Min Aung Hlaing and His Generals: Data on the Military Members of Myanmar’S State Administration Council Junta
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The Post-Revolutionary Transformation of the Indonesian Army
THE POST-REVOLUTIONARY TRANSFORMATION OF THE INDONESIAN ARMY Part II* Ruth McVey The rebellion of 1958 marked a turning point in the development of the Indonesian army, for it provided the central military leader ship with the means to establish its ascendancy over the officer corps. Had there been a compromise in the settlement of the insurrection, General Nasution might have continued for some time to inch his way toward control, in the manner in which we saw him progress during 1955-1956,* 1 and the relations between the army center and the power ful territorial commanders would have continued for some time to be roughtly equal. But the central military command moved with great success against the rebel forces, whose failure was apparent within six months of their revolt. This victory both eliminated Nasution’s principal rivals for army leadership and gave him great military prestige,with which he consolidated his personal position and re shaped the army's structure. Of even greater significance for the army’s ultimate role in Indonesia, the rebellion--or, to be more exact, the State of Emergency proclaimed in April 1957 in response to the regional crisis--allowed the military to expand its activities into the economic and political spheres. This expansion provided the army leadership with vital sources of finance and patronage, strengthening its position over the officer corps and enhancing the army's status in the society as a whole. The proliferation of the army's functions and of its members' contacts with civilian elements that resulted from this development increased the chances for extra-military alliances and civilian influence over individual officers, but in another and ultimately more important sense, it diminished army disunity. -
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Import Law Dekkhina and President U Win Myint Were and S: 25 of the District Detained
Current No. Name Sex /Age Father's Name Position Date of Arrest Section of Law Plaintiff Address Remark Condition Superintendent Myanmar Military Seizes Power Kyi Lin of and Senior NLD leaders S: 8 of the Export Special Branch, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Import Law Dekkhina and President U Win Myint were and S: 25 of the District detained. The NLD’s chief Natural Disaster Administrator ministers and ministers in the Management law, (S: 8 and 67), states and regions were also 1 (Daw) Aung San Suu Kyi F General Aung San State Counsellor (Chairman of NLD) 1-Feb-21 Penal Code - Superintendent House Arrest Naypyitaw detained. 505(B), S: 67 of Myint Naing Arrested State Counselor Aung the (S: 25), U Soe San Suu Kyi has been charged in Telecommunicatio Soe Shwe (S: Rangoon on March 25 under ns Law, Official 505 –b), Section 3 of the Official Secrets Secret Act S:3 Superintendent Act. Aung Myo Lwin (S: 3) Myanmar Military Seizes Power S: 25 of the and Senior NLD leaders Natural Disaster including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi Superintendent Management law, and President U Win Myint were Myint Naing, Penal Code - detained. The NLD’s chief 2 (U) Win Myint M U Tun Kyin President (Vice Chairman-1 of NLD) 1-Feb-21 Dekkhina House Arrest Naypyitaw 505(B), S: 67 of ministers and ministers in the District the states and regions were also Administrator Telecommunicatio detained. ns Law Myanmar Military Seizes Power and Senior NLD leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint were detained. -
Reform in Myanmar: One Year On
Update Briefing Asia Briefing N°136 Jakarta/Brussels, 11 April 2012 Reform in Myanmar: One Year On mar hosts the South East Asia Games in 2013 and takes I. OVERVIEW over the chairmanship of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 2014. One year into the new semi-civilian government, Myanmar has implemented a wide-ranging set of reforms as it em- Reforming the economy is another major issue. While vital barks on a remarkable top-down transition from five dec- and long overdue, there is a risk that making major policy ades of authoritarian rule. In an address to the nation on 1 changes in a context of unreliable data and weak econom- March 2012 marking his first year in office, President Thein ic institutions could create unintended economic shocks. Sein made clear that the goal was to introduce “genuine Given the high levels of impoverishment and vulnerabil- democracy” and that there was still much more to be done. ity, even a relatively minor shock has the potential to have This ambitious agenda includes further democratic reform, a major impact on livelihoods. At a time when expectations healing bitter wounds of the past, rebuilding the economy are running high, and authoritarian controls on the popu- and ensuring the rule of law, as well as respecting ethnic lation have been loosened, there would be a potential for diversity and equality. The changes are real, but the chal- unrest. lenges are complex and numerous. To consolidate and build on what has been achieved and increase the likeli- A third challenge is consolidating peace in ethnic areas. -
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West Papua Report July 2015 This is the 134th in a series of monthly reports that focus on developments affecting Papuans. This series is produced by the non-profit West Papua Advocacy Team (WPAT) drawing on media accounts, other NGO assessments, and analysis and reporting from sources within West Papua. This report is co-published by the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN). Back issues are posted online at http://www.etan.org/issues/wpapua/default.htm Questions regarding this report can be addressed to Edmund McWilliams at [email protected]. If you wish to receive the report directly via e-mail, write to [email protected]. Link to this issue: http://etan.org/issues/wpapua/2015/1507.htm. The Report leads with PERSPECTIVE, an analysis piece; followed by UPDATE, a summary of some recent news and developments; and then CHRONICLE which includes analyses, statements, new resources, appeals and action alerts related to West Papua. Anyone interested in contributing a PERSPECTIVE or responding to one should write to [email protected]. We also welcome suggestions of resources and analysis to for listing in the CHRONICLE section. The opinions expressed in Perspectives are the author's and not necessarily those of WPAT or ETAN. For ongoing news on West Papua subscribe to the reg.westpapua listserv or visit its archive; the list is also available on Twitter. CONTENTS This edition's PERSPECTIVE is an exclusive interview with Zely Airane of the #PapuaItuKita on creative ways they are raising issues involving West Papua in Indonesia. In UPDATE: This Issue highlights the recent Melanesian Spearhead Group summit in the Solomon Islands where the United Movement for the Liberation of West Papua (ULMWP) was given observer status. -
Aung San Suu Kyi (1945- )
Aung San Suu Kyi (1945 - ) Major Events in the Life of a Revolutionary Leader All terms appearing in bold are included in the glossary. 1945 On June 19 in Rangoon (now called Yangon), the capital city of Burma (now called Myanmar), Aung San Suu Kyi was born the third child and only daughter to Aung San, national hero and leader of the Burma Independence Army (BIA) and the Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (AFPFL), and Daw Khin Kyi, a nurse at Rangoon General Hospital. Aung San Suu Kyi was born into a country with a complex history of colonial domination that began late in the nineteenth century. After a series of wars between Burma and Great Britain, Burma was conquered by the British and annexed to British India in 1885. At first, the Burmese were afforded few rights and given no political autonomy under the British, but by 1923 Burmese nationals were permitted to hold select government offices. In 1935, the British separated Burma from India, giving the country its own constitution, an elected assembly of Burmese nationals, and some measure of self-governance. In 1941, expansionist ambitions led the Japanese to invade Burma, where they defeated the British and overthrew their colonial administration. While at first the Japanese were welcomed as liberators, under their rule more oppressive policies were instituted than under the British, precipitating resistance from Burmese nationalist groups like the Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (AFPFL). In 1945, Allied forces drove the Japanese out of Burma and Britain resumed control over the country. 1947 Aung San negotiated the full independence of Burma from British control. -
Burma's Long Road to Democracy
UNITED STATES InsTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT Priscilla Clapp A career officer in the U.S. Foreign Service, Priscilla Clapp served as U.S. chargé d’affaires and chief of mission in Burma (Myanmar) from June 1999 to August 2002. After retiring from the Foreign Service, she has continued to Burma’s Long Road follow events in Burma closely and wrote a paper for the United States Institute of Peace entitled “Building Democracy in Burma,” published on the Institute’s Web site in July 2007 as Working Paper 2. In this Special to Democracy Report, the author draws heavily on her Working Paper to establish the historical context for the Saffron Revolution, explain the persistence of military rule in Burma, Summary and speculate on the country’s prospects for political transition to democracy. For more detail, particularly on • In August and September 2007, nearly twenty years after the 1988 popular uprising the task of building the institutions for stable democracy in Burma, public anger at the government’s economic policies once again spilled in Burma, see Working Paper 2 at www.usip.org. This into the country’s city streets in the form of mass protests. When tens of thousands project was directed by Eugene Martin, and sponsored by of Buddhist monks joined the protests, the military regime reacted with brute force, the Institute’s Center for Conflict Analysis and Prevention. beating, killing, and jailing thousands of people. Although the Saffron Revolution was put down, the regime still faces serious opposition and unrest. -
China, India, and Myanmar: Playing Rohingya Roulette?
CHAPTER 4 China, India, and Myanmar: Playing Rohingya Roulette? Hossain Ahmed Taufiq INTRODUCTION It is no secret that both China and India compete for superpower standing in the Asian continent and beyond. Both consider South Asia and Southeast Asia as their power-play pivots. Myanmar, which lies between these two Asian giants, displays the same strategic importance for China and India, geopolitically and geoeconomically. Interestingly, however, both countries can be found on the same page when it comes to the Rohingya crisis in Myanmar’s Rakhine state. As the Myanmar army (the Tatmadaw) crackdown pushed more than 600,000 Rohingya refugees into Bangladesh, Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi’s government was vociferously denounced by the Western and Islamic countries.1 By contrast, China and India strongly sup- ported her beleaguered military-backed government, even as Bangladesh, a country both invest in heavily, particularly on a competitive basis, has sought each to soften Myanmar’s Rohingya crackdown and ease a medi- ated refugee solution. H. A. Taufiq (*) Global Studies & Governance Program, Independent University of Bangladesh, Dhaka, Bangladesh e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2019 81 I. Hussain (ed.), South Asia in Global Power Rivalry, Global Political Transitions, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-7240-7_4 82 H. A. TAUFIQ China’s and India’s support for Myanmar is nothing new. Since the Myanmar military seized power in September 1988, both the Asian pow- ers endeavoured to expand their influence in the reconfigured Myanmar to protect their national interests, including heavy investments in Myanmar, particularly in the Rakhine state. -
Frontier Capitalism and Politics of Dispossession in Myanmar: the Case of the Mwetaung (Gullu Mual) Nickel Mine in Chin State Einzenberger, Rainer
www.ssoar.info Frontier Capitalism and Politics of Dispossession in Myanmar: the Case of the Mwetaung (Gullu Mual) Nickel Mine in Chin State Einzenberger, Rainer Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Einzenberger, R. (2018). Frontier Capitalism and Politics of Dispossession in Myanmar: the Case of the Mwetaung (Gullu Mual) Nickel Mine in Chin State. ASEAS - Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies, 11(1), 13-34. https:// doi.org/10.14764/10.ASEAS-2018.1-2 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/deed.de Aktuelle Südostasienforschung Current Research on Southeast Asia Frontier Capitalism and Politics of Dispossession in Myanmar: The Case of the Mwetaung (Gullu Mual) Nickel Mine in Chin State Rainer Einzenberger ► Einzenberger, R. (2018). Frontier capitalism and politics of dispossession in Myanmar: The case of the Mwetaung (Gullu Mual) nickel mine in Chin State. Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies, 11(1), 13-34. Since 2010, Myanmar has experienced unprecedented political and economic changes described in the literature as democratic transition or metamorphosis. The aim of this paper is to analyze the strategy of accumulation by dispossession in the frontier areas as a precondition and persistent element of Myanmar’s transition. -
Regional Reverberations from Regime Shake-Up in Rangoon.Qxd
Asia-PacificAsia-Pacific SecuritySecurity SStudiestudies RegionalRegional ReverberationsReverberations fromfrom RegimeRegime Shake-upShake-up inin RangoonRangoon Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies Volume 4 - Number 1, January 2005 Key Findings The reverberations from the recent regime shake-up in Rangoon continue to be felt in regional capitals. Since prime minister Khin Nyunt was the chief architect of closer China-Burma strategic ties, his sudden removal has been interpret- ed as a major setback for China's strategic goals in Burma. Dr. Mohan Malik is a Professor with the Asia-Pacific Center for However, an objective assessment of China's strategic and eco- Security Studies. nomic needs and Burma's predicament shows that Beijing is His work focuses main- unlikely to easily give up what it has already gained in and ly on Asian Geopolitics through Burma. From China's perspective, Burma should be and Proliferation in Asia-Pacific region. His satisfied to gain a powerful friend, a permanent member of the most recent APCSS UN Security Council, and an economic superpower that comes publication is “India-China Relations: bearing gifts of much needed military hardware, economic aid, Giants Stir, Cooperate infrastructure projects and diplomatic support. and Compete ” The fact remains that ASEAN, India and Japan cannot compete with China either in providing military assistance, diplomatic support or in offering trade and investment benefits. With the UN-brokered talks on political reconciliation having reached a dead end, it might be worthwhile to start afresh with a dia- logue framework of ASEAN+3 (ASEAN plus China, India and Japan) on Burma. This would also put to test China's oft-stated commitment to multi- lateralism and Beijing's penchant for "Asian solutions to Asian problems". -
Hate Speech Ignited Understanding Hate Speech in Myanmar
Hate Speech Ignited Understanding Hate Speech in Myanmar Hate Speech Ignited Understanding Hate Speech in Myanmar October 2020 About Us This report was written based on the information and data collection, monitoring, analytical insights and experiences with hate speech by civil society organizations working to reduce and/or directly af- fected by hate speech. The research for the report was coordinated by Burma Monitor (Research and Monitoring) and Progressive Voice and written with the assistance of the International Human Rights Clinic at Harvard Law School while it is co-authored by a total 19 organizations. Jointly published by: 1. Action Committee for Democracy Development 2. Athan (Freedom of Expression Activist Organization) 3. Burma Monitor (Research and Monitoring) 4. Generation Wave 5. International Human Rights Clinic at Harvard Law School 6. Kachin Women’s Association Thailand 7. Karen Human Rights Group 8. Mandalay Community Center 9. Myanmar Cultural Research Society 10. Myanmar People Alliance (Shan State) 11. Nyan Lynn Thit Analytica 12. Olive Organization 13. Pace on Peaceful Pluralism 14. Pon Yate 15. Progressive Voice 16. Reliable Organization 17. Synergy - Social Harmony Organization 18. Ta’ang Women’s Organization 19. Thint Myat Lo Thu Myar (Peace Seekers and Multiculturalist Movement) Contact Information Progressive Voice [email protected] www.progressivevoicemyanmar.org Burma Monitor [email protected] International Human Rights Clinic at Harvard Law School [email protected] https://hrp.law.harvard.edu Acknowledgments Firstly and most importantly, we would like to express our deepest appreciation to the activists, human rights defenders, civil society organizations, and commu- nity-based organizations that provided their valuable time, information, data, in- sights, and analysis for this report. -
THAN TUN, M.A., B.L., Ph
THE ROYAL ORDERS OF BURMA, A.D. 1598-1885 PART FOUR, A.D. 1782-1787 Edited with Introduction, Notes and Summary in English of Each Order by THAN TUN, M.A., B.L., Ph. D. (London) Former Professor of History, Mandalay University KYOTO THE CENTRE FOR SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES, KYOTO UNIVERSITY 1986 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT The editor owes much gratitude to THE CENTRE FOR SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES KYOTO UNIVERSITY for research fecilities given to him in editing these Royal Orders of Burma and to have them published under its auspices. He is also thankful to THE TOYOTA FOUNDATION financial aid to publish them. iv CONTENTS Acknowledgement iv List of colleagues who helped in collecting the Royal Orders vi Introduction vii Chronology 1782-1787 xxiv King's Own Calendar, 1806-1819 xxxiii Summary of Each Order in English 1 Royal Orders of Burma in Burmese 211 v List of colleagues who helped in collecting the Royal Orders Aung Kyaw (Chaung U) Aung Myin Chit So Myint Htun Yee Khin Htwe Yi Khin Khin Khin Khin Gyi Khin Khin Sein Khin Lay Khin Maung Htay sKhin Myo Aye Khin Nyun (Mrs Thein Than Tun) Khin Yi (Mrs Than Tun) Kyaw Kyaw Win Mya Mya Myine Myine Myint Myint Myint Htet Myint Myint Than Myo Myint Ni Ni Myint Ni Toot Nyunt Nyunt Way Ohn Kyi (Chaung U) Ohn Myint Oo Pannajota Sai Kham Mong San Myint (Candimala) San Nyein San San Aye Saw Lwin Sein Myint Than Than Thant Zin (Mawlike) Thaung Ko Thein Hlaing Thein Than Tun Thoung Thiung Tin Maung Yin Tin Tin Win Toe Hla Tun Nwe Tun Thein Win Maung Yi Yi Yi Yi Aung vi INTRODUCTION LIKEAniruddha (Anawyatha Min Saw), Hti Hlaing Shin (Kyanzittha), Hanthawady Sinbyu Shin (Bayin Naung), Alaungmintaya (U Aung Zayya) and Mindon after him, King Badon (Bodawpaya) was a usurper on the Burmese throne and like his every other counterpart, he tried to rule with benevolence. -
Asian Regional Powers: Junta's Lifelines but Not Change Agents?
Asian Regional Powers: Junta’s Lifelines but Not Change Agents? Tin Maung Maung Than Introduction: Myanmar and Its Foreign Policy The State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), was formed after a military coup on the 18th of September 1988, in response to a widespread breakdown of government authority. SLORC was reconstituted as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) in November 1997 and the latter currently rules Myanmar by decree. Myanmar is the second largest country (after Indonesia) among the ten states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to which it was admitted in July 1997. Myanmar is situated at the junction of China, South Asia and Southeast Asia, and it shares land borders with five neighbouring states, as depicted in Table 1: Table 1 Myanmar’s Borders China (north & north-east) 1,384 miles India (north-west) 903 miles Bangladesh (west) 169 miles Thailand (east & south-east) 1,304 miles Laos (east) 146 miles Source: www.myanmar.com/Union/history.html With a population of around 56 million and a small economy, Myanmar is wedged between the two most populous and fastest growing economies in the world – China and India. Myanmar has always been conscious of the geopolitical and demographic realties of bordering these two major Asian powers when formulating its foreign policy. The fact that the country is inhabited by some 135 (officially recognised) indigenous ethnic groups, with many of those groups straddling the porous borders also complicates the policy calculus of Myanmar’s foreign relations having to consider the dynamics of the international and regional systems as well as domestic imperatives of economic, political and security issues.