MOOD and MODALITY in TAGALOG J.R.Iviartin Uniuersityof Sydney

PHILIPPINE JOI'RNAL OF IJNGI'ITTICS Volume21, Number 1, June lgg0

II{TE RPE RSONAL GRAMIVIATIZATION: MOOD AND MODALITY IN TAGALOG J.R.IvIARTIN Uniuersityof Sydney

1. MODESOF MEANING

Halliday(1979) suggeststhatthefunctional organization of grammaris motivated syntagmaticallyaswellas paradigmaticallywith differenttypes of structure correlating with different metafunctional components.This suggestionis further explored in Matthiessen(1988), who is particularlyconcerned with the problemsdifferent types of structural realizationcause for representation(Matthiessen and Halliday, to appear); a summaryof their conelationsis providedbelow:

METAFUNCTION TYPEOF STRUCTURE REPRESENTATION

1 ideational: particulate: segmental: (a) experiential constituent constituency 'tree'] [part/whole,

ft) Iogical recursrve (inter)dependency 'chain'] fpart/part

2 interpersonal suprasegmental prosody 'agreement'] [tone,

3 textual culminative prominence [wave,'pulse'] Table 1: Metafunctionand typesof structure

Of particularinterest in this paperis their proposalthat interpersonalmeaning will tend acrosslanguages to havea non-particulateform of structural realizationwhich they referto as prosodic(after the long componentphonolory of the LondonSchool). Thisproposalwillbereviewed herewith respecttotherealization ofwhatare generally referredto asMOOD and MODALITY (e.9.Palmer 1986) in the Tagalogclause.

2. STRUCTURE IN TAGALOG (DTYERGE}IT MODES)

For almost 50 years now, the dominant form of representationas far as gram- maticalrelations are concernedhas been constituency, especially within the developmentof the hegemonicdiscourses of Americanlinguistics. Grammar has in otherwords been primarily addressedin experientialterms, although the form/content duality

2 MOOD AND MODALTIY IN TAGALOG

underpinning most syntactic description partially obscuresthe metafunctional bias in this approach.Workingwithin this tradition, Schachterand Otanes $972) proposethe following constituency structure of what they term basic sentencesin Tagalog.

Basic Sentence

Topic Movab Adverb

Fig. 1: Schachter & Otanes'sbasic sentencestructure

A basic sentenceconsists in their terms of a Predicate (which may be verbal, nominal or adjectival) and a Topic (which typically follows); and it may include aswell a Movable Adverb whose position, as its name implies, is not fixed. This structure is exemplified in 1:

1. u-uwi angbangkay mamaya will go home corpse later 'The body will go home later'

Additional constituency is introduced via the Predicate; the structure for a transitive verbal Predicate for example is developed as follows and exemplified in Figure 2.

BasicSentence ;;";;ffMbEute",^;;::,T;#,::3? ?{L@e % Verb I Object Verb I Actor-Focus Object Complement

Fig. 2: Basicsentence elaborated

2. i-liJibing ng pamilya ang bangkay mamaya will bury family corpse later 'The family will bury the body later'

Note that no systematicdistinction is made in the labeling of nodes betrareen function and class,although Schachterand Otanes'srecognition of verbal, nominal and adiectival Predicatesis suggestive(i.e. Predicate as function, Verbal as class, etc.). Of specid interest is Schachter and Otanes's use of the label Topic in place of the more usual Subject. An attempt has been made here to orient the constituency analysis in the direction of textual meaning by labeling one constituent as textually prominent, The grammar of Tagalog aswith other Philippi ne languages,is parti cularly compelli n g in this regard becauseof the way in which the morpholory singles out one experiential MARTIN constihrentas 'central':the partide angin2, for example,marks angbanghay as Topic while the prefix i- signalsthat its participant role (or 'case'in Fillmore's 1968sense of the term) is that of centrifugalgeods (see R^amos 1974:46, De Guzman 1978,Martin forthcoming,for interpretationsof this focus'system). The constituencyanalysis sketched out aboveprovides the basisfor the overall organizationof Schachterand Otanes'sgrammar. A chapter on pronunciation is followedby one on basicsentence structure. Subsequently nominals are considered (potentid Topics or Predicates),then adiectivals(potential Predicateswithout case afExes),verbals (potentid Predicateswithcase afrxes) and adverbials (non-Topics and non-Predicates).The frnal chapter is concernedwith derived and minor sentence structures:

1. Pronunciation 2. Basicsentence stmcture 3. Nominalsand their expansions 4. Adiectivalsand their expansions 5. Verbalsand their expansions 6. Adverbialsand their expansions 7. Derivedand minor sentencestructures

The grammaras a whole,in otherwords, is organizedaround constituency. In Halliday'sterms this meansthat its fundamentalorganizing principle is experiential: the grammaris approachedthrough considerationof its resourcesfor constructing reality--fordividing whole phenomena (states and events;cf. Schachterand Otanes's 1972:61equationaland narrational sentences) into parts,and then breakingthese parts into sub-parts,sub-sub-parts, and so on until a sentence'sultimate constituentsare reached.This hasvery serious consequences for the treatmentof interpersonalmeaning,which will be outlinedin section3 below. Tagalogitself, on the other hand, makesclear structural distinctions among all , i."9 four types of meaning introduced in sectionl: experiential,logical, interpersonal and -r-i d textual. The logicalcomponentfor example relies heavily on the hypotacticdependency ,r",59 marker na/ng to link clauses,phrases or words. Three clausesare so linked tvia g/;f projection)in 3 below: ^g\ -''."f' f .p"+d 3. s-in-abi nila na na-intindi-han na u-uwi siya sdu said they LKI understood LK will go home s/he 'They said they understoodhe would go home'

Textually, as noted above,the clausefocuses on one participant as central--thetopic. This participant tends to comeeither last (more commonly)in the clause,in line with the culminative patterning outlined in section1:

4. iJi-libing ng pamilya si Marcos will bury family 'The family will bury Marcos'

5. Si Marcos ay _ i-liJibing ng pamilya IM2 will bury family 'Marcoswill be buried by the family'

4 MOOD AIVD MODALTNT IN TAGALOG

Finally, the clause may include a number of interpersonal elements, including vocatives, respect and surprise partides and tags as in 6, whose realizations are dispersedacross the clauseand which are not connectedto other elements through the experiential, logical and textud systems introduced above. These meanings will be discussedin some detail below.

6. Imeldq patay po pala si Marcos, hindi ba dead respect surprise neg? 'Imelda" Marcos is really dead,isn't he, ma'am?'

3. MOOD AND MODALITY (TIIE INTERPERSIONAL MODE)

Consideration of interpersonal meaning is in fact distributed (prosodidty) across all chapters of Schachterand Otanes'sTagalog Rzfenenoe Grammnr. Chapter 1 includes a sectionon TONE, which has to anticipate a discussionof MOOD becausethe meaning of the intonation contours dependson whether the clauseis declarative, interrogative, imperative, etc. (as in English; seeHalliday 1967).Chapter 2 (basicsentence structure) briefly considersthe position of enclitic particles and movable adverbs, many of which code interpersonal meaning (including MODALITY or what is referred to in formal grammar as epistemic modality). Chapter 3 (nominals) looks at personal pronouns and their enclitic behavior. Chapter 4 (adjectivals) covers MODULATION (deontic modality in formal grammar), exclamativemood and various intensiffing resourcesfor adjectives.Chapter 5 (verbals) includes a section on imperative mood, since this is realized through special forms of the verb. Chapter 6 (adverbials) examines nol- 'J pronominal enclitics, more MODALITY (sentenceinitial adverbs) and sentence f partides. And Chapter ? covers interrogatives (including tags), negation, soqit 'evaluative'clauses ;f mulas, interjections and special (what Schachter and Ot3;o gf- r' to as explanatory at clauses;1972:545-546). *d-tY. The experimental organization of the grammar can thus be seen 3?'S'nP', ,l'$^atize irrterpersonalmeaning. Only the final chapter is primarily concerned inter- $, personal.And in eachof the other chaptersinterpersonal meaning cro| towards the end.

1. Intonation (section28 - out of 30) 2. Interpersonaladverbs (section 14 - out of 15) 3. Enclitic behavior of pronouns (section29 - out of 29) 4. Exclamatives (section 24 - out of 24\ 5. Imperatives(section 30 - out of 30) 6. Sentencefinal particles (section13 - followedby adverbial clauses)

As well as marginalizing the interpersonal, the experiential organization of the grammar also fragments it. MOOD for example is consideredin Chapters 1 (MOOD and TONE), 4 (exelamative),5 (imperative, hortative, optative) and g (interrogative). Similarly enclitic particles are taken up in Chapters 2 (becausetheir position is not predicted by the basic sentencestructure outlined above), 3 (becausethe pronominal dass of nominals is enclitic) and 6 (becausethe remaining enclitics are classed as adverbs).This degreeof fragmentation is totally unmotivated interpersonally. Enclitic pnonounsand enclitic adverbs, for example, resemble each other in most respects. Contrast the 'nominals' and 'adverbials' in 7.

5 MARTIN

ENCUTIC NON-ENCUTIC NOMINAL nila ang bangkay ADVERBIAL daw nang ma_biiis

Table 2: Enclitic words vs non-encliticphrases

7' iJiJibing daw nila ang bangkay nang ma-bilis will bury report they 'Reportedly coryse quick they'll bury the body quickly; Both 'unexpanded' enclitics daw and nilo occur as words, not phrases (nila vs ang banghay and,daw vs nang mabilis), they immediately follow the predicate (*ihlibing ang bangh'ay daw nila nang mabilis is not possible),ih.y "r. ordered with respect t"o (*ililibing eachother nila daw....--but reveriing the ordei of the nominal and adverbial groups is fine: ililibing daw nila nang mabilis ang banghay), they cannot be fronted (*daw nila ay ililibing angbanghaynang mabilis -- butboth groups ca nbe: ang bangkay ay ililibing daw nila nang mabilis or mabilis daw nilang itilibing ang banghoy1una ,L on. This is not to suggestthat there are no goodexperiential ,."rJrrs fJr treating enclitic pronouns as nominals; there are (grouping enclitic adverbs and manner adver.bs together is howevermuch hardertoiustify). All nominalsfor examplehave distinctive realizations 'case': depending on Topic vs non-Topic participanf vs^non-Topic circumstance (sila:ang banghay::nila:ng banghay::sakanila:sa banghay3; ,"" section 6 bclow). The point here is rather that inierpersonal and exper-Lniiai principles of classification are not congruentand that grammarswhich are built up around just one of these organizing principleswill necessarilyefface the other. Reconciliationof this contestationwill be consideredbelow.

4. MULTI.FT.JNCTIONALITY

Halliday's (1985)stratery for reconcilingdivergent forms of structural realization in grammar is to establishsimultaneour e*p"riential, interpersonaland textual structures for the clauseand to explorehow theseare mappedonto eachother for different textual and contextual effects.His multi-tiered appr:oachis illustrated for sentenceg (setting bglow asidelogical meaning). The experientiafanalysis addresses the clause,s observer -- function how it (de)constructsreality as process,participant and circumstance. The interpersonallayer dealswith the clause'sintrudlr function--theway in (de)constructs which it social reality as a negotiated interactive event. The textual layer concernsthe clause'senablingfunction--the means bywhich it makesconnections ^ with its verbal and non-verbalcontext (Given New structure will not be considered here).

8. the family will bury the body later

Actor Process Goal Circumstance: location:time Mood Residue

Theme Rheme

Each layer in the analysisassignsa different structure to the clause.Experien- tially, for example, will bury is treated as a single constituent opposedto the two

6 MOOD AND MODAIJTY IN TAGALOG participants and the circumstancein the clause.Interpersonally, however, it will be bracketedwith the family as Mood (or more delicatelyas Subject^ Finite) becauseit is this part of the clausethat determinesits function as dialogue;note how the Mood element is replayedtwice (as tag and as response)in the following contextualized example:

9. The family will bury the bodylater, won't thcy? --Yes,they will.

The implication of this kind of multi-dimensionalinterpretation of clausestructure for the organizationof grammarsis that metaftrnctionrather than constituency be tal

1. Constituency 2. Towardsa functional grammar 3. Clauseas message(textual meaning) 4. Clauseas exchange(interpersonal meaning) 5. Clauseas representation(experiential meaning)

On this model no one type of meaningmarginalizes the others. The clause is interpreted from the perspectiveof the textual, interpersonal and experiential metafunctionas the simultaneousconstruction of meaningsgenerated by eachfunc- tional componentin the grammar.Equally importantly, this kind of modelmahes space for the developmentof different forms of structural representation for different metafunctions.Specid forms of representationfor interpersonal (prosodicpatterns) and tsrtual (culminativepatterns) are not developedin Halliday (1985),who usesthe morefamiliar constituencymodel for eachlayer of structure as exemplifiedfor 4 above. This facilitates mapping the difrerent layers of meaning onto each other -- e.g. Actor/Subject/Themein 4; but it doesnot really dojustice to the divergent realization principlesproposed in Halliday (1978)for different metafunctions.Alongside develop- ing a more integratedapproach to interpersond meaningin Tagalogthan Schachter and Otanes'sgrammar affords, this paper will also attempt to develop a form of interpersonalrepresentation that doessome justice to prosodicaspects of the structure of MOOD and MODALITY in the Tagalogclause.

5. MOOD

Centralto any discussionof the grammatizationof interpersonalmeaning in the Tagalogclause is a considerationof MOOD -- resourcesfor structuring dialogueas intcraction. As notcd above,MOOD conditionsthe meaning of TONE. As well it conditionsthe meaningand distribution of enclitics(yata'uncertaint5r', for example,is found only in declaratives,with speculationin imperativesand interrogativesrealized 'please' by kaya;nga, onthe other hand,occurs in all moods,but is better glossedas in imperativesand as'really' or'indeed'in declarativesand interrogatives).In addition, MOOD controlsthe form of negation(hindi for declarativesand interrogatives,huwag for imperatives)and the possibilitiesfor modalizationand modulation (seebelow). Frcm the point of view of conversationalstructure, the basicoppositions under- tnngMOOD haveto dowith the natureof the commoditybeing exchanged (information vs goodsand senrices)and with the way in which an exchangeis initiated (giving MARTIN

vs demanding).These semanticoppositions cross-classify moves as follows (seeHaI- liday 1985:69):

information goods& services grving STATEMENT OFFER demanding QLIESTION COMMAND 'proposition' 'proposal'

Table 3: The Semanticsof MOOD

In addition Halliday glossesinformation oriented moves as proposiffons, and goodsand servicesmoves as pnoposals.Discourse semantic categories such as those just outlined are related in conventional\4rays to grammaticalon.r, although alternative contextuallyconditioned realizations (referred to as indirect speechacts in formal grammar) are commonly found. Commands,for example,are naturally related to imperativesin grammar, but canbe alternativelyrealized through a variety of moods. The grammaticalization of the discoursesemantic category of iroposat will be con- sideredfirst below.

5.1. Imperative(congruent ofrers and commands) Schachterand Otanes recognizeseveral types of imperative clause (1g72:402- 409). Adapting their suggestionsslightly, the system can be outlined as follows. Imperative clauses can be distinguished from declarative and interrogative ones with respectto the fact that although neither embeddednor hlryotacticallylependent, they do not inflectfor aspect(contrast i-ti-tibing in 3, with the first syllableof ltre stem reduplicated to mark contemplatedaspec! with i-Jibing in f O below). In addition they are negatedwith huwcg, wherenspropositions use hindi. Unlike English, they usuallyinclude a pronominalrealization of the interlocutorresponsible for proferini 'basic goodsor performinga service.Schachter and Otanes's imperative'is illustrated in 10.

BASIC IMPERATME 10: iJibing ninyo angbangkay bury you-pl corpse 'Bury the body'

Tagalogimperatives select freely for person.Thus alongside the 'canonical'second person imperative illustrated in 10, one finds imperativesin which (i) the speaker (actingalone or with others,excluding the address€€),(ii) the addressee(s),(iii) the speakerand the addressee(s),or (iv) non-interlocutor(s)are responsiblefor effecting the proposal.First personand third personimperatives [ryically include the optativl enclitic particle sana. This system is illustrated in 11 through 14 below' fnst PERSON('I', exclusiveke')

11. iJibing sana namin angbangkay mayamaya bury hopefully we-excl corpse 'We soon hopeto bury the bodysoon'

SECONDPER.SON ('you', sg. or pl.) L2. iJibing mo ang bangkay mayamaya buty you-sg corpse soon 'Bury the body soon' MOOD AND MODALITY IN TAGALOG

FIRST & SECOND PERSON (inclusivete') 13. iJibing natin ang bangkay mayamaya bury we-incl corpse soon 'Let's bury the body soon'

THIRD PERSON ('he, she,they') t4. iJibing sana nila ang bangkay mayamaya bury hopefully they corpse soon 'I hopethey will bury the body soon'4

Schachterand Otanes(1972:407-408) recognize hortative (first and secondperson; e.g. 13) and optative constructionsalongside second person jussives, restricting optativesto constructionsin which 'the action is to be performed by someperson(s) otherthan the speakerand the person(s)addressed' (e.g. the third personimperatives illustrated in 14).Contradictingthis restriction, however,they include three examples offrrst personimperatives under optatives (1972:408): Makita sananamin ang singsing 'I hopewe-excl find the dng', Tingnan ho nga iyon'May I seethat?', and Huhugasan ko ba angpinggan? 'Should I wash the dishes?'TWofurther examplesof first person imperativesare included in the discussionof negativeimperatives (1972:523): Tawagin ko kaya ang duhtor 'PerhapsI should call the doctor' and Huwag ho kayang tawagin ang duhtor'PerhapsI shouldn't call the doctor'.oIt is thus clearthat Tagaloggram- maticalizesa full range of proposals,including inclusiveand exclusiveOffers, and addressedand non-addressedCommands: Offer: exclusive OBLATIVE - first personimperative (11) inclusive HORTATWE - first/secondperson imperative (12)

Recognizinga classof first personimperatives (i.e. distinguishing oblativesfrom optatives) makes room for what Schachter and Otanes refer to as 'abbreviated imperatives'--firstperson imperatives whose verb is prefixed with the causativeaffx po-. These constructionsfocus on the speakeras Topic and function as requestsfor permission.

FIRST PERSON: PERMISSION 15. pa- libing kami ng magulang namin sa Manila caus bury we-excl parentsour-excl 'Let us6bury ou p"r.rrts in Manila'

Further delicacyis also required for secondperson imperatives. Polite jussivesare formedby prefixingmaki-/pahi-tn the verb (mahi-for what Schachterand Otanescall 'actor-focus',pahi- for what they call 'goal-focus'):

POUTE IMPERATTVE 16. pakiJibing ninyo ang bangkay mayamaya polite-bury you-pl corpse soon 'Pleasebury the body soon'

In addition,with materialprocesses, an 'immediate'imperativerealization is possible; the verb stemalone is used,uninflected for aspector voice(thus i-li-libing fuill bury', i-libing tury', libing'bury right away'),typically accompaniedby the enclitie na, and any participantsor circumstancesassociated with the processare left unrealized: MARTIN

IMMEDIATE IMPERATME 17. libing na bury mature 'Bury him right away'

The MOOD network developedfor imperative constructions 'equational is outlined below. Schachterand Otanes's imperatives'havenotbeen included as correspond- ing equational declarativesand interrogativesare very common.It is thus unclear why Schachterand Otanes treat equative imperatives as a specialcase; the fact that they cannotbe translated as imperativesin English may haveinfluenced their analysisherl (seethe modulated declarativetranslation of lg below).

EQUATIONAL IMPERATME 18. ang bangkay ang i-libing ninyo corpse bury you-pl 'The body is what you haveto bury'

EQUATIONAL DECI"ARATME 19. ang bangkay ang iJi-libing ninyo corpse bury you-pl 'The body is what you'll bury'

20. ano ang i-liJibing ninyo what will bury you-pl 'What will you bury?'

offer(11)

speaker& addressee(lB) (hortative) imperative -+

ldemand(10, 12) neutral*l r request(16) addressee t;ussrve).+

immediate(17)

non-interlocutor(14) (optative)

Fig. 3: Basicimperative options

10 MOOD AND MODALITY IN TAGALOG

Their'habitual imperatives' have alsobeen excludedsince this construction inflects for contemplated aspect. In the stratified model assumed here, these can be treated as declarative clauses realizing Commands for habitual action, rather than as a special imperative classT:

21. magJiJibing kayo ngbangkay ninyo bury you pi corpse your-pi 'Bury your bodies regularly'

5.2. Indicatives (congruent statements and questions) Propositions are concernedwith exchanging information rather than goods and services,and are typically realized grammatically as indicative rather than imperative MOOD. Indicative clausesin Tagaloginflect fcr aspect and voice and are negatedwith hindi rather than huwogd. The basic opposition in the system is between afErmative clauseswhich give information and interrogative clauseswhich request it. Interrogative clausesoptionally include the enclitic question particle bo.

AFFIRMATtVE 22. t-um-akbo si Lydia nang ma-bilis ran fast 'Lydia ran fast' INTERROGATIVE 23. t-um-akbo ba si Lydia nang ma-bilis ran ? fast 'Did Lydia run fast?

Positive affrrmative clauses may be either declarative or exclamative (as in English, negative clausesare never exclamative; cf. What a race he ran! vs. *What a race he didn't run!). With exclamatives,an attribute or circumstance of manner is realized initially in the clause, with the stem precededby ang, kay, ka-, or ano-ng (Schachterand Otanes 1972:280-282).The most common form, with ang preceding, is illustrated below:

EXCI,AMATME: ATTRIBUTE 24. ang ganda niya beautiful s/he 'How beautiful she is!'

EXCI,AMATME: MANNER 25. ang bilis niya -ng t-um-akbo fast s/he LK ran 'How fast she ran!'

Distinctively, exclamativeclauses lack a Topic. Note how the participantswhich function as Topicsin the declarativeclauses below appearas non-Topicphrases in 24 and 25 (siya realizesthe Topic, niyathe non-topicin these examples):

DECI"ARATIVE 26. ma-ganda siya beautiful s/he 'she's beautiful'

11 MARTIN DECI"ARATT\IE 27. t-um-akbo siya nang ma-bilis ran s/he fast 'She ran fast'

Afnrmative clausescan be optionatly tagged, with hindibo (the negative marker followed by the question marker) or ano tthe wtr word for fuhat); these may be used to positive tag or negative clauses,alth_ough some speakersreject hindi ba aia tag for negative affirmativ_es,preferri ag ano (Schachte. and Otanes igZZrSOl).Hindi ba"may either precedeor follow a declarativeclause, wh ile ano always follows; both are realized on a separatetone group with rising intonation in either position. EXCI"AMATME: TAGGED 28. angbilis niya -ng t-um-akbo, hindi ba fast s/he LK ran 'How neg ? quicklyshe ran, didn't she?' DECLARATME: TAGGED 29. hindi ba, t-um-akbo siya nang ma-bilis neg? ran s/he fast 'She ran fast, didn't she?

DECI"ARATME: TAGGED 30. hindi siya t-um-akbo nang ma_bilis, ano neg s/he ran fast 'She what didn't run fast, did she?'

The basic oppositionin interrogativeclauses is betweenpolar and wh questions. Grammati..lly, polar questionsare typically realizedthrough ihe question particle bq phonologicallythey take rising intonation. Wh questionsalso commonly includ;;;t, and in addition begrnwith a wh phrase(actually an z phrasein Tagalog most of whose wh words have /n/ in the final syllable--exceptingbakit\vhy' ^na nriiuslc ,how,; see Schachterand Otanes 19?2:506and the list olwh phrasesUllow); phonologicallytley are generally realizedon a falling tone.

INTERROGATME: POLAR 31. t-um-akbo ba siya nangma-bilis ran ? s/he fast 'Did she run fast?'

The enclitic particle haya is used when interrogatives invite speculation on the part of the addressee;the questionparticle bc is usually omitted whln kaya isused: SPECUI,ATION 33. t-um-akbo kaya siya nang ma-bilis ran speculation s/he 'Do fast you supposeshe ran fast?'

SPECUI,ATION 34. kailan kaya siya ta-takbo when speculation s/he will-run 'When do you supposeshe'll run?' t2 MOOD AI{D MODALITY IN TAGALOG

With polar interrogatives, hindi ba't is commonly used when confirmation is strongly expected.These clausesthus border on taggeddeclaratives as far as discourse function is concerned(cf. 29 and 30 above);clauseswith hindi ba'f, however, are spoken on a single tone group with rising intonation, like other polar interrogatives.

EXPECTED CONFIRMATION 35. hindi ba 't t-um-akbo si Lydia nang ma-bilis neg ? ran fast 'Didn't she run fast though?'

The indicative MOOD systems outlined to this point are presented below. Wh interrogatives will be further explored, but for reasonsof spacetheir description will not be systemicizedin full.

indicative --*

open

interrogative-

Fig. 4 Basicindicative options

Tagalog'swh phrases are sensitiveto the experiential role of the information requestedin the clause.Ano khat', alin thich' and sino \vho' form equative interrogative structures (thus the EnglishWho did you bury?) gets translated into Tagalog asWho was the oneyou buried?):

EQUATME WH INTERROGATME 36. sino ang i-niJibing ninyo who buried you-pl 'Who did you bury?'

With otherwh phrases,the equativestructure is possible,but no more commonly usedthan in declarativeor imperative clauses:

NON.EQUATTVE WH INTERROGATME 37. saan ninyo i-ni-libing ang bangkay where at you-pl buried corpse 'Where did you bury the body?'

13 I\,IARTIN

Ano is usedas both a wh adiective(.like what') and a wh verb (,dowhat,). English's periphrastic Contrast translations of 38 and 39 below qike exclamatives,intensive attributive clauseslack a Topic):

WH ADJECTME 38. napaka-ano nrya very what like s/he 'What is shevery much like?'

WH VERB 39. nag-ano ba kayo whatted ? you-pl 'What did you do?,

ano(oorp) \vhat'

alin (a or p ) khich' sino(corp) ;ronic \vho' fnon-Topic nino(a orp ) \vho' I Person-+l I l.circurnstantial kanino(crorB) \vho' tpossessiveI locative nakanino \Mith who'

;-direction saan fuhereto' I space-----+l Llocation nasaan khere at' time kailan khen' reason bakit \rhy' paano-(ng) 'how' ;noncomparative manner+lI

Lomparative gaano( p ) 'how' quality kumusta 'how'

ilan(aorp) 'how many' quantif-[:

gaano(oorp) 'how much' cost magkano(oorp) 'how much'

Table4: Wh words in Tagalog

14 MOOD AND MODALITY IN TAGALOG

Wh words in Tagalog are classified above. They function as Head of their interrogative phrase unless otherwise designated( a or B = functions as Head or Modifrer; F = functions as Modifrer only). For example:

WH WORD AS HEAD 40. magkano ang mansanas how much apple 'How much are the apples?'

WH WORD AS MODIFIER 41. magkano - ng mansanas ang gusto mo how much LK apple like you-sg 'How much worth of apples do you want?'

6. ENCLITICS

A number of enclitic particles and pronouns have already been introduced in examples1-41 above;the particlesno, ba, haya and sana had to be introduced above becauseof their participationin the realizationof MOOD. Theseenclitics are reviewed below alongsiderough glossescorresponding to their English translations.

ENCLITIC PRONOUNS ENCLITIC PARTICLES

mo 'you' na 'mature' namin \ne' ba 'question' natin \re' daw 'reportative' kami \ve' kaya 'speculation' ninyo 'you' sana 'optative' kayo 'you' siya 's/he' niya 's/he' nila 'they'

As a generalrule encliticparticles follow the frstword in a clausewhichcontains a salient syllable.This accountsfor the variableposition of the enclitic pronoun in the following examples(adapted here from 22,25,30 and 32 above;for further discussion see section 7 below). The enclitic follows the Predicate in the unmarked positive declarative@2) but is drawn to the exclamative,negative and wh phrasespreceding the Predicatein 43-45:

42. t-um-akbo siya nang ma-bilis ran s/he fast 'She ran fast'

43. angbilis niya -ng t-um-akbo fast s/he LK ran 'How fast she ran!'

U. hindi siya t-um-akbo nang ma-bilis neg s/he ran fast 'She didn't run fast'

l5 MARTIN

45. bakit siya t-um-akbo nang ma-bilis why s/he ran 'Why fast did she run fast?'

As the enclitic particles encountered to this point illustrate, enclitics can provisionally be interpreted as realizing both textui and interpersonal meaning. Pronominal enditics realize both types of meaning simultaneously; they presum-e information recoverable from the context (textual meaning) and do ro on the basis of a person (interpersonal system meaning: speaker vs addresseevs both speakerand addressee vs neither speaker or addressee).Tagalog's system of enclitic prorrounsis outlined (note below that the pronominal system is restricted experientially to con- sciousparticipants):

TOPIC NON-TOPIC

alone ako ko rIt

speaker*[

L + others kami namin te-excl'

speaker& addressee tayo natin ke-incl'

alone ka mo 'you-sg'

addressee*

+ others kayo ninyo 'you-pi'

alone siya niya 's/he-sg'

other -

| + others sila nila 'they'

Table5: Enclitic pronounsin Tagalog

There is one further pronominal enclitic, kita, which is used in place of the syntagmho^ ka; thus:

46. ayoko -ng pint-anlo ka, Mike I not want LK paint you 'I don't want to giveyou a bad name,Mike'

47. ayaw kita -ng pint-an, Mike not want I-you LK paint 'I don't want to giveyou a bad name,Mike'

Textual enclitic particles are primarily concernedwith relationships between clauses and interact with CONJUNCTION (see Martin lggl); the interpersonal particles are more concernedwith relationships between interlocutors and interact

16 MOOD AND MODALITY IN TAGALOG with MOOD. Both types are far more commonin dialoguethan monologue,being especiallytuned to co-ordinatingthe interactivestructure of conversation.tt .TEXTUAL' .INTERPERSONAL'

na 'mature' nga 'intensive' pa 'immature' daw/raw 'reportative' man 'concessive' ho 'deference' 'similaritv' din/rin po 'great deference' lang/amang 'reducfiv!'12 ba 'question' muna 'impermanence' kaya 'speculation' naman 'contrast' pala 'surprise' kasi 'rgason' sana 'optative' tuloy 'result'

Table 6: Enclitic particles in Tagalog

Demonstrative pronouns are also sometimesenclitic, but will not be further consideredhere:

48. bakit mo naman iyan na-gawa why you-sg contrast that happen to do 'But why did you happento do that?'

Enclitic particles are ordered with respectto each other in accordancewith two general functional principles. The first is phonological: one-syllable enclitics before two-syllable ones. The second is metafunctional: 'textual' enclitics before 'interpersonal' ones (this sequencemirrors the typical order of textual and interpersonalmeanings in the Tagalogclause; i.e. conjunctions,then modality, modulation, negation,or wh). Theseprinciples predict the following sequenceof enclitic particles:

1 SYLLABLE 2 SYLLABLE

TEXTUAL INTERPERSONAL TEXTUAL INTERPERSONAL

na muna kaya pa Hi''' naman sana man ho kasi pala langla po yat: din'o ba

Table 7: Generalizedsequence of encliticparticles in Tagalog

The exceptionis tuloy'result', which tends to follow kaya,pala andyc/a but not sozo (Schachterand Otanes 1972:415).Beyond this, one-syllablepronouns precede, while two-syllablepronouns follow, all enclitic particles. This sequencingcan also be seento mirror clausestructure sinceit meansthat Topic encliticswhich are potentially markedThemes come last, as do potentially marked Themes (i.e.Topics) in the Tagalog clause(the one-syllableTopic pronoun &c is not a possiblemarked Theme, sincesecond person singular marked Themes are realized by ikaw not ka). The enclitics thus participatein the culminative textual patterning introduced above:

77 MOOD AND MODALITY IN TAGAI,OG

54. hindi pa rin ho ba l-um-abas Si Cory neg immature also respect ? left 'Didn't Cory leave anyway, sir/ma'am?

55. may trabaho na rin naman ho ako existential work mature also contrast respect I 'But I alreadyhave work too, sir/ma'am'

In monologue, and especiallyin impersonal writing, the work of textual enclitics is taken over by conjunctions (see Martin 1981 for a detailed discussion) and the meaningsassociated with interpersonal enclitics may find alternative realization. Some of the alternatives associatedwith the interpersonal enclitics are outlined below.

MEANING ENCLITIC NON-ENCLITIC REALIZATION REALIZATION

report daw s-in-abi \vas said' (projection) optative sana gusto ko 'I want' (projection) respect ho/po appropriate vocative question ba hindi ba't speculation kaya/yata baka'perhaps' (initial adverb) surprise pala naku (interjection) please nga please(Taglish)

Becauseall the enclitic particles,both textual and interpersonal,are so strongly orientedtodialogictext, it is perhapsnot surprisingthatthe textual encliticsparticipate in the prosodicstmcturing generally associatedwith interpersonal meaning by Hal- liday and Matthiessen.

7. PRE.ENCLITICS

As illustrated in 51 to 55 above,enclitic particles tend to follow the first word in a clause containing a salient syllable (wittr certain specifiable exceptions such as existential may in 55). In order to make this statement more precise, Schachter and Otanes reclassifyenclitic particles into four further groups:

groupA: ba, kasi, kaya, man groupB: daw, din, ho, naman, nga, pala, po, sana,tuloy, yata groupC: lang, muna group D: na, pa

The purposeof this classificationis to accountfor the casesin which encliticparticles neednot (e.g.56) or generallydo not (57 and 58) follow the first word in the clause containingasalient syllable. Aside from the strongassociation between aspect and the mature/immature particlesna/pa which accordinglytend to direcfly follow the verb, it is not dear howthe varioussequencing pecrrliarities can be functionallyexplained.

6+: d Marcos ang i-ni-libing din buried also lf,lts was the onewho was alsoburied'

19 MARTTN

57. bukas nangumaga ay ta_takbo muna si Lydia tomorrow morning 'Tomorrow IM will run first Lydia will run first'

58. siya ay i-ni-libing na s/he IM buried 'He's already alreadybeen buried'

For further discussion of the sequencingof encliticpronouns and particlessee Schach- ter and otanes (1972:82,189-tgg,4ll-fub) and sclachter (1928). In Schachterand Otanes'sterms, and as illustrated in l-b8, ,enclitic particles, with certain statable exceptions,follow the first word of the structures of which they constitutean immediate 'constitute part' tending to an immediate part of the initial componentof a sentence or clause,whether this initial componenfi, " predicate,a topic,or an adverbial'(Schachter and Otanes1972:429).This means that encliticsenter into syntagms with a-variety of experiential, interpersonal and textual constituents, and that they may in fact interrupt the internal constituencystructure of these.These two points will be reviewedin 7.1 and,7.2below.

7.1. Pre-encliticclasses Enclitics tend precede to verbal, nominal and adjectival Predicatesunder a number of conditions. pre-enclitic The mqior classesare outlinedbelow (note that the experiential classesrealized before the Predicatein 60-68 are positioned there for textual reasons):

i. TEXTUAL conjunction: 59. hAgA siya um-uwi, patay-in mo siya before s/he comehome 'Before kill you-sg s/he he returns home,kill him'

ii. EXPERIENTI.AL initial nominalin a nominalizedequative clause: 60. siSqllina daw ang p-in-atay ni Marcos report killed 'They sayAquino was the one Marcoskilled'

Topicas markedTheme (cy inversion): 61. si Aouino pala ay p-in-atay ni Marcos surprise killed 'Surprisingly Aquino was killed by Marcos'

circumstanceof manner as mar.kedTheme: 62- nadgli kaya -ng p-in-atay ni Marcos si Aquino easy speculation LK 'Do killed you supposeMarcos killed Aquino easily?' circumstanceof location(time/space) as marked Theme: 63. {qqL nga p-in-atay ni Marcos si Aquino there really killed 'Marcos really did kill Aquino over there'

20 MARTIN

57. bukas nang umaga ay ta-takbo muna si Lydia tomorrow morning IM will run first 'Tomorrow Lydia will run first'

58. siya ay i-niJibing na s/he IM buried already 'He's already been buried'

For further discussionof the sequencingof enclitic pronouns and particlessee Schach- ter and Otanes(1972:82,183-193, 4f 1-435)and Schachter(1973). In Schachter and Otanes'sterms, and as illustrated in 1-58, 'enclitic particles, with certain statable exceptions,follow the first word of the structures of which they constitute an immediate part' tending to 'constitute an immediate part of the initial component of a sentenceor clause,whether this initial componentis a predicate,a topic, oran adverbial'(SchachterandOtanes 1972:429). This meansthatencliticsenter into syntagms with a variety of experiential, interpersonal and textual constituents, and that they may in fact interrupt the internal constituencystructure of these.These two points will be reviewedin 7.1 and 7.2 below.

7.1. Pre-encliticclasses Enclitics tend to precede verbal, nominal and adjectival Predicates under a number of conditions.The major Pre-encliticclasses are outlined below (note that the experiential classesrealized before the Predicate in 60-63 are positioned there for textual reasons):

i. TEXTUAL conjunction: 59. bago siya um-uwi, patay-in mo siya before s/he comehome kill you-sg s/he 'Beforehe returnshome. kill him'

ii. EXPERIENTIAL initial nominal in a nominalizedequative clause: 60. si3-qulna daw ang p-in-atay ni Marcos report killed 'They say Aquino was the one Marcos killed'

Topic as marked Theme (cy inversion): 61. siAquino pala ay p-in-atay ni Marcos surprise killed 'Surprisingly Aquino was killed by Marcos'

circumstanceof manner as marked Theme: 62. ma-dali kaya -ng p-in-atay ni Marcos si Aquino easy speculation LK killed 'Do you supposeMarcos killed Aquino easily?'

circumstanceof location (time/space)as marked Theme: 63. dgg!, nga p-in-atay ni Marcos si Aquino there really killed 'Marcos really did kill Aquino over there'

20 MOODAI.ID MODALfIY IN TAGALOG

iii. INTERPER"SONAL exclamative: 64. g4glggd nila -ng i-niJiJibing si Marcos slow they LK are burying 'How slowly they are burying Marcos!' wh interrogative: 65. drc po ba ang p-in-atay ni Marcos who respect ? killed 'Who did Marcoskill, sir/ma'am?' modality: 66. lgln nila -ng p-in-atay si Aquino seems they LK killed 'It seemsthey havekilled Aquino' negation: 67. hindi nila p-in-atay si Aquino neg they killed 'Theydidn't kill Aquino'

modulation: 68. zuslo nila -ng patay-in si Aquino want they LK kill 'They want to kill Aquino'

7.2. Interruption of experientialand logicalstructure Encliticsmay in fact interrupt the realizationof pre-encliticphrases. A number of attestedexamples are presentedbelow to illustrate the lack of respectshown by encliticparticles for various experientialand logicalstructures (69-74).In addition, pronominalconstituents of phrasesmay themselvesbe construedas enclitic,leading to further examplesof discontinuity,as in 71 and 75below. Discontinuous phrases are underlinedin the examplesbelow.

i. parataxis(co-ordination) 69. lqtub$i daw !04&kas at Eut"silta siya kind report strong happy s/he 'She'skind, strongand happy'(Schachter and Otanes1972:434)

ii. hypotaxis(intensive verbal) -ng ?0. 1!!i! kayo !g SiIi! sa bata iyan peep you-pl peep child LK that You peepand peepat that child'

iii. modification ?1. angdgsi -olt Jg libgg Deng many you-sg LK book 'What a lot of booksyou have,Deng!'

72. i|g1 ba naman kayo Jg loa*apalfuI how many ? contrast you-pl LK sibling 'But how many siblingsdo you have?'

2r T(ARTIN

79. magingl8 Ogl4lih din tayo Ig maskaibisan become close also we-incl LK friend 'Let's becomeclose friends too'

iv. qualification 74. bakit ba dilq tayo !e rny pinto nag-u-usap why ? here we-incl exist door are talking 'Why are we talking here by the door?'

v.'possession'(pronominal/nominal grouping) 75. bakit hindi kayo na-tu-tulog ni Dindo why neg you-pl are sleeping 'Why aren't you, Dindo and company,sleeping?'

7.3. Discontinuity among enclitics Sofar, enclitic pronounsand particleshave been treated as functioning together asa group,and this is by far the most commonpattern found in texts. Clearly,however, a number of tensionshave been introduced which on occasionpull encliticsin different directions.For one thing, enclitic pronouns and particlesfunction slightly differently as far as being attracted to pre-enclitics is concerned(see Schachter and Otanes 1972:187-193;433-435);and aswas noted above, not all encliticparticles are necessarily attractedby pre-enclitics(examples 56-58). This is complicatedby the fact that more than one pre-encliticclass may in fact be present,as in examples?4 and 75 above;in these casesit is not certain which of the pre-encliticsan enclitic will be attracted to. Finally, while encliticsmay flaunt experientialand logicalconstituency, they neednot; alternativesto 69-75above are possiblein which the discontinuity illustrated there is eliminated. As a result,under certainconditions enclitic particles distribute themselvesacross a clause,as the following attestedexamples illustrate.

76. baka naman gusto mo -ng mag-kape maybe contrast want you-sg LK have coffee 'But maybeyou'd like to havecoffee'

77. hindi mo na dapat pa -ng malaman neg you-sg mature should continuation LK know You shouldn't still know anyway'

78. bakit ba kailangan i-tago mo sa kanya ang kaniya -ng sarili why ? need hide you s/he s/he LK self 'Why do you needto hide her from herselP'

79. kailangan pa ba -ng sagut-in kita nang tuwiran need immature ? LK answer I-vou directness 'Do I still needto answeryou directly?'

Enclitics may also be found in tags,which increasestheir potential for prosodic realizationacross the clause:

80. kayo si Mang Julio, dile po ba you-pl Mr neg respect ? You are Mr. Julio, aren't you, sir?'

22 MOOD AND MODALTTY IN TAGALOG

7.4. Enclitics as a prosody In sections 7.1-7.3 it has been establishedthat enclitics follow a variety of textual, interpersonal and experiential pre-enclitic phrases,that they may interrupt the structure of these phrases and that they may themselvesbe realized in more than one position in a single clause. In all these respects enclitic particles cause problems for a generalizedconstituency interpretation of the Tagalogclause. In addition it should be noted that with the 'textual' enclitics, the meaning of certain combinations is different from the sum of the meanings of the parts (seeMartin 1981);for example: 'also') pa rin 'anyway' (vs'still' + man lang tgvent (vs'although'+ lust') na naman 'again' (vs'already'+ khereas') 'only') pa lang 'just'(recent (vs'still' + perfectiveaspect) 'textual' And as exemplified in sections2 and 3 above,the interpretation of both and 'interpersonal' enclitics often depends on MoOD (na, nga, sana, haya have already beeninterpreted in this respect).Further examplesinclude neman, which in impera- 'yet' tives signals mild reproach and munawhich in negativeimperatives means (used insteadof the expectedpc);

81. i-libing naman ninyo ang bangkay bury contrast you-pl body 'Bury the body for heaven'ssake!'

82. huwag mo muna -ng i-libing ang bangkay neg you-sg first LK bury body 'Don't bury the body yet'

These co-textually sensitive interpretations also serve to frustrate a segmental approachto enclitic particles,which can thus be seenin severalrespects to suggestthat constituency is not the appropriate form for their representation. The problem of developinga more suitable structural descriptionwill be taken up in section 13 below. In the next three sectionsthe meaningpotential associatedwith various interpersonal pre-enclitic classeswill be reviewed,beginningwith modulation.

8. MODUI,ATION

Modulation (or deontic modality) is concernedwith inclination, obligation and ability. In Tagalog,modulation is grammaticizedthrough what Schachterand Otanes (1972:26I-?3)refer to as 'pseudo-verbs',which for them are a subclassof adjectivals. When modulating an ensuing verbal Predicate,this classhas the following distinctive characteristics,all of which are illustrated in 83:

i. it doesnot selectfor aspect ii. it doesnot selectfor voice iii. it is hypotacticallylinked to the verbal Predicateit modulates (na/-ng) iv. the verbal Predicateit modulates doesnot selectfor aspect v. like adjectives,it is intensified by hypotacticrepetition-(na/-ng)2o

23 T(ARTIN 83. gusto -ng 'gusto niYa -ng um-uwi like LK like s/he LK go home 'He'd really like to go home'

The words realizing modulation in constructions of this kind are as follows:

inclination: gusto, nais, ibig (ayaw, ayokozl) obligation: kailsngan, daPat ability: puede,-maaari,k"y"22; rrr"r.,,,o"g23

The fact that modulation does not select grammatically for aspect means that modulated clausesclosely resemble imperatives. This reflectsthe fact that semantically, modulation is strongly associatedwith proposals (inclination with Offers and oUtigationwith Com*"rrdt, with ability orientedto the potential successof an exchange of giods and services); a clause like &4, for example, is very likely to be heard as demandinga service:

84. dapat ka -ng um-uwi should You-sg LK go home You should go home'

Modulated clausesare not however negatedwithhuwag, butwith hindi:

85. hindi mo naman kaya -ng gawrn lyon neg you-sg contrast able LK do that 'But you can't do that'

The problem of classifying modulated clausesas imperative or indicative will be taken up in section lb below. A somewhat more delicateinterpretation of inclination, obligation and ability will now be presented.

8.1. Inclination Inclination modulations provide what can be understood as alternative teafiza- is tions of desire to the enclitic p".ti.t" san& The least marked member of this class (first gusto,which along with the negative realizations of inclination ayoko person Iingular in place oi *oyo* ko) aid ayaw(other persons),is commonly associatedwith in 'colloquial' contexts.Ibig, on the other hand, is " niar ,"rj. of verbal Predicates 'say'; next to categorically associatedwith verbal processes,especially scbi it would very infrequently in texts indeed were it not for the lexicalized clause ibig mo occur 'formal'registers; sabihin,youwish to sai' (asin g0).Nais is found in note its collocation (ninyo) with the respectparticlepo and the use of the plural secondperson pronoun for a single addreiseein gg (seeBautista 19?9for discussion).These modulationsare illustrated with attested examples86-90 below, and then systemicized.

86. gusto mo -ng mag-kaPe want you-sg LK have coffee You want to have coffee'

87. ayaw mo -ng magka-roon tayo ng anak not want you-sg LK have we-incl child You don't want us to havea child'

24 MOOD AND MODALITY IN TAGALOG

I notwant LK know 'I don't want to know'

89. nais po ba ninyo -ng um-alis want respect ? you-pl LK leave 'Do you want to leave,sir/ma'am?'

90. ano ang ibig mo -ng sabih-in what want you-sg LK say 'What do you wish to say?'

speakerdesire ayoko

negauve

other person'sdesire ayaw inclination -

desire ibig ;verbal Rositive--l

I t'colloquial'gusto Lother desire -_L,"rmal, ncis

Fig. 5: Inclinationoptions

Unlike obligationand ability, inclinationmodulations can be usedto introducean extra participantwhere the sourceof the desireis other than participantsdirectly involved with the modulatedPredicator (i.e. its potentialTopics). Thus 91,which introducesan additionaldesiring parlicipant, contrastswith 92,which doesnot.

91. ayaw niya -ng basah-in ko iyon not want s/he LK read I that 'He doesn'twant me to read that'

92. ayaw na nga sana -ng mag-opisina not want mature intensive optative LK go to offrce '(I) really don't want to go to the officeanymore'

8.2. Obligation Obligation modulation is realized through dapat and hailangan. The mqjor differencebetween them is that hailanganalmost never attracts enclitic pronouns, and can thus be interpreted as the more impersonal of the truo. Dapaf appearsto be optionallypre-enclitic as far as pronouns are concerned.The following attested ex- amplesare illustrative:

25 T,IARTTN

93. kailangan2a hanap-in ko siya need look for I s/he 'It is necessaryfor me to look for him'

94. kailangan pa ba -ng mag-hanap tayo need still ? LK look for we-incl 'It is still necessaryfor us to look.'

95. dapat siya -ng ma-matay should s/he LK die 'He should die'

96. dapat ka -ng mahal-in should you-sg LK love You shouldbe loved'

hailangan ;impersonal obligation ------l

I L1 personal dapat

Fig. 6: Obligation options

8.3. Ability Unlike inclination and obligation, ability can be alternatively realized through verbal affrxation (ma-/maha-); these affrxesare however ambiguous between ,being 'happening ableto'and to', which ambiguitycan be avoidedthrough modulation.The least marked realization of ability modulation is puede; kaya is 'colloquial' also common in registers, and appears to denote potential internal to the participant performing an action (puedeis neutral as to whether the potential derives from the responsibleparticipant or external circumstances).Maaari is used in more formal contexts,and is the only item realizing modulation that realizes(epistemic) modality as well (in some contexts in other words maaari appears to denote low probability rather than abilitytu). Opposed to these meanings is marunong which refers to knowing how to do something. These modulations are illustrated with attested examplesbelow:

97. puede ba -ng sabih-in mo sa akin can ? LK say you-sg I 'Can you say (it) to me?'

98. kaya ko pa -ng mag-lakad can I immature LK walk 'I can still walk'

99. maaari26 na kayo -ng k-um-ain possible mature you-pl LK eat You can eat right away'

100. marunong din siya -ng g-um-awa ng tungkod know how also s/he LK make cane 'She also knows how to make a cane'

26 IVIARTIN

93. kailangan2a hanap-in ko siya need look for I s/he 'It is necessaryfor me to look for him'

94. kailangan pa ba -ng mag-hanap tayo need still ? LK look for we-incl 'It is still necessaryfor us to look.'

95. dapat siya -ng ma-matay should s/he LK die 'He shoulddie'

96. dapat ka -ng mahal-in should you-sg LK love You should be loved'

hailangan J.imtersonal obligation-'l

L1 p".rorul dapat

Fig. 6: Obligation options 8.3. Ability Unlike inclination and obligation, ability can be alternatively realized through verbal afhxation (ma-/maha-); these affrxes are however ambiguous ,beiig 'happening between able to' and to', which ambiguity can be avoidedthrough modulation. The least mar*ed realization of ability modulation is puede; 'colloquial' haya is also common in registers, and appears to denote potential internal to the participant performing an action (puedeis neutral as to whether the potential derives from the responsible participant or external circumstances).Maaari is used in more formal contexts, and is the only item realizing modulation that realizes (epistemic) modality as well (in some contexfs in other words maaari appears to denote low probability rather than ability's). Opposed to these meanings is marunong, which refers to knowing how to do something. These modulations are illustrated with attested examplesbelow:

97. puede ba -ng sabih-in mo sa akin can ? LK say you-sg I 'Can you say (it) to me?'

98. kaya ko pa -ng mag-lakad can I immature LK walk 'I can still walk'

99. maaari26 na kayo -ng k-um-ain possible mature you-pl LK eat You can eat right away'

100. marunong din siya -ng g-um-awa ng tungkod know how also s/he LK make 'She cane also knows how to make a cane'

26 MOOD AND MODALINT IN TAGALOG

know-how nurunong

abilitY-'-*

haya

neutral puede

potential +

'formal' maaQrl

Fig. 7: Ability oPtions

9. MODALIZATION

Modatization (or epistemicmodality) is concernedwith degreesof reality. At issue is the semantic space between something being and not being the case; these parameters are foregrounded in the following exchange,where the second speaker tff..t a range of responsesto the initiating demand for information (example from Mabanglo,in press):

101. Kaya lang, nasisilaw kayo sa mga pangako ni Mang Julio? ,so then, you're being dazzledby the promises of Mr. Julio?' - Hindi! Oo! Siguro! 'No! Yes! Maybe!'

Four subsystems will be considered here: probability, intensity, usuality and appearance.Uoadity in Tagalog is realized through adverbials which are typically as exemplified in 102. fpotactically linked (by na/-ng) tothe clausethey modalize

102. tiyak na mali ka certain LK wrong You-sg You are certainlY wrong'

Modality is a matter of degreewith realizations scaledfrom high to low' Typical realizations,graded with respectto high, median and low values, are as follows:

PROBABILITY: high tiyak na, sigurado-ng median siguro low baka, marahil, sakali-ng, baka sakali-ng, posible-ng

INTENSITf: high lalo-ng,sobra-ng, masyado-ng, labis; talaga-ng, totoo-ng, tunay na, higit na median repetition [disjunctive,with ngJ low (ka)muntik na, bahagts-Ilg,hdos

27 MARTIN USUALITY: high (pa)lagi-ng median karaniwan na low paminsan-minsan,(pam)bihira-ng

APPEARANCE: (unscaled)para-ng, mukha-ng tila, wari

9.1. Probability 'maybe' Probability in Tagalog is skewedtowards possibility with baka the most common realization;marahil, which alsorealizes 'formal' a low degreeof probabiiity, ir used in more registers. This skewing is congruent wiftr ttre presence of the low probability enclitics haya andyata, but no median or high valued on"..27 Median and high values are in fact most commonly realizedthrough the Spanish derived siguro (median in Tagalog)and sigurado-ng (high). Tiyah ne, as illustrated in 102 aboie,is also used for high valued probability (i.e. certainty). The probability system is illustrated with attestedexamples below: LOW ('colloquial') 103. baka naman t-um-ipak ang aki28 -ng anak maybe contrast cracked I 'But LK child maybe my child got hurt'

LOW ('formal') 104. marahil kilala mo na ang ugali ko perhaps know you-sg mature habit 'Perhaps I you are alreadyfamiliar with my habits'

MEDTAN 105. siguro kayo b-in-a-bato lugrro dito probably you-pl being stoned always here You're probably alwaysbeing stonedhere'

HIGH 106. sigurado -ng u-uwi ka ng bahay ngayong hapon ceftain LK go home you-sg house today You'll certainly go home to your housethis afternoon'

9.2. Intensity Intensity has to do with the degreewith which someaction is entered into and is thus semantically related to the enclitic particles 'intensifying' 'minimizing'. nga and,Iang Unlike modality,this systemis skewedtowards maximum values.which needto be further divided into excessiveand high:

excessive:sobra-ng, masyado-ng, lalo-ng, labis na high: talaga-ng,totoo-ng, tunay na, higit na EXCESSrVE 107. lalo siya -ng magiging kawawa too much s/he LK becomingpitiful 'She's becomingtoo pathetic'

28 MOODAI.ID MODALIIY IN TAGALOG HIGH 108. tunay naman siya -ng na-gu-gusto sa aki -ng anak truly contrlast s/he LK likes I LK child 'She really likes my child'

Tagalogdoes not appearto have any adverbialsrealizing median intensity. The closestone that comesto medianvalued intensity is Schachterand Otanes's'intensive- repetitive'verbal construction(1972:398), which is in any casetending towardsa high rather than a medianvalue:

MEDIAN 109. karga daw siya ng katga ng bata burden report s/he burden child 'Reportedlyhe's burdened a lot with children'

Low intensity is realizedthrough kamuntih na, muntih na,bahagta-ngor halos, translatedas'barely','scarcely','almost' or'hardly'.

LOW 110. muntik ko -ng na-kalimut-an almost I LK forgot 'I almostforgot'

9.3. Usuality Usuality is also skewedtowards high values,with lagi-ng or palagi-ng 'always' the most commonrealizations. Median usuality is realizedthrough karaniwan na;low usuality is marked by paminsan-minsan'sometimes' or bihira-ng/pambihira-ng 'rarely'.

HIGH 111. lagi tayo -ng na-ta-talo always we-incl LK are losing 'We alwayslose'

MEDIAN 112. karaniwa -ng gabi na kung siya 'y um-uwi usually LK night mature if s/he IM go home 'It's usuallynight alreadywhen he comeshome'

LOW 113. bihira siya -ng ma-kinig ng misa rarely s/he LK hears mass 'Sherarely goesto mass'

Both low intensity and low usuality can be alternatively realizedby suffixing dili to an actor-focusverb not marked for aspect (Schachterand Otanes 1972:526): pumasok-dilisiya sa iskwela'He rarely attendsschool'; humain-dili ha ng pagkain mo You've hardly touchedyour food'. Schachterand Otanes classiff these clausesas negative,but without offeringany criteria for treating them as such apart from their English translations. MARTIN

9.4. Appearance There is onefrnal modality sys0emto consider,which unlike probability, intensity and usudity, is unscaled.This will be referred to here ," "pp""oo.", "nd is mosi commonly realizedttrroughpara-ng. Less commonly muhha-igis used; tila andwari are quite rare in Manila Tagalog (though more common in Maban glo's malalim na Tagalog'deep Tagalog'plays; e.g.Mabanglo, in press).

115. lnra ka -ng may problema seems you-sg LK existential problem 'It looks like you've got a problem'

10. NEGATION

The final pre-encliticclass realizing interpersonal meaning to be consideredhere is negation.As far as negationis concerned,one basic distinction in Tagalogwhichhas not been consideredto this point is between existential and non-existerrti"l .laur"s. Existential constructionsoppose may/mayroon'positive' to wala 'negative';non-existentials mark negationthrough hindi.

POSITME EXISTENTIAL 116. may d-um-ating exist came 'Someonecame'

NEGATME EXISTENTIAL 117. wala -ng d-um-ating neg-exist LK came 'No-onecame'

POSITME NON-EXISTENTTAL 118. d-um-ating siya came s/he 'She came'

NEGATTYE NON-EXISTENTIAL 119. hindi siya d-um-ating neg s/he came 'She didn't come'

As notedabove, the realizationof negationis alsosensitive to MOOD (huwagvs. hindi), illustrated in the followingparadigm for the non-existentialexperiential 'call', 'I', 'you'. structure Process: Actor: Goal: Note thatwhen followedby an enclitic,huwag and the encliticare hypotacticallylinked to the rest of the clause(ia/-ng).

POSITryE NEGATIyE

OFFER Tawagin sanakita. Huwag kitaug tawagin. COMMAND Tawagin mo ako. Huwag mo "koag tawagin. STATEMENT Tinawagmo ako. Hindi mo ako tinawag.- QUESTION Tinawagmo ba ako? Hindi mo ba ako tinawag?

30 MOOD AND MODALTIY IN TAGALOG Huwag may combinewith wala in negativeexistentials such as 120 (Schachter and Otanes Lg72:524):

120. huwag ka -ng wala _ng pera neg you LK neg_exist 'Don't LK money be without money'

Two further distinctive realizationsof negationin the context of proposalsneed to be considered.The first is the alternation betrveenthe optative enclitic sana,andthe use of baha to realize negativedesire in clauseswith a verbal predicate unmarked for aspect:

POSITME DESIRE (hope) 121. manalo sana siya wrn optative s/he 'I hopeshe wins'

NEGATME DESIRE (fear) 122. bal

The second was introduced in 8.1 above,reflecting the alternation between aya{ayoko and hindi gusto/ibig/nais for expressing negative inclination; the ayawT'ayokorcafizations are the more common.

123. ayoko -ng um-uwi I not want LK go home 'I don't want to go home'

124. hindi ko gusto -ng um_uwi neg I want 'I LK go home don't want to go home'

- The final oppositionto be consideredhere occurs in the contextof projection--the alternation of hindi alam'not know' and ewan'don'tknow'. Ewan is interpreted includingthe as speaker,unless accompanied bythe encliticdaw, inwhich caseall persons are possible.

125. sino ang na-talo who lost 'Who lost?' - hindi ko alam/ ewan ko neg I know/ not know 'I I don't know'

Thisvariation amongtherealizations of negationin Tagalogissummarized below: IVIARTIN POSITME NEGATME

PROPOSITION: (existential) may/ hindi mayroon wala

PROPOSAL: (optative) sana huwag baka

(inclination) gusto ayoko ayaw

(projection) alam ewan

Table 9: Negative realizationsin Tagalog

11. BEYOND MODALITYAND MOOD

Before turning to more general issues of representation and interpretation in sections12 and 13 below, it is important to note the range of clauserank interpersonal meanings that have not been incorporated into this discussion.All are less directly involved with mood, modality, modulation and enclitics than are those systemswith eachother; this is in part reflectedby the fact that most of the interpersonal meanings about to be consideredare realized on a separatetone group comparedto that of the interpersonalmeanings considered above.

i. interjections This classincludes a number of expressiveitems, generallyused to prefacea move in a dialogueor function aloneas an evaluativeresponse: siyempre'of course', sayang 'too 'oh' 'ouch', bad', suwerte'lucky',naku'surprise', hep \vatch it', aba , aray etc.'

126. Naku, hindi pa yata eh. surprise neg immature speculation contradiction 'Heavens,not yet, wouldn't I think'

ii. vocatives Vocatives are generally first or last in the clause; for a discussion of naming practices,see Bautista (1979).

127. Maniwala kayo, Aling Serya believe you-pl 'Believeme, Mrs. Serya'

128. Julio, siguro 'y wala na tayo -ng paki-alam doon probably IM neg mature we-incl LK business there 'Julio, we probably don't have any right to meddle in that'

iii. interpersonalphrases Certain interpersonal meanings, for example the source of an opinion, can be realized circumstantially, usually in clauseinitial position:

32 MOOD AT'[DMODAIJIY IN TAGALOG

129.rsa palagay ko hindi siya u-uwi opinion I neg she will go home 'In my opinion,he won't go home'

130. ayon kay Imelda, u-uwi siya according will go home s/he 'Accordingto Imelda, he'll go home'

iv. evaluation The next structure to be consideredhere is what Schachterand Otanes (o972:545- 546)refer to as 'explanatoryaf ' clauses.These are usd to expressthe speaker'sattitude to the clausethey preface:

131. ma-buti atso d-um-ating ka good and came you-sg 'It's goodthat you came'

v. sentence-finalparticles Schachterand Otanes(1972:461-463) recognize four sentence-finalparticles: c, e,ha, o; a andeare includedin the sametone group asthe dialogicmove which precedes them,while ha and o are realizedon separatetones. Some of their brpicatinterpreta- tions are illustrated below.

COUNTER-EXPECTATION 132. bastos pala iyan a rude surprise that 'But that's rude!'

REASON3I 133. pagod na ako e tired mature I 'BecauseI'm alreadytired'

IMPORTUNITY(demanding context) 134. bukas, ha tomorrow 'Tomorrowfor sure,huh'

URGENCY(demanding goods and services) 135. pa-hingi naman, o letbeg contrast 'C'mon,I'm beggingyou!'

L2. TEKTUAL AND LOGICAL MEANING As will havebeen noted from the data consideredto this point Tagalogdisplays an overwhelmingtendencyto realizeinterpersonal meanings of all kinds asclose to the front of the clauseas possible.This meansthat Tagalogorganizes the realization of theme metafunctionally:interpersonal Theme first in the clauseand topical Theme (i.e. the Topic) last; this complementaritywill be taken up in 12.2 below. It is also signifrcantthat with severaltypes of interpersonalmeaning, the interpersonalTheme is constnrctedas the logic Head of the clause,with the rest of the clausehypotactically ' dependenton it; thesestructures will be reviewedin the following section.

33 MARTIN

12.1.Logical The interpersonal metafunction in Tagalog draws on logical__resourcesat a number of points to structure the interpersonal Theme as Head3z of the clause (o ), and the rest of the clauseas dependent( p ). Both modulationand modality make extensiveuse of this pattern; in addition it is found with negative imperatives (when pre-enclitic) and existentials, and with exclamative and wh interrogative clausesof manner."" These dependencystructures are reviewedbelow, using examplesfrom previous sectionswhere possibleinterpersonal Themes are double underlined throughout this section;enclitic pronouns have been included in the interpersonal Theme.

MODALITY ro?.Illo siva-ns fl"o*r.r, kawawa too much s/he LK becomingpititul 'She's becomingtoo pathetic'

MODUI"ATION

86. gusto mo -ng mag-kape want you-sg LK havecoffee You want to havecoffee'

NEGATIYE IMPERATTVE(if pre-enclitic) cr p 53. huwas mo sana ako -ng bigu-in neg you-sg optative I LK disappoint 'Don't let me down'

NEGATME EXISTENTIAL 0 p 136. wala naman ako -ng na-kita neg exist contrast I LK saw 'But I didn't seeanything'

EXCLAMATME MANNER 0 p 25. ans bilis niva -ng t-um-akbo fast s/he LK ran 'How fast she ran!'

WH MANNER 0p 137.@ -ng pa-tu-tulug-in 'yan how I LK makesleep ,that 'How could I put it to sleep?'

These interpersonal dependencystructures are potentially recursive, as illustrated in 138:

?A MOODAND MODALTTYIN TAGALOG

0 p 138. plp--ng wala naman ako -ng na-kita seem LK negcontrast LK saw 'But it seemsI saw no-one'

Thesepatterns run against the associationof recursive inter-dependencystructures with ideational meaning in Halliday and Matthiessen'sproposals, introduced in section1. Tagalogthus demonstratesthat Halliday and Matthiessen'scorrelations are in fact probabitisticassociatiorrrS4, not categoricalcorrelations. What seemsto be going on hereis that Tagalogis especiallykeen to foregroundinterpersonal Themes. Making them the Head of the clauseis one stratery for accomplishingthis; further strategies will be taken up in 12.2.below.

12.2.Textual Another stratery for foregroundinginterpersonal Themes is to eliminate the topicalTheme altogether.This disturbs the clause'scanonical culminative thematic pattern (interpersonalTheme first, topical Theme last). Exclamative,intensive and most modulatedstructur.r3s downgrahepotential Topicsto non-Topicstatustu (i.". niya,niya andmo in the following examples;interpersonal Themes are doubleunder- lined,topical Themes single underlined throughout this section):

EXCI"AMATtVE 25. ang.-hilis_niya -ng t-um-akbo fast s/he LK ran 'How fast she ran!'

INTENSIVE 38. napaka4rc niya very what like s/she 'What is shevery much like?'

MODUI,ATION 86. zusto mo -ng mag-kape want you-sg LK have coffee You want to have coffee'

Existentialand equativeclauses can alsobe interpretedas foregroundinginter- personalThemes. Existentials do this by displacingthe topical Theme focusedon by theverbal Predicate in non-existentialclauses. Where available, a participantwhich is not focusedon by the verb is promotedto topicalTheme; when this participant is not pronominallyenclitic, the clause'sculminative thematic pattern is thus restored.

139.t-um-akbo srya ran s/he 'Sheran'

140. Wdt -ng t-um-akbo neg exist LK ran 'No-oneran'

35 ilARTIN

141. i-ni-libing siya ni Imelda buried s/he 'Imeldaburied him'

142. )4qle -ng i-niJibing si Imelda neg. exist LK buried 'Imelda didn't bury anyone'

With equativeclauses, culminative thematic patterniug is in a sensedramatized, with the interpersonal Theme realized identically to the topical Theme. In addition, the equative structure sets up a boundary betweenthe interpersonal Theme and the rest of the clausevery similar to the logicaldemarcation considered in 12.1above. As notedabove, the equativeis the favoredclause type forwh questionsabout participants.

143. hgyq-bt ang nag-lagqy ng bata sa dqyan you-pl ? put child cradle 'Are you the onethat put the child in the cradle?'

144. !i!g hgtt naglagay sa kanya sa duyan who put s/he cradle 'Who is the onewho put her in the eradle?'

13. REPRESENTATION

Tagalog'spredisposition for loadinginterpersonal meaning onto the front of the clausemeans that many such meaningsmay be realizedbefore experiential meaning is realizedat all. Exampleg2 abovewas a goodexample as a clauseof this kind, with interpersonalmeaning extending up to the linker -ng

92. ayaw na nga sana -ng mag-opisina not mature intensive optative LK offrce 'I really don't want to go to work anymore'

Beyond this, in dialogic contexts, many clausesconsist of nothing but interpersonal meaning, as illustrated in the responseto 145 below:

145. k-um-ain ka na ate you mature 'Have you eatenalready?'

- hindi pa nga ho eh38 neg immature intensive respect contrary 'Certainly not yet, ma'am'

This obviously createsproblems for analysesof sentencestructure built up around the notion of constituency and thus oriented to ideational meaning. Schachter and Otanes (1972) do not offer analysesof clausesrich in interpersonal; so the structural representation they might propose has to be inferred. Their work, however, would appear to suggesta structure along the following lines for 92.

36 MOOD A}.ID MODAIJIY IN TAGALOG

Basic Sentence I I Predicate I Verbal

Verb

ayaw nga sana -ng mag-opisina

Fig. 8: Constituencyinterpretation of interpersonal meaning

Thiskind of representationintegrates interpersonal and ideational meaningsinto a single structural tree, but can be criticized on a number of grounds. For one thing, the logicaldependency of mag-opisinaon the rest of the sentenceas signaledby linker -ng has not beenmarked. This problemcould be solvedby recognizinga simultaneous ^ logicatdependency stmcture ( o p ) suchas that reviewedin 12.1.above. Beyondthis, however,the constituencyanalysis fails interpersonally on a number of counts.The interactive force of the clauseas a type of proposalor proposition is not indicated;the enclitics are not shown as attracted to the pre-enclitic Head of the clause ayaw;conversely , ayaw is not representedas pre-enclitic, nor asintroducing the clause's interpersonal Theme; and finally, the constituencyanalysis does not distinguish metafunctionallybetween interpersonal and ideational or textual contributions to the clause.Given the historicalpre-occupation of linguisticswith ideationalmeaning and constituencyrepresentation, there is no obviousway of remedyingthese defects.The following suggestions,however, are offered with a view to re-orienting structural representationwith interpersonalmeaning in mind. Enclitics could be treated as an interpersonal prosody (potentially discontinuous) with a horizontal line representingtheir domain, and an arrow indicating which pre-encliticelements they are attractedto. This notation is illustrated for 146 below (in general an attempt will be made to integrate the notation as far as possible with the clausebeing analyzed,rather than havingthe clausedangling at the bottom endof a phrasemarker).

146. nagJaba na ako sa labas washed mature I outside 'I'd alreadystarted the laundry outside'

Mood can be representedthrough traditiond orthographic markers for the indicative:. ? !; for imperativesa + sign can be appropriated(symbolizing that an exchangeof goodsor servicesis expectedto ensue).These markers can be conveniently placedafter the last point at which enclitics are or could have been realized,by which point the MOOD of the clausewill havebeen established.This is illustrated for mood variations on 146below.

DECI,ARATt\rE

147. naglaba na ako sa labas 'I've already started the laundry outside'

37 fvIARTIN

POI"AR INTERROGATTVE

148. naglaba ba ako ? sa labas 'Did I start the laundry outside?'

IMPERATryE

4_-- 149. maglaba ka na + sa labas 'Do the laundry outsidenow'

WH INTERROGATME

<-_ 150. sino ba ? ang naglaba salabas 'Who did the laundry outside?'

EXCI.AMATtVE

151. ang dali ko ! -ng naglaba sa labas 'How easily I did the laundry outside'

NEGATME DECI"ARATME

152. hindi ako naglaba sa labas 'I didn't do the laundry outside'

Interpersonal pre'enclitic classeslend themselvesto a segmentallabeling, once a directional enclitic prosodyis establishedmarkingthem as pre-enclitic.Interpeisonal pre-enclitics are typically sequencedwith the focus of a wh question or exclamative first, followed by modalization,followed in turn by modulation; negation is realized in various positions,depending on whether modality, modulation or the verbal Predicate is being negated--with the negativepreceding its focus.An additional layer of logical dependencystructure can be addedwhere appropriate.

PRE-ENCLITIC SEQUENCE: ^ ^ Wh . Neg Whex

Modul

92. ayaw na nga sana -ng mag-oplslna CI, It 'I don't want to go to wor.kanymore' wh

153. papaarfi-t o ? -ng patutulugin,yan CIp 'How couldI haveput it to sleep?'

38 MOOD AND MODALITY IN TAGALOG Neg Modul

154. hindi srya maaari . -ng maglakad c[ p 'Shecan't walk'

Wh Modal Modul

155. bakit para -ng gusto mo ako ? -ng mamatay cl p 'Why doesit seemyou want me to die?'

Modal Neg Modul

156. talaga -ng hindi siya maaari -ng maglakad CI,p 'She really can't walk'

Musical notation can be drawn in to indicate the strength of the interpersonal coloring loaded into clauseinitial position. At this point, additional classesof interpersonal meaning which are not pre-enclitic, such as vocative and interjection, can be addedto the picture. Thewidth and length of the diminuendo would indicatethe extent to which a clausetakes interpersonal meanings as its point of departure.

157. -ng maniwala p 'Heavens, Lucila, they don't want to believe(it)'

Finally, some account needs to be given to the fact that clauses may end with a more limited range of interpersonal meanings:tags, vocatives,enclitics and sentence final particles.These can be taken as a minor crescendo,handing over speakingrights to the interlocutor. The questioning mood of the tag can be indicated with ? at the beginning of the crescendo.

Modal

-ng ganoon ang nanryayarl, c[ p 'It really happened like that, didn't it, sir?' \\\

L4. INTERPERSONAL AND TOPIC THEME

The culminativethematic patterning considered above will be illustratedin this sectionwith respectto two short scenesfrom oneof the radio dramasinvestigated for this research(Flora del Cielo).These are presentedas text 159below, with interpersonalmeaning (whether thematic or not),including all enclitics,in bold faceand topical Themesunderlined. This formatting givesa rough indication of the degreeto which dialogictext is interpersonallycolored, with interpersonalmeaning tending to follow textualand precede experiential. Note that severalclauses are purely interpersonal(for exampleAy naku...talagangtotoo, mga kasama....) and that in interpersonalmeaning is alsorealized in final positionin 159.6,159.15 and 159.19:

39 MARTN

r59.6 Anong sabimo, Lucila... 159.15 +qa1$qat

Lucila: I Loreta, anak.. child ,Loreta my child., 2 Aba? 'Huh?' 3 Bakit nandito na sa duyan ang bata? why here ,Why mature cradle child is the child here in the cradlenow?, 4 Inay...Inay... ,Mother...mother...'

40 MOOD AND MODALITY IN TAGALOG

5 IGyo ba ang naglagay ngbata sa duyan? you-pl ? put child cradle Wereyou the onewho put the child in the cradle?' Nanay: 6 Anong sabi mo, Lucila... say you-sg |hatWhat are you salnng,Lucila?' 7 Aba? 'Huh?' Lucila: 8 Kayo ba ang naglagay ng bata sa duyan you-pl ? put child cradle at nagpatulog sakanya? madesleep s/he ?"dWere you the one that put the child to sleepin the cradle?' Nanay: I Aba hindi... nes :hWhy no' 10 Papaano ko -ng patutulugin 'yan I LK make sleep that Iro*How could I put it to sleep' 11 samantalang natatakot nga ako -ng humipo diyan... while am afraid intensive I LK touch there When I'm really afraid to touch her' Lucila: 12 Kung ganon, if like that If so' 13 sinong naglagay sakanya saduyan put s/he cradle IhoWho put her in the cradle?' 14 nilapag ko lang siya kanina dito sa sahig sa may banig pnt I just s/he recently here floor wooven mat I just put her hereon the mat on the floor' 15 at naglaba ako salabas ah.. did laundry I outside counterexpectation Td'and did the laundry outsideeh' Nanay: 16 ngayon, naniniwala ka na ba -ng today believe you-sg mature ? LK may nagbantay sa batang 'Yan? exist guarded child that 'Now do you believethere's someonewatching over that child?' Lucila: 17 Iutt'Mother?' 18 *il:l- 3;'", ;;uinint 'What ffi' Nanav:le are you tryrng to say? :l'lf'" rf,l:li'?'?' il?"J'n" ffi'There's a spirit guarding.;'lyour child,Lucila' . if,'il* lmusic bridgeJ I.IARTIN

crowd: 20 Naku... maniwala kayo dryan surprise believe you-pl 'Believe there it for heaven'ssake' Nanay: 2l Ay naku... talagang totoo, mga kasama... surprise really true many friend 'Heavens, it's really true, friends' 22 Ako na mismo ang nakasaksi... I LK myself was able to witness 'I myself was the one who was able to witness it' 23 at ganon din si Dindo na anak ko.. and like that also LK child I 'and so did my child Dindo' crowd: 24 ganon ba.. like that ? 'Is that so?' 25 pero para -ng hindi naman manryayari iyan.. but seem LK neg contrast happening 'but that it seemsthat's not happening' Nanay: 26 Ay naku kung ayaw ninyong maniwala surprise if not want you-pl believe 'It's exasperatingif you don't want to believeit' basta talaga -ng ganon ang nanryayari exact really LK that happening 'It's just that that's exactlywhat's happening' 28 may umuugoy talaga ng duyan ng bata exist is rocking really cradle child 'Someone is really rocking the child's cradle' 29 pero wala naman tao. but neg exist contrast person 'But no-oneis there'

The pattern of interpersonaland topic Themesin 159is outlinedbelow. Only trvo moves in the dialoguelack anything interpretable as an interpersonal Theme: clause 12, which is purely textual, and clause 15 where the enclitic ako fwctions as topical Theme.Several moves, however, lack topic Themes:clauses l, 2, 4, 7, g, 17,2r and24 are purely interpersonal,while 12,as just noted,is purely textual; clauses1g, 28 and 29 are existential, without participants to promote to topical Theme; and clause26 is modulated,thereby downgradingits potential topical Theme to non-Topic ninyo (note that Schachterand Otanes'sPredicate Topic structure for basic sentencesfails for all of these). For an interpretation of the function of topical Themes in Tagalogtext see Martin (1981). INTERPERSONAL TOPICAL THEME THEME Lucila: 1 Loreta, anak.. 2 Aba? 3 Bakit ang bata? 4 Inay...Inay... 5 I(ayo ba ang naglagay ng bata sa duyan? Nanay: 6 Ano (a)ngsabi mo

42 MOOD AND MODALITY IN TAGALOG

7 Aba? Lucila 8 IGyo ba ang naglagay ng/sa bata sa duyan at nagpatulog sa kanya? Nanay 9 Aba hindi... 10 Papaano ko 'yan 11 nga ako Lucila: t2 13 sino (a)ng naglagaysa kanya sa duyan t4 ko lang siya 15 ako Nanay: 16 na ba ka Lucila: L7 Nay? a^ 18 Ano (a)ng ibig ninyong'" sabihin? Nanay: 19 May [music_ bridgeJ crowd: 20 Naku... kayo Nanay: 2I Ay naku...talaga 22 Ako na mismo ang nakasaksi... 23 din si Dindo na anak ko.. crowd: 24 ba.. 25 parang hindi naman iyan.. Nanay: 26 Ay naku...ayaw ninyo 27 basta talaga ang nanryayari 28 may 29 wala naman Interpersonal Themes are grouped below accordingto their initial interpersonal meaning. Existential and equative structures have been interpreted here as producing interpersonal Themes--namely the existential particles in 19, 28 and 29 and the participants exclusivelyresponsible for the verbal Predicatesin question in 5,8 and22 (the wh words in 6, 13 and 18 could have been included in this last group). Non-topic enclitics have been treated as interpersonal Themes in clauses Ll, 14, 16,23 and 24 where they appear as early as possiblein the absenceof pre-enclitics.

NON-PREENCLITIC: vocatives interjections 1 Loreta, anak 2 Aba 4 Inay...Inay 7 Aba 17 Nay 9 Aba hindi 20 Naku 2I Ay naku 26 Ay naku kung ayaw ninyo

PRE-ENCLITIC wh modality 3 Bakit 25 parang hindi naman 6 Ano 27 basta talaga 10 Papaanoko 13 sino 18 Ano

4g MARTIN

DUSTENTIAL & EQUATNTE existentlal exclusive equative f9May 5 lkyo ba 28 may 8 l(ayo ba 29 wala naman 22 Ako na mismo enclitics 11 nga L4 ko lang f6 naba 23 din 24 ba

15. PARADIGIUATIC REPRESET{TATION

Interpersonal meaning in Tagalogposes no unique problems for representation as far as paradigmatic relations are concerned.The basic MOOD systems can be integrated as follows (for more delicacyand specificationof realization,see spctions b.l and b.2above). These systems condition the form of a verbal predicate(which is marked for aspectin the indicative but not in the imperative); in addition, they are realizedin partthrough enclitic particles(ba or kayainthe indicativeand sanainthe imperative). Note that imperative clauseshave been subclassifiedfor person with the result that they preselectenclitic pronouns.

pexclamative *i ;affrrmatiu. I t declarative indicative ------+| Polar Linterrogauu..-f Lwh

speaker(oblative) speaker& addressee(hortative) imperative ----+ addressee(ussive) non-interlocutor (optative)

Fig. 9: BasicMOOD systems(clause as interaction)

In order to accountfor pre-encliticsother than wh phrases,the network needsto be expandedto include the systems of polarity, modality and modulation. Polarity cross-classifiesMOOD;it conditionsthe availability of the option exclamative(positive only) and for some speakersthe use of the tag hindi ba (again positive only). As discussedabove, the realization of the feature negativedepends on MOOD (hindi vs. huwag), and also on modulation (the choiceof hindi gusto/ibig/nois vs. ayaw/ayoko). Unlike polarity, modality is dependenton MOOO. Only indicative clausesselect freely for modality; related meanings in imperatives tend to be realized by enclitic particles(e.g. speculative kaya and,intensive nga). Conversely,modulation clausesare aspectlessand from the point of view of conversationalstructure they function in similar ways (inclination realizing offers, obligation realizing commands).It is thus tempting to make modulation dependenton the feature imperative. There are, how-

44 MOOD AND MODALTTTIN TAGALOG ever,at least two basicprollems with this suggestion.One is that modulated clauses arenegat€dwithhindi,nothuwag (see154, 156above). The secondisthatsome clauses selectfor both modality and modulation (the modulation may be modalizedas in 155 and 156above).

156. .-rr9 maglakad V As a compromise,modulation is representedas cross-classifyingMooDbelow, in light of its indicative negation, strong but not obligatory s€mantic associationwith proposals and the grammatical feahrres it shareswith imperative clauses. ' rPositive ,l-Lnegauve * r afrrmative lirrt"rrogative indicative [+ lnrobabilitY t'- intensitY l--- [ l modalitY -L_ I I pusuality l*L_

iootarance [- [ r speaker(oblative) I speaker& addressee(hortative) imperative ---> addressee(ussive) non-interlocutor(optative)

pinclination -> pmodulation | obligation I t ability L-

Fig. 10: MOOD, POI"ARITY,MODALITY & MODULATION

Integrating systemsfor enclitic particlesand pronounswith the network just outlinedis a far more problematictask. As alreadynoted, enclitics participate in the realizationof MOOD. Beyondthis, MOOD conditionsthe availability of the particles associatedwith uncertainty: yata is only possiblein declaratives,ba in interrogatives and kaya in interrogativesand imperatives.Further, the interpretation of enclitic particlesmay dependon MOOD--ngo,for example,realizes politeness in imperatives, noturgency(translatable as 'please'), but intensifiesindicatives (translatable as 'really' or'indeed');or the interpretationmay rest on an interactionof MOOD and polarity--in negativeimperatives, for example,huwag muna means'not yet', whereasin positive imperativesor the indicativemuna is translated'first' or 'for a while'. The meaningof

45 IVIARTIN

many enclitics,in other words, can only be generalizedacross moods at a very general level of abstraction. In order to do justice to varied factorsof this kind a very large number of specific systemswould haveto be addedto the network developedabove; enclitic systemswould then constitute a kind of prosodyin the paradigmaticinterpretation of interpersonal grammar,just as they do in its realization.No attempt will be madeto developthis interpretationhere. The enclitic systemswhich needto be incorporatedare ouflined below and needto be further developedto accountfor all of the enclitic meanings outlinedin Schachterand Otanes(1972). For an interpretationof the interaction 'textual' of the encliticswith conjunction,see Martin (1g81).

r intensiW nga -L _ 'o'o .*[- - | uncertaint5r------.-- r-- kaya Ldemanding___*llot"* ,speculation Lquery ba

J-exalt po t.r€sP€ct-l +t I L _ l_defer ho r repoltive daw -L _ I optative sanQ -L _ -*L_r surPrise pala

Table 10:'Interpersonal'enclitic particle systems

--_l , impermanence muna L-

mature na *l_rmaturity+ immature pa

contrast naman r COITIDSI'lSOtr.+ -----t I L- similarity din

f counter-expectation man reason--..--_L ; _ hasi *L- r CoIIS€QUentiaI._l I [counter-expectation Iang L result-l tuloy

Table11: 'Textual'encliticparticle systems

46 MOODAND MODALITY IN TAGALOG 16. IMPLICATIONS

In this paper an attempt has been madeto provide a more integrated treatment of interpersonalmeaning in Tagalogthan a grammar organizedaround constituency affordsand to developalternative forms of structural representationsfor these meanings.Many of thesesuggestions are provisionalin nature; but the difficulties posedby interpersonalstructqres for constituencyinterpretations of clausestructure are clear. Onestrong implication of this work is that grammarorganized around the conceptsof both metafunctionand constituency(particularly the conceptof rank) will provide a more comprehensiveand better balancedgrammatical descriptionthan those organizedaround constituency(especially immediate constituency) alone.The following function/rank matrix is offeredas a grammaticalcartographer's guide"':

IDEATIONAL INTERPER"SONAL TEXTUAI, experiential logical clause phrase word

NOTES

1 LK in 3 designates the linking na/-ng which in Tagalog realizes hypotactical dependency. 2 IM stands for Inversion Marker, realized by oy/'y following marked Themes. 3 Throughout the paper ':' stands for 'is to' and '::' for 'as' when expressing proportionality; thus 'si/c is to ang bangkay as nila is to ng bangkay...' here. 4 Or archaically 'Let them bury the body soon'. 5 See in addition their examples with kaya: maglakad kaya ako doon'Perhaps I shouldwalk there', ito kaya ang gamitin h,o'PerhapsI should use this' (1972:426); 'I and with nga: Iinisin ko- nga ang bahay guess I should clean the house' (1972:427). 6 Used here in the senseof 'allow us to'; contrast the archaic English optative in footnote 4. 7 Alternatively it mightbe argued that sincereduplication of the first syllable of the verb stem carries the meaning of habitual rather than contemplated action, these structures should be included in the imperative class;if negation with huwag is taken as criterial, then they would have to be included. 8 This is an oversimplification of negation in Tagalog;see section 10. I The tension between Finite Subject sequence(for interrogatives) and initial Wh phrase (for wh interrogatives) which occurs in English for questions about the Subject and is resolvedin favor of Wh phrase initial thus does not arise. f0 Abbreviated frompintah-an. 11 Further candidatesfor enclitic status include uli'agun'(designated as enclitic by Bloomfield1917), kuno 'itis said',kamo 'you said'(from wikamo'your language') and pati'including'; none of these, however, move 'fonvard' in the clause with other enclitics as illustrated in 43-45.

47 MARTIN

12 Treated as textual in Martin (198f); alternatively it could be taken as the minimizing agnate tn nga'intensive'; as far as the sequenceof enclitics is concernedit is on the border of the 'textual' and 'interpersonal' enclitics--see belon'. 13 Alternatives wit,h rcur, which form is encouragedby the presenceof preceding vowel for somespeakers. 14 The lang form is more common than lamang and will be used for purposesof exemplifrcationand interpretation here. 15 Alternates with rin, which form is encouragedby the presenceof a preceding vowel for somespeakers. 16 Attested examplesused in this paper are taken from the radio drama scripts on which Bautista (1979) based her study or from Bautista (1983), Mabanglo (in press);comments on the tlTicality of forms are basedon this samedata. L7 Comparethe continuousmaraming libro mo lour many books'. 18 The enclitics follow ma-talik becausemaging is not pre-enclitic. 19 Df here is a reducedform of hindi. 20 Note that verbal Predicatesare intensifiedthrough 'disjunctive'(see Bloomfield 191?)repetition, realized by ng (phonemically g/): tumakbong tumakbo siya 'She /nan ran and ran'; compare70 above,or the followingattested example: gustong- gustopa nanurnnamin ni Gary na magha-anah'ButGary and I still really want to have a baby'. 21 The negativerealizations of inclination,ayaw andayoko, will be taken up again in section10. 22 Not includedin this classby Schachterand Otanes,but fully productivein the paradigm;e.g. haya hong abutin ang langif 'I can reachthe sky'. 23 Also not includedby Schachterand Otanes,but not grammaticallydistinguish- ablefrom other membersof the class. 24 Thelinker is generallyelided when kailangandirectly precedes a verbalPredicate. 25 Most examplescan howeverbe read as ability; even in the following attested exampleswhere the ability prefix maka-makes an abilitativereading redundant, it needsto be kept in mind that for a languageto realizethe sameinterpersonal meaning more than once in a clause is a common feature of interpersonal realization:hindi naman maaaringmahababa angbata'But it isn't possiblefor the child to get down'. 26 Maari is a commonorthographic variant of maaari. 27 For a Whorfian interpretationof this and other aspectsof Tagaloggrammar see Martin (1988). 28 The transcriptionis misleadinghere; akin + linker hasbeen reduced to aking in the example. 29 Note that modality need not be realizedinitially as the high value marker of usuality, lagi'always', showshere. 30 Similar rather'hypotactic'uses of a/ were first notedby Bloomfield(191?). 31 Contrast 126and 154where e signalscontradiction of a previousmove. 32 In treating the interpersonalTheme as Head,the fact that enclitics are attracted to it can be taken as criterial. 33 When thematic,circumstances of manner in generalare constructedas Head of the clause:Madali haya-ngp-in-atay ni Marcossi Aquino 'Doyou supposeMarcos killed Aquino easily?';so exclamative and wh clausesof mannerare not distinctive in this respect. U As predictedby Halliday and Matthiessen.

48 MOOD AT{D MODAIJTT IN TAGAIPG 35 Recentperfective aspect (katatakbo pa langnic 'she'sjust run') and projection kinabiniyananatalosila'she saidthey'dlost) also eliminatetopic Themes, and are not unrelatedto the pattern noted here. 36 Contrast non-exclamativeTumakbo eiya nang mabilis, non-intensive maano si5ra,and the unmodulatsd, nnghape ha,. g7 Sinaang hasbeen contractedtn sinong in 14,4. 'Contrary 38 to expectation'is a further meaningof the sentencefinal particle e (spelledherc eh), gpically accompaniedin this senseby the encliticparticle nga 39 Originallyng in typescriptthen tJrped overwith sa Samakes defrniteness explicit in relativizedclauses, whereas ng is simply ambiguousin this respect.This semantictension accounts for the editing prooessin the gpescript. SeeMartin (1981:59)for discussion. 40 An additional interpersonalTheme could be recognizedfor this nominalized clause:ibig ninyo. 4l For exemplifrcation see especially Matthiessen forthcoming.

REFERBNCES

BAUTISTA, LUALHATI. 1983. Bata, bata...pa'noka ginawa? Manila: Carmelo & Bauermann. BAUTISTA, MA. LOURDES S. 1979.Patterns of speakingFilipino radio dramas: sociolinguisticanalysis. Tokyo: Institute for the Study of Languagesand Cultures of Asia and Africa" Tokyo University of Foreign Studies (Monograph Series 13). BLOOMFIELD, LEONARD. 1971. Tagalogtexts with grammatical analysis. Part 1: Texts and translation. Paft, 2: Grammatical analysis. (University of Illinois Studiesin Languageand Literature2 & 3) Urbana: University of Illinois Press. DE GUZMAN, VIDEA. 1978.Syntactic derivation of Tagalogverbs. (Oceanic Linguis- tics SpecialPublication 16) Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. FILLMORE, CHARLES. 1968.The casefor case.In Universals in linguistics theory, ed.by E. Bach and T. Harms, 1-88.New York Holt, Rinehart & Winston. HALUDAY, M.A.K. 1967.Intonation and grammar in British English. The Hague: Mouton. 1979.Modes of meaningand modesof expression:t;ryes of grammatical structure and their determination by different semantic functions. In Functionsand contextin linguistic analysis,ed. by D.J. AllertoD,E. Carney and D. Holdecroft.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1985. An introduction to functional grammar. London: Edward Arnold. MABANGLO, RUTH ELYNIA. In press. Mga abong pangarap. Manila: De La Salle University Press. MARTIN, JAMES R. 1981.Conjunction and continuity in Tagalog.In Readingsin systemiclinguistics, ed. by M.A.K. Halliday and J.R.Martin, 310-336.London: Batsford. . 1983. Participant identification in English, Tagalog and IGte. Australian Journd of Linguistics3.1.45- 74. . 1988.Grammatical conspiraciesin Tagalog:familS face and fate-- with regardto BeqjaminLee Whorf. In Linguisticsin a systemicperspectiv€, d. by J.D. Benson,M.J. Cummingsand W.S. Greaves, 243-300. Amsterdam: Ben- jamins. IVIARTIN

. Forthcoming.Transitivity in Tagalog:towards a functional interpretation of case.In Grammar and meaning,ed. by M. Berry, C. Butler and R. Fawcett. Norwood, N.J.: Ablex (Meaning and choicein language:Studies for Michael Halliday). I{ATTHIESSEN,C.M.I.M. 1988. Representationd issues in systemicfunctional grammar. In Systemicfunctional approachesto discourse:selected papers from the 12thInternational Systemic Workshop, ed. by J. Bensonand W. Greaves,136-?5. Nonvood,N.J: Ablex (Advancedin DiscourseProcesses XXVI). . Forthcoming. Lexicogrammatical cartography: English systems. Departmentof Linguistics,University of Sydney:mimeo. PALMER, F.R. f986. Mood and modality.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (CambridgeTextbooks in Linguistics). RAMOS,TERESITA V. L974.The casesystem in Tagalogverbs. (Pacifrc Linguistics SeriesB 27).Canberra: The LinguisticCircle of Canberra. SCIIACHTER,PAUL. 1973.Constraints on clitic order in Tagalog.In Parangalkay CecilioLopez: essays in honor of CecilioLopez on his sevent5r-fifthbirthday (PhilippineJournal of LinguisticsSpecial Monograph Series No. 4), ed.by A.B. Gonzalez,FSC, 214-231. Manila: Linguistic Society of the Philippines. and FE T. OTANES. 1972.Tagalog reference grammar. Ber*eley: University of California Press.