure, especially the facades. From El Amarillo there is a view to the Michimahuida Volcano and the Tabiques Mountians. The community of El Amarillo is working with the Pumalín Project to launch a variety of renewal efforts. It is also important to mention that the good reputation of the Pumalín Project in environmental issues is a result of the crucial role that Douglas Tompkins and the Pumalín Foundation played in 2006 against the construction and implementation of the hydroelectric megaproject Hidroaysén in the Aysén Region. The campaign was called “Patagonia! Sin represas!” (Patagonia without dams!), which advertised against the project [47]. The construction of 5 dams would have generated a total of 2750 megawatts (3,690,000 hp) with further capacity for 18,430 gigawatt-hours (66,300 TJ) on average annually. The projected cost was estimated at US$32 billion (1.5 trillion Chilean pesos), making it the largest energy project in the country’s history, but it would also have flooded 12,500 acres of pristine territory that is increasingly popular as an ecotourism destination and it would have affected Pumalín Park with the implementation of the transmission line. However, the tough opposition of different sectors, such as environmental groups (e.g., Patagonia sin represas), NGOs, international experts and the national community helped to stop it. In June 2014, the project was rejected by the Chilean government due to its alleged environmental impacts (BBC 2014). Seen from a Chilean national interest perspective and their demand for clean energy and developing the Aysen region economically, the alternative to stopping these hydroelectric projects can be challenged. In 2008 only 18.3% of the hydroelectric potential of Chile was harnessed and in the Austral region, where the project would be located, only 0.2% of the area is used [48]. An astonishing result was observed to the question: would the transition of Pumalín Park to the Chilean state be a threat to environmental conservation? Here a majority of 45% agreed totally and a 10% agreed moderately. Only a minority of 20% disagreed and 7.5% totally disagreed that the transfer to the Chilean state would not be a threat to conservation. This reply can be explained by the fact that the people of Chaitén do not believe that the government of Chile is able to maintain the same quality of conservation and infrastructure as Pumalín Park is doing today. In fact, according to [49], the land that Tompkins donated has an annual maintenance cost of close to $600 million of Chilean pesos, a budget that must be assumed by the Chilean state to protect and care for the areas in an appropriate manner. The infrastructure of Pumalín Park is of high quality, especially the camp sites and their sanitary infrastructure. Furthermore, Chilean National Parks are often challenged with border problems and land use conflicts [14]. On average in Chilean National Parks this kind of infrastructure cannot be found at these low prices. Therefore, people fear that the quality of the park infrastructure could decay. In 2018 it cannot be foreseen how the new administrators of the park will cope with this challenge. Sustainability 2018, 10, 1584 14 of 22

Table 3. Results for the environmental dimension (in %).

Is Pumalín Park Has Pumalín Park Has Pumalín Park Is Pumalín Park Doing a Is the Transfer of Important for the Contributed to the Contributed to the Good Job on the Pumalín Park to the Conservation of Nature Conservation of the Conservation of the Conservation of State a Threat to the on a National and Flora and Fauna? Local Landscape? Biodiversity? Conservation of Nature? International Level? Totally disagree 8 5 3 5 8 Disagree 0 0 3 3 20 Yes, a little 3 3 8 8 18 Yes, agree moderately 18 18 10 13 10 Yes, agree totally 73 75 77 72 45 Source: author, 2018. Sustainability 2018, 10, 1584 15 of 22

3.3. Pumalín Park Has Promoted Local Culture and Environmental Consciousness in the Area The last section of the questionnaire asked the Chaiteninos about the sociocultural effect of Pumalín Park (Table 4). They were asked if Pumalín Park has contributed towards placing further value on nature and the local environment? A large majority of the Chaiteninos agreed or agreed moderately (46% and 22%) with this question. This can be seen as evidence that Pumalín Park has shaped local identity since its foundation. Different initiatives have helped improve the natural landscape and cultural heritage in the area, for example through the promotion of environmental education projects or fostering the discussion among the local population on the importance of environmental conservation. A person working for Pumalín Park emphasizes the sociocultural dimension: “Before the park was implemented the majority of the local population had no consciousness of the valuable ﬂora and fauna nearby. Before the park was implemented most people in the region saw the forest mainly as a source of lumber and ﬁrewood and there was no sustainable forest management.” In the beginning, in the 1990s and 2000s, many locals and Chilean politicians were skeptical about the project [50], because private conservation was something new and for some people this kind of protection initiative was considered an obstacle to economic development of the region and a threat to national sovereignty. Today, the park is well integrated in the region and the local people have a positive view of Pumalín Park. In the interviews with the different stakeholders in the public administration and the private sector the same positive opinions about Pumalín Park were stated. The questionnaire also asked if Pumalín Park had positive impact on public knowledge of the area. Here a majority of 40% agreed totally and 28% agreed moderately. Furthermore, it was aske, whether Pumalín Park had contributed to enhancing the natural and cultural heritage of the area. Also, the vast majority of the Chaiteninos replied positively to this question. (46% agreed totally and 22% agreed moderately). The person associated with Pumalín Park stated that, before the Park was implemented, the region had no tourist attractions nearby. After the volcanic eruption, the park helped to re-establish the region, as it provided work for the people of Chaitén and the neighboring communities. All these efforts have been recognized by international organizations. In January 2018, the Chilean government received the Conservation Visionaries prize from the International Land Conservation Network, because of the implementation of the Red de Parques de la Patagonia National Park. This grants the region a high visibility and international recognition might attract more visitors into the region [51]. Sustainability 2018, 10, 1584 16 of 22

Table 4. Obtained results for the sociocultural dimension (in %)

Has Pumalín Has Pumalín Has Pumalín Has Pumalín Park Has Pumalín Has Pumalín Park Has Pumalín Park Park Has Pumalín Park Aad a Park Contributed to Park Contributed to Contributed to the Contributed to Park Divided Positive Impact Contributed to Enhance the Natural Transformed Improve the Environmental Strengthen the Local on the Public Strengthen the and Cultural Heritage the Area Quality of Life of Education of the Community Inhabitants? Knowledge of Local Identity? of the Area? Negatively? the Community? Community? Relations? the Area? Totally disagree 3 5 5 49 38 8 11 29 Disagree 16 15 7 27 15 10 11 11 Yes, a little 39 20 20 17 35 15 14 34 Yes, agree 24 23 22 5 8 28 32 11 moderately Yes, agree 18 38 46 2 5 40 32 14 totally Source: author, 2018. Sustainability 2018, 10, 1584 17 of 22

4. Discussion The research concentrated on the issue of private conservation and the perceptions of the local population. Conservation can have strong effects on the neighboring population depending on their economic participation and the social acceptance of conservation. Other studies [32,36] show different results concerning the perception of nearby communities. Depending on environmental awareness, and participation in management and services, the acceptance can vary significantly. Furthermore, those studies show that younger people and those with higher income are more accepting. Studying private conservation in Chile is of particular interest because of the significant increase of private protected areas in the last three decades. Chile has a share of 2.2% privately conserved land, in contrast to 18% of the territory that is protected in National Parks [14]. The phenomena of private conservation and effects on regional development has already been investigated in the Los Ríos region in the Parque Bíologico Huilo Huilo, Parque Oncol and the Valdivian Coastal Reserve [3,8]. In these cases, it was shown that private administrators see local people as threats to forest conservation goals. However, it was also shown that private conservation enhances self-governance through education programs. The economic shift from forestry industry towards eco-tourism is a significant economic transition on a regional level for the cases in the Los Ríos region. The findings suggest that social impact and consequences of PPAs facilitating ecotourism should be given the same level of attention that was given to the public protected areas. Pumalín Park represents a unique case which differs between the already existing case studies in Chile. The transition was not from forestry but from existing native forests, mainly Valdivian rainforests. In contrast to other cases, Pumalín Park is a key economic factor for Chaitén; without its existence the recuperation from the volcanic eruption would have been far more difficult. 45% of the local population agreed that the park helped develop the tourism sector in the region. This seems obvious, as without the park and its services the attractions would be minor. To the question: Is Pumalín Park, and not the Chilean state, the main motor of employment? People reacted indifferently to negatively, because the majority of the people in Chaitén mainly work in public services. In other cases, such as the Reserva Biologica Huilo Huilo the situation has no easy comparison, because the population structure is different. In the case of Huilo Huilo most of the nearby inhabitants extracted timber before the area was transferred to private conservation. As to whether Pumalín Park should become a state park, the local population were mainly skeptical. The population referred mainly to other parks run by the semi-private CONAF (Corporación Nacional Forestal), which from their point of view has lower qualities in conservation and service. The stakeholders share this point of view. This can be interpreted as a critique on the National Park system in Chile, which tends to be underfinanced. In general, it can be stated that Pumalín Park has a strong positive influence on local development. However, the status quo of private conservation remains uncertain, because of the planned transition of the park into the National Park system. Therefore, a comparative study in the future would allow new insight of the perception by the people after the transition.

5. Conclusions The case of the Pumalín Project is a good example of how a private protected area can help shape the development of a region, and also contribute to parallel economic activities. In 1991 when Douglas Tompkins started with this idea, private conservation and activities such as ecotourism were something new and strange, especially in a country where economic growth was seen at that time as the only way to achieve the goals of development and to ﬁght poverty. Results of the investigation show that 27 years after the implementation, it is clear that Pumalín Park has changed this paradigm and other possibilities for development arise as opportunities for rural marginalized areas that are rich in nature and cultural landscapes such as the Patagonian fjord lands. The various initiatives developed by the Tompkins Foundation over this period have shown that nature conservation and economic well-being can coexist without restricting the local development. Sustainability 2018, 10, 1584 18 of 22

Furthermore, the findings of this research have shown that the park is perceived both by the local population and stakeholders as a contribution to the town of Chaitén, especially after the volcanic eruption in 2008. The Park is considered to be a relevant territorial actor in many official documents and also in the reconstruction plan of the city; the municipality recognizes that improved articulation between private initiatives and the local and regional level are necessary in order to finish reconstruction. In interviews with local stakeholders and questionnaires with locals, the vast majority of the people shared the view of the positive impact of private conservation in their region. In this case, it can be seen as one of the key economic stimulators in the region, besides public services in road construction and administration, among others. The majority of the local population does not wish for the integration of the park into the National park system. They argue that the high quality of the infrastructure would decrease in this case. Further studies to observe future developments could give insight into this transition.

Funding: This research received no external funding. Acknowledgments: I thank Carla Marchant, who helped in the interview transcription and technical support during the research. Conﬂicts of Interest: The authors declare no conﬂict of interest.

Appendix Questionnaire Applied in Chaitén Estimados habitantes de Chaitén/El Amarillo Soy un estudiante de doctorado de la Universidad de Innsbruck/Austria y estoy trabajando en mi tesis doctoral titulada: áreas protegidas privadas en Chile—Nuevas perspectivas de proteción ambiental y ﬁlantropía, en cooperación con la Universidad Austral de Chile. En mi tesis quiero explorar las opiniones y percepciones de la población sobre la contribución del parque Parque Pumalín al desarrollo local. Estaré muy agradecido si pueden ayudarme respondiendo algunas preguntas, solo tomará 5 minutos de su tiempo. Aspectos básicos Vives en Chaitén/El amarillo hace cuanto años? ______

1. Edad? ______(años) 2. Sexo O masculino O femenino 3. Que nivel de educación tienes? O basico O media O universitario 4. Actividad que desarrolla: O estudiante O actividad no remunerada O trabajador dependiente O trabajador independiente O otra______Sustainability 2018, 10, 1584 19 of 22

Table A1. Para cada una de las siguientes aﬁrmaciones, indique cuan de acuerdo está con ella, donde 1 es totalmente en desacuerdo y 5 muy de acuerdo.

1 3 5 2 4 Dimensiones a Evaluar (en los últimos 10 años ... ) Totalmente en Ni de Acuerdo ni Totalmente de En Desacuerdo De Acuerdo Desacuerdo en Desacuerdo Acuerdo Dimensión económica El parque Pumalín ha generado empleos directos para los habitantes de Chaitén El parque Pumalín ha contribuido a dinamizar la economía de Chaitén a través de actividades turísticas El parque Pumalín ha contribuido a dinamizar otras actividades económicas no vinculadas al turismo (por ejemplo servicios, artesanía, ganadería, otros) El parque Pumalín ha contribuido a atraer inversionistas a la zona El parque Pumalín y no el Estado es el motor de desarrollo de la zona El parque Pumalín ha estancado el desarrollo económico de Chaitén El parque Pumalín ha contribuido a mejorar mis ingresos El parque Pumalín ha tenido un impacto positivo en el valor del precio de la tierra Dimensión ambiental El parque Pumalín ha contribuido a la conservación de la flora y fauna local El parque Pumalín ha contribuido a la conservación del paisaje local El parque Pumalín hace un buen trabajo de conservación de la biodiversidad El parque Pumalín es importante para la conservación de la naturaleza a nivel nacional y mundial El traspaso del Parque Pumalín al Estado es una amenaza para la conservación de la naturaleza Dimensión sociocultural El parque Pumalín ha contribuido a fortalecer las relaciones comunitarias El parque Pumalín ha contribuido a fortalecer la identidad local El parque Pumalín ha contribuido a valorizar el patrimonio natural y cultural de la zona El parque Pumalín ha transformado negativamente la zona (en caso de respuesta afirmativa indagar razones) ¿Por qué?______El parque Pumalín ha dividido a los habitantes locales (en caso de respuesta afirmativa indagar razones) ¿Por qué?______El parque Pumalín tienen un impacto positivo sobre el conocimiento publico de la zona El parque Pumalín ha desarrollado obras que han mejorado la calidad de vida de los Chaiténinos (en caso de respuesta afirmativa indagar razones) Cuales?______El parque Pumalín ha contribuido a la educación ambiental de la comunidad El traspaso del Parque Pumalín al Estado es positivo para la comunidad Sustainability 2018, 10, 1584 20 of 22

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© 2018 by the author. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). When a private park supports the local economy

Benedikt Hora and Carla Marchant

The last two decades in Chile have seen the spread of private protected areas (PPAs) – conservation initiatives developed through private capital. Many of these projects were made possible through environmental philanthropy, complement- ing government schemes aiming to conserve biodiversity. The case of Oncol Park shows that such initiatives can boost the economy of rural areas through tourism. View of Valdivia and the Cruces River from the top of Oncol hill, Chile (Authors)

Oncol Park is located in the Chilean Coastal Range, in the Los Ríos region. The park is located within the Valdivian temperate rain forest, which is a biodiversity hotspot and one of the few remaining endemic forests in the area. In the last few decades, the forest has suffered from substantial environmental deterioration, due to land use change in the form of commercial plantations of exotic species such as Eucalyptus and Pinus radiata. Oncol Park is an attractive tourist destination and an example of how environmental conservation has played a role in enhancing local economies. Given that parks are predominantly run by individuals, NGOs, conservation communities and foundations, this PPA is a truly unique case.

Oncol Park is owned and operated by the Chilean company Forestal Valdivia. In 1985 Forestal Valdivia acquired a 3 400-hectare plot of land with predominantly native forests, which it intended to develop into plantations. To compensate for its activities, in 1989 the company began to develop a further 754 hectares for conservation and protection of ﬂora and fauna – this was the start of the Oncol project.

Park facilities were implemented with an estimated initial investment of US$ 5.3 million. Revenues in 2014 amounted to a total of US$ 42 000. However, only 20 percent of the running costs (mainly personnel and maintenance of infrastructure) are recouped by revenue generated within the park; Forestal Valdivia must subsidize the remaining 80 percent.

58 Lessons learned Oncol Park has helped create jobs in the local community (15 people are employed • Compensation projects such as PPAs full-time), through the provision of maintenance and other value-added services are an innovative, little-explored and such as horse riding and guided tours. There is a cafeteria and sports facilities (the little-monitored method for private- canopy is leased out to local entrepreneurs), potentially allowing further tourism- sector companies to develop concrete related activities to develop. actions of social corporate responsibility.

The large number of tourists means that the park has a big impact on regional dy- • PPAs can have a positive impact on the namics and the local economy. In the past decade, the ﬂow of visitors has quadru- local economy by opening up a range of pled, from 3 102 in 2004 to 12 200 in 2014. This has largely been possible through income-generating opportunities, if they advertising support by the Chilean Government and privately funded initiatives. are easily accessible and have a good Tourism has been declared one pillar of the development of the Los Ríos region, connection to local and regional centres. and through the support of institutions such as the Productive Development Cor- • PPAs can play an important role in poration (CORFO) and regulation by the Regional Government through the Region- biodiversity conservation if they are al Tourism Policy, the lush landscapes characteristic of the area have been preserved more than isolated islands of native and enhanced. An example is the development of a protected areas guide of the ecosystems surrounded by degraded Los Ríos region by the World Wildlife Fund, which includes Oncol Park. ecosystems. An enabling framework is needed to encourage and legally secure An initiative such as Oncol Park, in a mountainous area highly susceptible to ero- such initiatives. sion and affected by land use change, plays a fundamental role in safeguarding endemic ecosystems. It also acts to diversify the local economy. In the project’s future, the main challenge will be maintaining the ecological restoration plan developed for this last remnant patch of undegraded native forest of the Chilean Coastal Range, which will result in substantial maintenance costs. In addition, PPAs in Chile are not currently regulated by a legal framework. This means that tax beneﬁts and economic incentives have not yet been developed, despite the importance of the PPAs’ work for the sustainability of these mountain areas.

Latué Cafeteria near the entrance of Location Oncol Park (Authors) of Oncol Park

Map by authors

Projection: UTM WGS 84 19S Source: Esri, USGS, WWF Chile Aster Gdem

Eidesstattliche Erklärung

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