Miroslav Bárta / Filip Coppens / Jaromír Krejčí (editors)

ABUSIR AND IN THE YEAR 2015 SA QQ A R A ND YE A R 2015 IN THE A ČÍ ÁRT OPPENS V B ÍR KRE J (EDITORS) (EDITORS) RO M FILIP C FILIP A J MIROSL A

ISBN 978-80-7308-758-6 FA CULTY OF ARTS, C H A RLES U NIVERSITY AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:34 Stránka i

ABUSIR AND SAQQARA IN THE YEAR 2015 AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:34 Stránka ii

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The publication was compiled within the framework of the Charles University Progress project Q11 – “Complexity and resilience. Ancient Egyptian civilisation in multidisciplinary and multicultural perspective”. AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:34 Stránka iii

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ABUSIR AND SAQQARA IN THE YEAR 2015

Miroslav Bárta – Filip Coppens – Jaromír Krejčí (editors)

Faculty of Arts, Charles University Prague 2017 AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:34 Stránka iv

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Reviewers Ladislav Bareš, Nigel Strudwick

Contributors Katarína Arias Kytnarová, Miroslav Bárta, Edith Bernhauer, Vivienne Gae Callender, Filip Coppens, Jan-Michael Dahms, Vassil Dobrev, Veronika Dulíková, Andres Diego Espinel, Laurel Flentye, , Jiří Janák, Peter Jánosi, Lucie Jirásková, Mohamed Ismail Khaled, Evgeniya Kokina, Jaromír Krejčí, Elisabeth Kruck, Hella Küllmer, Audran Labrousse, Renata Landgráfová, Rémi Legros, Radek Mařík, Émilie Martinet, Mohamed Megahed, Diana Míčková, Hassan Nasr el-Dine, Hana Navratilová, Massimiliano Nuzzolo, Martin Odler, Adel Okasha Khafagy, Christian Orsenigo, Robert Parker, Stephane Pasquali, Dominic Perry, Marie Peterková Hlouchová, Patrizia Piacentini, Gabriele Pieke, Maarten J. Raven, Joanne Rowland, Květa Smoláriková, Saleh Soleiman, Anthony J. Spalinger, Nico Staring, Zdeňka Sůvová, Geoffrey J. Tassie, Břetislav Vachala, Joris Van Wetering, Hana Vymazalová, Leslie Anne Warden, Ayano Yamada, Ken Yazawa, Mohammad M. Youssef, Patrizia Zanfagna

© Faculty of Arts, Charles University, and individual contributors, 2017

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This volume is dedicated to the memory of Nicole Alexanian (1965–2016) AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:34 Stránka vii

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FOREWORD xxiii

ARCHAIC PERIOD AND THE OLD KINGDOM

Miroslav Bárta – Katarína Arias Kytnarová – Martin Odler – Zdeňka Sůvová ‘Killed’ for eternity. Artefacts and ritual behaviour from a unique ceremonial structure in Abusir South 1 The principal aim of this contribution is to provide a preliminary report, analysis and interpretation of a Fifth Dynasty structure discovered in Abusir South during the 2014 season. This structure is square-shaped in ground plan, built entirely of mud bricks. It is located immediately to the north of the Fifth Dynasty of Neferinpu (about 2370 BC, early reign of Djedkara), which was excavated during the seasons of 2006 and 2007. The archaeological context seems to reflect a single, short-term event of a specific symbolical handling, perhaps a performance related to the burial ceremonies, and ending with the ritual of breaking the red sherds as evidence provided by the pottery and stone pounders seems to suggest. Keywords: Old Kingdom – Abusir – Fifth Dynasty – cemeteries – burial ceremonies – ritual of breaking red sherds

Edith Bernhauer Erscheinungen und Wandel in der Privatplastik des Alten Reiches 23 Abstract: Die Privatstatuen des Alten Reiches sind bisher nur in Einzelartikeln ohne den Blick auf das Ganze, das heißt alle Statuentypen der Zeit, zu werfen, publiziert. Ihre Aufstellungsmöglichkeiten, teilweise zeitabhängig, schließen im Grab alle Räume, außerhalb das Dach und den Eingangsbereich mit ein. In den Tempeln sind sie dagegen selten belegt. Typologisch lassen sich nur im Serdab alle Statuentypen finden. Je nach Grabtyp (Mastaba, Felsgrab, Mischform aus beiden) können etwas unterschiedliche Dekorationskonzepte mit Statuen beobachtet werden. Parallel zur Vergrößerung des Verwaltungsapparates ab der 5. Dynastie nehmen die Anzahl der Gräber und die dazugehörigen Statuen zu. Insbesondere ab Niussere fallen die „Pseudogruppen“, „Familiengruppen“ und „Statuen mit der Kauernden“ auf. Entsprechend der zeitlichen Nutzungslage, darin spiegeln sich dann die Statuentypen wieder, sind die zwei Hauptnekropolen in und Sakkara zu sehen. So ist zum Beispiel zu beobachten, dass die Beamten der Verwaltungsschicht durch Leserstatuen und ihre häufig dazugehörenden Statuenkomplexe mehr das Bild von Sakkara als das von Giza prägen. Auch ist nicht von der Hand zu weisen, dass mehr Holzstatuen in der 6. Dynastie aus Sakkara als aus Giza bekannt sind. Da allerdings die Nekropole von Sakkara noch weiterer Ausgrabungen bedarf und fundierte statistische Auswertungen bisher fehlen, müssen viele Fragen offen bleiben. Dieser Artikel kann daher nur ein Versuch sein, sich den komplexen Fragestellungen zur Privatplastik im Alten Reich anzunähern. Keywords: Altes Reich – Serdab – Mastaba – Felsgrab – Scheintür – Privatplastik

Vivienne Gae Callender Some Sixth Dynasty Queens: an historical perspective 39 Abstract: In contrast to the numerous names on the royal king lists, the number of known Egyptian queens is surprisingly small; even more noticeable is the limited quantity of secondary literature regarding these women. Thus, it is of great significance AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:34 Stránka viii

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that, over the last thirty years or more, a small number of archaeologists have increased that list of queens. Amongst these additions there have been some thrilling discoveries of Old Kingdom queens from South Saqqara to Abusir – the most recent addition being found only in the last months of 2014. These discoveries all add to our knowledge and understanding of these royal women in both minor and major ways – usually dependent upon the amount of evidence still remaining at the cemetery sites. Once, we knew a little – mainly about their pyramids – regarding just ten queens who lived in the Sixth Dynasty. Today, thanks to a group of French archaeologists working at South Saqqara, that list now numbers nineteen named queens and two others whose names are not known. As a result of those discoveries, we also understand much more about the queen’s importance and status in her society for this period because of their work. The women themselves are still enigmatic, and their royal role is not by any means properly understood, but in this discussion I would like to offer some ideas about the impact on Egyptian history made by some of those queens from the Sixth Dynasty. Keywords: female gender role – cartouches – family discord – erasures – queens – – Khuit – Ankhenespepy I – Ankhenespepy II – Pepy I – Pepy II – Neith – Merenre I – Merenre II

Vassil Dobrev A necropolis from the First Intermediate Period at Tabbet el-Guesh (Saqqara South) 53 Abstract: The IFAO Mission at Tabbet el-Guesh has already revealed the existence of two priests’ necropolis at the excavated area of 60 x 50 m. One of them is from the end of the Old Kingdom (Sixth Dynasty) and is characterized by rectangular or square mud brick structures which are in fact enclosure walls surrounding and protecting open–air courtyards where funerary chapels, storerooms and shafts with burial chambers were built into the mountain. The ancient called this type of funerary structure per djet, ‘house of eternity’. The other necropolis is from the beginning of the Late Period (Twenty–Sixth and Twenty–Seventh Dynasties) and its tombs are organised in several North–South rows of small mud brick orientated East–West. During the excavation season 2012–2013, the Mission discovered several small mud brick structures that could be dated to the First Intermediate Period (Seventh–Eighth Dynasties) and seem to be just a fraction of a much larger necropolis. Some of these structures are very simple, just white plastered niches with funerary shafts behind them, but others resemble to the so-called house-mastabas, characterised by a small courtyard and a low surrounding wall to the East. The house-mastabas H 1 and H 2’ present an interesting feature on their eastern sides: an inscribed lintel was added over the false door stela, which has an offering table in front of it. The traditional Old Kingdom disposition of stela + offering table is modified here by the addition of a lintel over the stela and this could be considered as a criterion for dating structures from the First Intermediate Period. Keywords: First Intermediate Period (FIP) – necropolis – house-mastabas – criteria for dating FIP structures – restoration of priest’s funerary cult

Veronika Dulíková – Radek Mařík Complex network analysis in Old Kingdom society: a nepotism case 63 Abstract: The current state of Egyptological research faces a problem to process the huge volume of data. Researchers have dealt with the datasets consisting of thousands of entities. Such a volume cannot be evaluated efficiently and rigorously using a traditional manual manner of paper and pencil. Although methods of complex networks (CNA) have been used for the quantification of a number of historical aspects, nobody has yet applied CNA to the Old Kingdom context. This paper proposes a new approach based on the method of complex network analysis which AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:34 Stránka ix

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provides new possibilities for the better understanding of the Old Kingdom social and administrative developments. The treatise demonstrates the first promising results of this technique on an assessment of nepotism in the second half of the Old Kingdom exemplified in the numerous illustrative graphical visualizations. Keywords: Old Kingdom – Fifth Dynasty – Nyuserre – complex network analysis – social network analysis – nepotism – society – administration – titulary – relational data mining

Andrés Diego Espinel A neglected hunting scene from Saqqara (Pitt rivers 1926.14.6) and the iconography of the desert hunters during the Old Kingdom 85 Abstract: Desert hunting is a well-known scene type in Old Kingdom monuments. They have been extensively analysed by egyptologists, who have mainly taken into account both their symbolic and social meanings and the animal information depicted on them. However, few authors have devoted specific studies on the iconography of the desert hunters. The present study takes into consideration their clothes, tools and gestures, analysing their development in time and space during the Old Kingdom. Moreover, depictions of the Old Kingdom desert hunters, their implements and techniques are compared with data from other periods, shedding light on the role of desert hunting and hunters during the pyramid age. To this end, an unpublished fragmentary relief of a hunting scene, probably dating from the Sixth Dynasty, will be firstly examined. It is the relief Pitt Rivers 1926.14.6, donated in 1926 to the Oxonian museum by Cecil Mallaby Firth, who discovered it somewhere in Saqqara. Despite of its fragmentary state, it is an important document as it is the only known non-royal depiction of an Old Kingdom bowman in a Memphite hunting scene. Keywords: Desert hunting – iconography – private tombs – pyramid complexes – Old Kingdom

Laurel Flentye Royal and non-Royal statuary of the Fourth Dynasty from the Giza Necropolis 123 Abstract: This article traces the development and interrelationships between royal and non-royal statuary during the Fourth Dynasty at the Giza Necropolis. Evidence for life-size statues and small-scale statuettes is attributed to the reigns of Khufu through Menkaura. Implicit within this discussion is the variety of contexts in which statuary occurred at Giza, namely the pyramid and valley temples of the royal pyramid complexes as well as the mastabas and rock-cut tombs in the surrounding cemeteries. From the outset, statuary is a feature of Khufu’s reign in the early Fourth Dynasty at the Giza Necropolis. Although Khufu’s pyramid complex is mostly destroyed, statue fragments are assigned to it including those excavated by Selim Hassan. Also attributed to Khufu’s reign are a variety of sculptural types in the non-royal sphere, namely the seated statue of Hemiunu discovered in his serdab (G 4000), the reserve heads mostly found in the shafts or burial chambers of the mastabas of the Western Cemetery, as well as evidence for statue platforms. In the Eastern Cemetery (G 7000), different statue types also decorated the mastabas belonging to members of the royal family, such as the bust of Ankh-haf (G 7510), the scribal statues of Ankh-haf (G 7510) and Kawab (G 7120), and the seated statues of Kawab (G 7120) and Khufu-khaf I (G 7140) which are dated from Khufu’s through Khafra’s reigns. Their reconstruction in exterior chapels as well as offering chambers attests to the diversity of contexts in which statuary occurred as well as their particular function within the decorative program. Based on the absence of a statuary program in Khufu’s pyramid complex, Djedefra’s statues from Abu Rawash provide a significant link between Snefru’s and Khafra’s statuary programs, which must have impacted the development of statuary AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:34 Stránka x

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in the mid to late Fourth Dynasty at Giza. Djedefra’s statues from Abu Rawash range in type, iconography, size, and materials which certainly is reflected in the statuary program of Khafra. Reconstructions of Khafra’s pyramid and valley temples with seated and standing statues suggest that statuary was probably more a feature of the decorative program than relief decoration. In the non-royal sphere, the statue chamber of Minkhaf (G 7430) in the Eastern Cemetery (G 7000) may resemble the layout of Khafra’s pyramid temple based on Herbert Ricke’s reconstruction, but certainly reflects the interest in statue niches also evident in Kawab’s exterior chapel (G 7120). In the late Fourth Dynasty, Menkaura’s pyramid complex continues the predilection for statuary, both in the pyramid and valley temples, ranging in type, iconography, size, and materials, including an emphasis on the monumental. The series of greywacke triads from Menkaura’s valley temple are almost three-dimensional relief decoration, which must have had a programmatic layout. Stylistically, Menkaura’s greywacke statues have greater modeling as compared with Khafra’s anorthosite gneiss statues. In the non-royal sphere, the rock-cut tombs in the Eastern Cemetery (G 7000), Khufu-Khafra Quarry, Central Field, and the Menkaura Quarry Cemetery were probably influenced by the statuary programs in the pyramid complexes and vice versa, particularly the use of multiple images of the tomb owner and gesture between statues, e.g., the rock-cut statues of Meresankh III (G 7530sub). However, the addition of servant statuettes in Meresankh III’s rock-cut tomb (G 7530sub) reflects an interest in daily life iconography, occurring in both statuary and relief decoration, but also essential to the tomb owner’s afterlife. In this respect, the Fourth Dynasty at Giza witnessed an expansion in the use of freestanding and rock-cut statuary in differing contexts, suggesting that three-dimensional representation became an important feature of the overall programmatic layout and cultic function of the tomb, similar to the statuary programs in the royal pyramid complexes. Keywords: niches – pedestal – rock-cut – scribal – serdab – statues

Lucie Jirásková Model stone vessels of the Old Kingdom – their typology and chronology 145 Abstract: Assemblages of model stone vessels unfortunately never got enough attention of scholars dealing with the material culture of the Old Kingdom in the past. The article thus attempts to show their value, especially in respect of chronology. Firstly, the group was typologically described. The author divided vessels into several classes regularly appearing within the Old Kingdom burial chambers. Reflecting their numbers and material used for their production, the assemblages were compared. Such an analysis led to several “stages” with particular pattern of distribution. The turning points between them also reflected not only major changes in the burial and funerary customs, but also more general changes in the ancient Egyptian society. During the whole Old Kingdom, the assemblages of model stone vessels represented social markers. In the Fourth and first half of the Fifth dynasty, they were made exclusively from travertine, and appeared in the tombs of members of the royal family and the highest officials. By the middle of the Fifth dynasty, the limestone sets took the place of earlier pottery model vessels, and found their way to the burial chambers of middle class officials. The Sixth dynasty brought another major change. Burial equipment became wealthier, and there was no more need for “humble” model vessels made of stone. From the beginning of the Sixth dynasty, the model stone vessels were slowly substituted by copper pieces, and by the middle of the Sixth dynasty they almost disappear in favour of real vessels made of different materials. Keywords: Old Kingdom – stone vessels – travertine – limestone – typology – chronology

Mohamed Ismail Khaled Notes on the crews of workmen of Sahura 157 Abstract: The new discovery from the northern wall of the causeway of Sahura at Abusir has added to our knowledge of the programme of royal scenes depicted on AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:35 Stránka xi

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the Old Kingdom’s royal complexes. The reliefs came to light during the excavation by the Egyptian Ministry of Antiquities’ mission around the pyramid complex of King Sahura, which started in 1994 and continued from 2002 until 2004. The exploration by the Egyptian team has so far revealed scenes listing a large number of crews of workmen who participated in different royal activities in the presence of the king himself. This paper sheds more light on the crews of Sahura, as well as presenting new names. Keywords: Old Kingdom – Fifth Dynasty – – Abusir – causeway – relief decoration – workmen – crews.

Evgeniia Kokina Alone or together: for whom were the private tombs of the Old Kingdom built? 163 Abstract: Among the private tombs of the Old Kingdom there were so-called family tombs and family tomb complexes. Recent excavations at Saqqara and Abusir brought to light new examples of such tomb types. As the analysis of the Old Kingdom data shows tombs intended for one person were quite rare. At the same time the presence of several shafts did not influence in most cases the decoration of tombs which remained to be dedicated only to one person. The analysis of the cemeteries in the Memphite area and provinces reveals only about 300 private tombs in which cult places for other people besides the tomb owner were allocated. A cult place can be identified by false doors, offering table scenes, offering bearer scenes, depictions of priests, offering formulae, offering lists, offering tables, statues, offering rooms. The article intends to show who and how could obtain such a cult place besides the tomb owner; how the presence of cult places correlated with the number of shafts; why additional cult places were allocated; how such joint tomb possession was regulated. Keywords: Old Kingdom – private tomb – tomb decoration – cult place – family

Jaromír Krejčí Nakhtsare’s cemetery in central Abusir – the burial ground for the royals? 173 Abstract: Agroup of four tombs aligned along the north–south axis is located to the south and east of the mortuary temple of King Raneferef in the southern part of central Abusir and has been named the Nakhtsare cemetery. The results of the archaeological excavations of these much destroyed mastabas (excavated 1994–2016) represent an important supplement to our understanding of the development of the Abusir Royal Necropolis. Following the completion of the archaeological research, it is time to make an interim report on the group of these mastabas. Keywords:Abusir – Fifth Dynasty – mastaba – royal family – royal mother – royal son – Raneferef – Khentkaus III – architecture

Hella Küllmer „Das Verteilen von Gold“ – Einige Überlegungen zu den Webereien des Alten Reiches 185 Abstract: After Hermann Junker published the Mastaba of Seneb in Giza V in the year 1941, including a study on some few other “Rewarding the female weavers”-reliefs, there has been little attention on this topic. This article provides a detailed description of the scenes and a discussion of the economic importance of the distribution of gold and other goods. A study of the titles and the social status of the persons engaged in the weaveries of the Old Kingdom shows a special connection to the king and the palace. Keywords: weavers – titles – market – exchange – reward – Old Kingdom – reliefs

Audran Labrousse Derniers hommages aux reines: Les autels de Noubounet et Inénék/Inti 201 Abstract: During the excavation of the family necropolis of King Pepy I, inscribed fragments of altars were collected in the mortuary complexes of two of his wives: AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:35 Stránka xii

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Nebu-wenet and Inenek/Inti. These last tributes to the queens once belonged to the north chapel built on the access to the pyramid and to the offering room of the cult temple. We have now, for the first time, some knowledge of the altars of the north chapels. The altars belonging to the offering rooms, added to those already known, allow important differences in style, disposition of texts and material. Keywords: Old Kingdom – Pepy I – South-Saqqara – altar – Nebu-Wenet – Inenek/Inti

Rémi Legros Inhumations privées dans la nécropole de Pépy Ier 211 Abstract: La nécropole de Pépy Ier est aujourd’hui connue essentiellement pour les complexes funéraires du roi et des reines de la VIe dynastie. Pourtant, de nombreux particuliers sont venus l pratiquer leurs dévotions et, pour certains, s’y faire inhumer, à constituant ainsi ce qui apparaît comme un véritable lieu de mémoire. Trois grandes phases se distinguent, qui témoignent de l’évolution de cette nécropole royale, dans sa perception et son occupation. L’Ancien et le Moyen Empires se caractérisent par une continuité de l’activité rituelle dans le temple. Ensuite, jusqu’au Nouvel Empire au moins, les sépultures de particuliers se multiplient, mais conservent une certaine considération pour les installations royales. C’est à la Basse Époque enfin qu’il faut situer la cessation des pratiques funéraires. Keywords: Pépy Ier – inhumations privées – sacralité – lieux de mémoire

Émilie Martinet L’administration des nomes de Basse-Égypte sous l’Ancien Empire 219 Abstract: In contrast to Upper , titles related to the Delta’s administration are scarce on all levels: nomes but also in the region as a whole. Hence, the fact is that there are so few studies devoted to the organisation of this region during the Old Kingdom. Although the epigraphic sources show that there was a territorial division initiated by the palatine elite, the nomes cannot be considered as provinces at the beginning of the Old Kingdom, in the sense where nothing proves their administrative nature at that time. This paper highlights the lack of a systematic and complete organisation based on the nome unit in Lower Egypt during the Old Kingdom. However, it is possible to perceive the importance of other administrative structures all along this period that we will describe, as well as a direct intervention of the royal power in some Lower Egypt sites. In order to have a better understanding of the administration of Lower Egypt, one needs to take into consideration all the different officials, regardless of the position they held in the hierarchy and their sphere of influence. This paper tackles the importance of the supra-provincial level made up of men who played a role between the central institutions and province. With respect to the elites directly buried in the nomes of Lower Egypt under the Sixth dynasty and who have adopted the “formal palatine culture”, it is unclear whether they had an influence on the entire nome. In any event, these elites were included in the Court society, as the elites of Upper Egypt. In this paper, we will develop a more informal model of the Delta’s administration than previously proposed. This model is based on a crossover study of the historical and archaeological sources dated from the end of the Old Kingdom, may they be royal or private. The ongoing process of territorial division especially in the oriental Delta, even at the end of the Fifth dynasty, is one of the factors which could explain the establishment of a peculiar administrative system in this part of the country. Keywords: Old Kingdom – Delta – notes – administration – elites – local temple

Mohamed Megahed – Peter Jánosi The pyramid complex of Djedkare at Saqqara–South – Recent results and future prospects 237 Abstract: Until recently the pyramid complex of Djedkara at Saqqara–South was AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:35 Stránka xiii

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considered one of the most neglected royal funerary monuments of the Old Kingdom. Identified only in 1945/46 the complex has seen a number of brief investigations, which however remained unpublished or largely passed without notice. Yet, recent surveys and documentation started by the SCA in 2010 have shown that this king’s mortuary complex is better preserved than most of the pyramid temples of the late Fifth and entire Sixth Dynasty. While the valley temple must be considered entirely lost under the present-day village of Saqqara the other parts of the complex are quite well preserved and yield a number of interesting features. Despite this, no complete documentation of the monument has been achieved thus far and the entire complex with its different architectural parts remains largely a riddle. The plans by Vito Maragioglio and Celeste Rinaldi (published in 1962 and 1977) still forming the major basis for any scientific engagement, are – as can be gathered after the observations/ documentations of the initial campaigns – misleading or wrong. This paper is briefly surveying the temple’s main features and present condition. As the main focus of the paper the results of the recent work at Saqqara and future prospects is presented and discussed. The importance of the building and its potential for the art and architecture of the Old Kingdom highlighted. This paper aims also to provide some new results of a project that started in 2009 with the aim to publish the material from the archaeological excavations of pyramid complex of Djedkare in South Saqqara. Numerous fragments of relief decoration were collected by the Egyptian missions in the king’s complex, and therefore, a selection of fragments are presented in this paper. Keywords: Old Kingdom – Fifth Dynasty – Djedkare – Saqqara–South – mortuary complex, architecture – relief decoration

Massimiliano Nuzzolo (with the collaboration of Patrizia Zanfagna) Patterns of tomb placement in the Memphite necropolis. Fifth Dynasty Saqqara in context 257 Abstract: This article investigates the patterns of spatial distribution of tombs in the Saqqara necropolis during the Fifth Dynasty. After some preliminary considerations on the tombs spatial distribution and GIS-analysis, and the peculiarities of the other main contemporary necropolises of the Memphite area (e.g., Giza and Abusir), attention will be focused on Saqqara, either because it was the main cemetery of private people during the above period, or, and most importantly, because its overall topographical development has still to be fully understood. By crossing several kinds of data, including size and location of tombs, titles of tomb owners, and landscape phenomenology (accessibility and visibility of tombs and royal monuments), the paper shall provide some new insights into the historical dynamics of formation of the sacred landscape of the necropolis at the Fifth Dynasty. Keywords: Saqqara – Fifth Dynasty – private tombs – spatial analysis – titles – social status

Martin Odler For the temples, for the burial chambers. Sixth Dynasty copper vessel assemblages 293 Abstract: The article is a preliminary report on an assemblage of copper vessels found in the Sixth Dynasty tomb of the official Inti at the Abusir South cemetery (towards the end of the period of ca. 2305–2118 BC). The most important assemblage of full-size and miniaturized copper vessels comes from Shaft A of the complex with the burial of Inti Pepyankh, probably a relative or a client of Inti. The vessels contained a written reference to the ritual of funerary repast (pr.t-xrw), and their role in the ritual is explored in the article. The assemblage from this tomb is studied also from the point of view of regularized production of artefacts. It is then compared to other assemblages of copper vessels from Sixth Dynasty Egypt connected to the funerary repast and the Opening of the Mouth ritual. On the basis of the collected evidence, it is argued that the scope of vessels present in the burial equipment was similar to the vessels used in contemporary temples. The occurrence of the same types of vessels in several AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:35 Stránka xiv

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specimens in full-size as well as miniaturized versions is explained as a possible trace of the agency of different participants in the provision of the burial equipment. Keywords: Old Kingdom – Sixth Dynasty – copper vessels – funerary repast – Opening of the Mouth ritual – artefact regularization – agency

Adel Okasha Khafagy New excavation at North Saqqara. Soped-Hotep tomb 317 Abstract: This is a report on the re-discovery of the mastaba of Soped-hotep dating to the Fifth Dynasty. The mastaba was found in 2013 when an illegal digging in the North Saqqara area led to the exposure of the tomb’s chapel. The tomb was originally discovered by Mariette and labeled as D15, being located about 150 m east of the tomb of Ti. This report provides an account of the mastaba’s architecture, decoration and later history as reflected through archaeological finds. Keywords: Saqqara – Old Kingdom – Fifth Dynasty – mastaba – Seped-Hotep

Dominic Perry Requisition economics in provincial centres and Abusir in the Old Kingdom 331 Abstract: The article examines the Old Kingdom’s economic institutions from a new theoretical perspective: the theory of “requisitioning”. It suggests that the Crown instructed and empowered consumers to collect goods directly from producers. Doing so, it avoided the institutional burden inherent in more redistribution-based systems. Evidence for this practice may be observed in various textual sources from Abusir, the Wadi al-Jarf accounts, royal decrees and autobiographies. It is concluded that requisitioning – legitimized appropriation – may have occurred in Egypt during these periods; its prominence, however, fluctuated wildly over different periods and regimes. The Crown’s attitude frequently changed and requisitioning could be treated either as a necessary tool of management, or a harmful practice requiring prohibition. Keywords: Redistribution – Requisitioning – Royal Economy – – royal decrees

Marie Peterková Hlouchová Gods with solar aspects in selected written and epigraphic sources of the Old Kingdom 345 Abstract: In the Old Kingdom the cult of the main sun god Re reached one of its peaks which was reflected even in written material of that period. On the contrary, other gods with connection to the sun, such as Atum, Shu, , Sokar, Nefertem or Weneg, are not attested so often and, moreover, some of these gods appears only in the religious texts. This study is based on an analysis of selected written sources of the Old Kingdom coming from the Memphite area: the Palermo Stone, papyri from Abusir, seal impressions and the South Saqqara List. The Gebelein papyri are also included, as a sample of provincial documents. Most of these sources have not been studied in this way so far. The material is rather selective and is somehow connected to the royal sphere. The majority of evidence is dated to the Fifth Dynasty, to the period when the cult of Re reaches its zenith. Therefore, it is worth comparing the frequency of the attestations of Re and other deities with solar aspects. This sondage provides us with interesting and significant information concerning various gods of the solar religion. Keywords: sun cult – Palermo Stone – Abusir papyri – seal impressions – South Saqqara List – Gebelein papyri

Patrizia Piacentini Excavating the egyptological archives of the Università degli Studi di Milano: The Varille’s documentation on the pyramid complex of Djedkare-Izezi at Saqqara 355 Abstract: Between 1944 and 1949, Varille worked as epigraphist at Saqqara for the Antiquities Service. He joined the mission of Abdel Salam Mohammed Hussein on AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:35 Stránka xv

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the excavations of the funerary complex of Djedkare-Izezi, but because of the premature death of both archaeologists their results were never published. Some large folders found in the Varille archives, housed in the University of Milan, contain materials that can be useful to understand the way in which the excavations were carried on and some of the objects discovered. This unpublished documentation consists in photographs, cards with notes and photographs, and a short report on the excavations. The aim of the article is to present and analyse these materials, as well as to discuss the role of some of the people who worked with Varille on the site, who are mentioned in his papers. Keywords: Saqqara – Djedkare-Izezi – Alexandre Varille – Mohammed Hussein – Hassan Ahmed Osman – Fatouh Effendi

Joanne Rowland – Geoffrey John Tassie A new funerary monument dating to the reign of : The Quesna mastaba in the context of the Early Dynastic–Old Kingdom mortuary landscape in Lower Egypt 369 Abstract: King Khaba of the Third Dynasty is most closely associated with the site of Zawiyet el-Aryan due to the finding of a series of stone vessels in and around mastaba Z500 inscribed with his serekh. Apart from a few serekhs on seal impressions found in Upper Egypt at Elephantine and Hierakonpolis, he is virtually unknown outside of the Memphite region. There are also unprovenanced references to Khaba, including the seal impression UC11755. Many have assumed that the king was buried in the Layer Pyramid, or mastaba Z500, although some, including Swelim have questioned this. In 2010 a mud-brick mastaba (14.1 × 9.0 m) oriented north–south, was discovered at the central Delta site of Quesna, with the excavation of this structure completed in 2014. From one of the two burial chambers within the mastaba, a mud seal impression bearing the serekh of King Khaba was identified. The initial analysis of the pottery vessels from this mastaba indicated a date from to Khufu, but analysis of the most recently excavated vessels may include new types, and possibly inscriptions. A small number of stone vessel fragments were also located, which appear to be of a similar stone type to those from Zawiyet el-Aryan. The exact placement of Khaba in the succession of rulers of the Third Dynasty is much debated, and so the finding of this mastaba in the Delta brings fresh data which may contribute towards this debate. Architectural comparisons between Z500 and the Quesna mastaba will also help to illuminate this little known reign. Keywords: Delta – mastaba tomb – Quesna – Old Kingdom – Khaba – funerary

Saleh Soleiman An attempt to identify the erased figures of offering bearers in some scenes of Kagemni’s tomb at Saqqara 391 Abstract: This study deals with the figures of nine offering bearers in the tomb of Kagemni, Teti cemetery at Saqqara. Some of these figures and all the identification texts had been for some reason erased. Detailed inspection of the erased texts leads to the conclusion that one of these representations is of Gemni, the eldest son of Kagemni and eight of the representations are of Kagemni/Gemnika, the second son of Kagemni. The subsequent erasures of these two individuals may be the result of a dispute or power struggle between the sons of Kagemni’s first marriage and the son of his marriage to the daughter of king Teti. Tetiankh, being of royal blood, would have been in a more powerful position and had the authority to carry out the erasures. Another possible explanation is that the erasures were part of the punishment of Gemni and Kagemni/Gemnika for involvement in the conspiracy to assassinate Teti. Keywords: Saqqara – Teti – Kagemni – Teti cemetery – offering bearers

Anthony J. Spalinger The trope issue of Old Kingdom war reliefs 401 Abstract: A discussion of the repeated topos of the Libyan enemy in Old Kingdom royal depictions. The presence of this one common enemy of Egypt within repeated AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:35 Stránka xvi

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written and pictorial sources from the Old Kingdom parallels indicates a nationalist feeling, one connected to the self-identity of the Egyptians, can be traced to a very early time in history. Of great importance is that this “theme” persists throughout Egyptian history. Libyan–Egyptian relations must be seen as not merely hostile in attitude from a primordial era but also as a theme that could be re-used over and over to magnify the kings’ military performances. Keywords: persistent enemies of Egypt – Libya – Libyan family scene – Pepi I – Pepi II – Sahure – war reliefs

Joris van Wetering The Macramallah burials, Wadi Abusir, Saqqara 419 Abstract: The Macramallah burials or M burials, found by Rizkallah Macramallah (in 1936) within the lower Wadi Abusir, are for several reasons an atypical feature in the funerary landscape of Saqqara. Here, an interpretation is proposed that links these burials to the funeral of certain members of the royal family of the First Dynasty who were buried within the elite cemetery at North Saqqara. It is argued that these persons formed the household of a high ranking deceased during the period. His body was at the embalming station which was situated at the entrance to the Saqqara necropolis (lower Wadi Abusir). There, the priests took care of the body’s embalming process while the souls of the buried servants took care of the needs of the deceased’s soul. It is also argued that the M burials may be indicative of the arrival of high ranking members of the royal family in the Memphite region during the reign of Horus Den (or just before it) which may suggest that Memphis became the capital of the Old Kingdom polity (First Dynasty to Eighth Dynasty) during this reign (mid-First Dynasty). Keywords: Wadi Abusir – Macramallah burials – embalming stations – First Dynasty – Memphis – capital

Hana Vymazalová – Katarína Arias Kytnarová The development of tomb AS 68c in Abusir South: burial place of the king’s daughter Sheretnebty and her family 435 Abstract: The article presents a brief summary of the evidence on the rock-cut tomb of princess Sheretnebty in Abusir South, and its development over time. The archaeological evidence is complemented by the analysis of pottery finds from the chapel, burial shafts and burial chambers in this tomb. Keywords: Old Kingdom – Abusir South – rock-cut tomb – burial shafts – pottery finds – Sheretnebty

Hana Vymazalová – Gabriele Pieke Iti and his statuette from the tomb of Princess Sheretnebty in Abusir South 451 Abstract: The paper presents a discussion concerning the identity of Iti, an official attested in the tomb of princess Sheretnebty in Abusir South. The up-to-date available evidence is summarised and analysed in this paper, in order to present the possible explanations for Iti’s identity, as either the princess’ husband or her offspring. Keywords: Old Kingdom – Abusir South – rock-cut tomb – serdab – statuette – Sheretnebty – Iti

Leslie Anne Warden Serdab, cult, and ‘home’: Domestic life and relationships in Old Kingdom mastabas 467 Abstract: Serdabs housed statues of the deceased, acting as a supplementary home for the deceased’s ka. They have been understood to provide a point of participation for his cult. Closer examination of the corpus of tombs with serdabs shows that the role of this architectural feature was dependent in part upon its location: in the offering AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:35 Stránka xvii

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room itself, the rooms before or after the offering chamber, or external to the chapel. Distinct locational traditions dominated Saqqara vs. Giza tombs, but within that framework there was a place for individual decision making in the number and location of serdabs placed in a tomb. Different locations served different purposes, with specific statuary types correlating to specific serdab locations. When both location and statuary are considered together, the serdabs appear to mimic spheres of the home in all of its multiple levels of decorum, with the formality increasing as the serdabs were placed in conceptually more ‘private’ areas of the mastaba. The serdab was not a simple addition or insurance for the cult of the deceased. Serdabs, especially those located outside of the offering chamber, were rather focused on recreating the home in a conceptual (rather than architectural) manner and establishing bonds to family. The serdab and its statuary thus served as a compliment to the cultic and ideological concerns apparent in the artistic program and the architecture of the tomb. Keywords: serdab – mastaba – Old Kingdom – Saqqara – Giza – Abusir – statuary – architecture – kinship

Ayano Yamada Some remarks on the evolution of the workers organization of the pyramid construction in the Old Kingdom through the examination of the so-called Mason’s mark. 489 Abstract: As transforming the volume and construction method of pyramids changed, it is assumed that the number of workers and their organization also necessarily changed. Although this assumption has been discussed in previous studies, the first appearance of the workers’ organization named apr and its formation in the Fifth–Sixth Dynasty needs further consideration. This paper then reinterprets the phased development of the workers’ organization as a stage through an analysis of the ratio of the appearance of the masons’ mark. In addition, the factors which strongly influenced the changes in the worker’s organization are examined. As a result of the analysis, no team marks or names of organizations had appeared in the Third Dynasty (First stage). Some phyle-signs’ team marks first appeared on the north pyramid in , in the reign of Snefer (Second stage). The apr team name prefixed with the King’s name (crew name) also appeared in this reign, but it is incised on a copper chisel, not painted on the stone. In the Third stage, from Khufu to Menkaure, a typical style of the workers’ organization was completed: the crew name – phyle-signs’ team mark – a single sign that refers to the smallest workers’ group. According to Roth and other studies, it has been suggested that most of the names of those workers’ organizations were involved with nautical terms. However, the oldest example where the sign of apr with the King’s name was written is a copper chisel. In other words, the crew name may not be derived from nautical terms; it seems that originally it was the name of the carpenters’ group. As well as changing society, innovations and improvements to do with the construction technology of the pyramid were spectacular during the First to Third stages. Because the timing of construction innovations and the stage of each change corresponded to each other, it can be inferred that the changes in the workers’ organization at that time were forced by technical and physical necessity. After the middle of the Fifth Dynasty, interesting inscriptions were written that show the names of high officials and their titles (Fourth stage). In this case, the political and economic aspects of that period, and especially “the collapse of the Old Kingdom”, were affected rather than the technical factors. Keywords: workers’ organization – formation – stage – factor – apr

Mohammad M. Youssef – Břetislav Vachala Vier Grabplatten mit Opfertischszene aus Saqqara und Abusir 503 Abstract: Four interesting funerary limestone relief slabs were discovered in the Memphite necropolis in the past, which remained yet unpublished and are so far unknown. AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:35 Stránka xviii

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Two of them were discovered in 1966 in the area to the west of the Nefer tomb, near the causeway in Saqqara, by Ahmed Moussa (reg. nos. 16204a, 16204b), and the third one in 1994 on the western border of the contemporary Muslim cemetery at Abusir by Mohammad M. Youssef (reg. no. 19156). The central dominant motif in the decoration of these slabs represents the offering-table scene, where the owner receives various kinds of offerings. Their names are occasionally added. The owners of the stelae are Tisatjet (m.; reg. no. 16204a), Nesptah (f.; reg. no. 16204b) and Denegneferef (m.; reg. no. 19156). One can suggest to date the slabs to the late Archaic Period (mid Second Dynasty: reg. no. 16204a; late Second Dynasty: reg. no. 19156) and the early Old Kingdom (late Third Dynasty: reg. no. 16204b). A similar limestone relief slab belonging to an unknown person was recently found in the South Abusir cemetery by the Czech mission (exc. no. 15/AS 39/2013). Its possible dating is early Fourth Dynasty. Keywords: funerary relief slabs – Saqqara – Abusir – mortuary cult – funerary repast

THE MIDDLE KINGDOM

Jan-Michael Dahms – Elisabeth Kruck Ipiemsaef: a new insight into his tomb, his coffin, and his burial equipment 513 Abstract: In 1906/07 J.E. Quibell excavated the tomb of Ipiemsaef and Khenu in the Teti Cemetery in Saqqara. Although it was intact little attention was paid to the burial as well as to the associated coffins. Furthermore the inscriptions of the coffin of Ipiemsaef (Sq8C) are not part of A. de Buck’s edition of the Coffin Texts. The article introduces new aspects of the textual compilation of the coffin of Ipiemsaef which includes new parallels for the Nut-texts as well as for p.Gardiner II, and it presents new ideas concerning the burial arrangement and its dating. Keywords: Ipiemsaef – Khenu – J. E. Quibell – Teti Cemetery – Saqqara – Sq8C

Zahi Hawass The statue of Dedu-Amon 527 Abstract: The article provides a detailed description of a statue of Dedu-Amon, currently in the private collection of Heide Betz (San Francisco). The serpentine statue of Dedu-Amon as a standing man, striding forward, can be dated to the Thirteenth Dynasty based on a comparison with similar statues. Keywords: Middle Kingdom – Thirteenth Dynasty – statuary – private collection

Ken Yazawa The late Middle Kingdom shaft tombs in Dahshur North 531 Abstract: Since most of the Middle Kingdom shaft tombs in Egypt have been thoroughly plundered, until now analyses of cemeteries have relied on the patchy evidence of the remaining objects. However, the subterranean structure of the tombs was usually unaffected by robbery. It is possible to complement the lack of information and obtain an overall view of the cemeteries by analyzing these structures. This paper classifies the shaft tombs in Dahshur North by form and size, and then examines the relationship between date, social status of the owner and the result of the classification. Orientation of the shaft tombs is also investigated, and the result describes its significant relationship to the funerary landscape of the Saqqara–Dahshur region. Keywords: Dahshur North – Middle Kingdom – shaft tomb – social status – funerary landscape AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:35 Stránka xix

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THE NEW KINGDOM

Robert Parker An undisturbed minor burial in the Teti Cemetery 545 Abstract: The discovery of an undisturbed burial is of importance for several reasons; it affords context to the burial assemblage which hints at the significance attached to the various objects interred by the people that performed the burial. It also provides a glimpse of possible social conditions such as wealth and status as applied to the deceased. Non-elite burials contain a wealth of information on the lower classes of Memphite society thereby representing a ‘silent majority’ who mainly speak to us not through biographies, monuments or inscriptions but through the nature, context and origin of their funerary assemblage. Macquarie University, through the Australian Centre for under the directorship of Naguib Kanawati, found such a burial during excavations in the Teti cemetery in January, 2008. Located in the N–W sector of the cemetery this intact minor burial contained several bodies complete with almost thirty artefacts including a large amount of imported ceramics. Analysis of the previously unpublished contents will suggest the burial to have occurred either during the reigns of or more likely Thutmose III. Context and type of artefact illustrate the possible burial practices of the common man at this period of Egypt’s history. Further this interment will be compared with other minor burials in the Teti cemetery in an attempt to gain a more balanced understanding of this burial type. Keywords: context – Cypriote – intact – minor burial – trade

Stéphane Pasquali Les fouilles d’Auguste Mariette Saqqara (1858–1875). Les tombeaux du Nouvel Empire 557 Abstract: A study about an important part of Auguste Mariette’s excavations at the necropolis of Saqqara by means of archives of the time (handwritten and photographic archives of Théodule Devéria, the ‘inventaire de Boulaq’, etc.). The list of all inscribed objects from the New Kingdom is provided. Keywords: Saqqara – Abydos – Auguste Mariette – Théodule Devéria – Bulaq Museum

Maarten J. Raven What the butler saw: the life and times of Ptahemwia, royal butler at Memphis 583 Abstract: Ptahemwia was royal butler in Memphis, presumably during the reigns of Akhenaten and Tutankhamun. His tomb was found in 2007 by the joint Expedition of the Leiden Museum and Leiden University in the New Kingdom cemetery at Saqqara. It contains a number of wall-reliefs and inscriptions which, together with the architectural information and the remains of the funerary gifts, allow us to reconstruct Ptahemwia’s biography. This information also helps to reconstruct the various tasks of a royal butler in general and provides further details on the political climate at Memphis during the Amarna and post-Amarna period. Keywords: Memphis – Saqqara – Ptahemwia – royal butler – Amarna period – Tutankhamun

Nico Staring Toward a prosopography of New Kingdom tomb owners in the Memphite necropolis 593 Abstract: This contribution takes as its point of departure the observation that the relationship between individual tombs in the New Kingdom necropolis at Saqqara is still poorly understood and that no coherent internal patterns have been established. The organisation of this vast elite necropolis and the spatial distribution of tombs therein are here studied by analysing the prosopographical data of 448 individuals: AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:35 Stránka xx

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the tomb owners. After introducing the prosopographical method and its challenges, in particular as concerning the case study of Saqqara, its research potential will be demonstrated. The distribution of tombs according to the titles (occupational, rank, and honorific) of their owners and the observable changing patterns through time provide a first, tentative indication for the rationale of their distribution. Since the location of a majority of New Kingdom tombs is today lost, knowledge of the rationale underlying tomb placement is pivotal to allow for making statements about the original appearance and development of this necropolis. This research potential is illustrated with selected case studies. Keywords: New Kingdom – Prosopography – spatial analysis – tomb placement – titles

LATE PERIOD AND BEYOND

Renata Landgráfová – Filip Coppens – Jiří Janák – Diana Míčková Myth and ritual in the burial chamber of the shaft tomb of Iufaa at Abusir: Snakes and snake-like beings 613 Abstract: The shaft tomb of Iufaa at Abusir dates to the turn of the Twenty–Sixth and Twenty–Seventh dynasties and the extent of its interior decoration is unique among Late Period tombs. Only the Theban tomb of Padiamenipe (TT33) contains a similar range and extent of texts and representations. The unfinished western wall of Iufaa’s burial chamber, as well as the upper part of the northern wall, contain a number of representations of snakes and snake-like creatures alongside their accompanying texts. Snakes similar to some of these creatures can be found in the 6th hour of the , that is, the deepest regions of the Underworld, whereas others have been indentified on the astronomical ceiling at Esna, as well as in Jumilhac. The northern wall of the burial chamber, which is the focus of the present paper, is almost entirely taken up by the text of the ritual of the purification of the Egyptian king, adapted for Iufaa. A comparison of the motifs in the text of the ritual indicated that the short mythological compositions and allusions to mythological events that accompany the snake-like beings hold, in fact, the myths that explain and underlie the various actions of the purification ritual. Keywords: Abusir – Late Period – shaft tomb – Iufaa – snakes

Hassan Nasr el-Dine La répartition des cimetières saïtes à Saqqara 627 Abstract: Ce travail a essayé de mieux comprendre la répartition des cimetières de Basse Epoque, et l’évolution de la nécropole à travers les époques tardives, y compris l’époque ptolémaïque. Pour aborder le sujet, on a tenté de présenter les tombes dont l’emplacement bien connues, puis celles dont l’emplacement est inconnu. Ensuite, on a indiquér les parties différentes où se regroupes ces tombes: au sud de la pyramide d’Ounas, sur l’emplacement du temple bas d’Ounas, dans le secteur au nord de la chaussée d’Ounas, autour de la pyramide d’Ouserkaf, autour du complexe de Djéser et entre la monastère de St. Jérémie et l’enceinte de . Keywords: Saqqara – Basse Epoque – Saïte – Bakenrenef – tombe – nécropole – cimetière – emplacement connu et inconnu

Květa Smoláriková Some remarks on the architectural and religious aspects of the Late Period’s shaft tombs 641 Abstract: From an architectural point of view the construction of the Late Period’s shaft tomb kept certain rules: its superstructure consists of a huge enclosure wall with a square plan, in front of the eastern wall could be a mortuary cult installation; but the feature most typical is a massive limestone burial chamber with vaulted roof and lavishly decorated walls, built at the foot of a huge and deep main shaft. This is AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:35 Stránka xxi

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connected with the surface by narrow vertical subsidiary shaft(s) and long horizontal passage(s) starting from the bottom; and one cannot omit the embalmer’s deposit strictly situated to the southern part, more precisely to the SW-corner of the funeral complex. And I would like to stress the latter feature especially, because it seems – judging from our research – that location of embalming remnants had direct connection with religious texts depicted on the southern walls of the burial chamber. Here, beside a list of offerings, a series of Spells from the mentioning resurrection were clearly identified. My central concern here is to examine these particular Spells in both religious and cultural contexts, using the background in architectural disposition. Keywords: Late Period – shaft tomb – burial chamber – Pyramid Texts – Embalmer’s deposit

VARIA

Hana Navratilova Miscellanea Graffitica I 649 Abstract: Miscellanea Graffitica fill in on different aspects of graffiti studies in the Memphite area. The paper revisits 1) aspects of graffiti research methodology and research history, 2) archived records of the texts from the temple of including visitors’ graffiti, and 3) a Ramesside figural graffito found in the pyramid complex of Senwosret III at Dahshur, which is part of an extensive graffiti corpus dating to the New Kingdom that includes both textual and figural graffiti. It is a testimony to ancient skill and craftsmanship and its unusual features resemble period ostraca produced in the communities of Western Thebes, including Deir el-Medina. The character of the drawing inspires a reading of the piece as a caricature or satirical portrait showing upturned ideals of Egyptian elites. The piece inspires hypotheses regarding not only assumed purposes (or lack of) of the drawing, but also its wider social setting. The apparent skill of the maker is also an indicator of his social position and invites speculations about the community of workmen or artists. Keywords: Graffiti – visitors – draughtsmen – scribes – epigraphy – Memphis – New Kingdom

Christian Orsenigo James E. Quibell records on Saqqara in the archives of Alexandre Varille 675 Abstract: This paper provides an overview of some archival materials from James E. Quibell archive, which is preserved at the Università degli Studi di Milano (State University of Milan, Italy). This wealth of materials (more than 3500 photographic prints, notebooks, etc.) is the object of an on-going project supported by a grant from The Michela Schiff Giorgini Foundation started in 2014. The paper presents some general considerations that emerged from the analysis of the photographs and illustrates through some different case studies the importance of the discovery of this documentation as well as that of the handwritten one. Besides documenting the major discoveries made by Quibell in Saqqara, the archival materials preserved in Milan is precious not only for the archaeological research stricto sensu, but also for the history of antiquities collecting and provides plenty of information on how could be working in Saqqara at the beginning of the XXth Century. Keywords: Egyptological Archives – Università degli Studi di Milano – James E. Quibell – Saqqara

INDEX 685 AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:35 Stránka xxiii

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Foreword

Miroslav Bárta, Filip Coppens and Jaromír Krejčí

The Abusir and Saqqara meetings have been organised already four times by the Czech Institute of Egyptology at the Charles University in Prague – in 2000, 2005, 2010 and 2015 (Bárta and Krejčí, eds. 2000; Coppens, ed. 2002; Bárta, Coppens and Krejčí, eds. 2005 and Bárta, Coppens and Krejčí, eds. 2011). Over the years this event has become an established tradition to look forward to. Indeed, taking place every five years, it has developed into an effective and informative platform bringing scholars up to date with the most recent developments in the field, at Abusir and Saqqara in particular, but also taking into consideration the neighbouring pyramid fields as well as all other evidence and research relevant for gaining a better understanding of the primary subject of the conference. Scholars of Egyptian archaeology, philology, art history, anthropology, natural sciences and other disciplines active on the pyramid fields, but also colleagues whose works elsewhere has an impact on the history of the pyramid fields, meet for a week to discuss the latest development and discoveries in their respective fields and establish further cooperation. It was not different during the last meeting that took place in Prague during June 22–26, 2015. In the present volume we offer 43 contributions by 53 scholars covering different fields and periods. The overwhelming number of the 31 contributions is dedicated to various aspects of Old Kingdom archaeology and most present specific aspects linked with archaeological excavations, both past and present. The successive period of the Middle Kingdom is represented by three studies; the New Kingdom period features four and the Late Period three articles, respectively. Finally, the volume is closed with two more studies which cannot be strictly dated to a specific period. The very nature of the individual contributions reflects well the current situation in Egyptology characterized by a focus on archaeology, the theory of artefacts, iconographic and art historian studies, and the research of largely unpublished archival materials. What is – rather unfortunately given the present state of affairs – in great demand are multidisciplinary projects making use of the current hi-tech standards in world archaeology. Such projects in most cases fail due to the current restrictions in sampling strategies and subsequent analyses, unlike, for instance, in Sudanese archaeology. As long as this situation persists, hardly any significant progress in the current quality of Egyptian archaeology and Egyptology in general can be envisaged. The final but perhaps most important and heartfelt words are going to our dear colleague and friend Nicole Alexanian. This fine German scholar and close friend of many of us was made to leave this world too early. She devoted her professional career to the study of the Old Kingdom period, site, tombs and the Dahshur pyramid field in particular. She was the author of many stimulating articles and studies and a monograph on the tomb of Netjeraperef. In accord with her family, we take the liberty to dedicate the present volume to her. We are convinced that her name and memory will remain everlasting and will thus fulfil one of the most important wishes of the Ancient Egyptians – achieving endless and blessed presence through your deeds and thoughts. It is the very hope of the editors that she would enjoy the current volume and discussions on many themes emerging through the rich collection of the texts presented below. It is probably not out of place here to thank all the contributors for their cooperation during the editorial process. Our sincere thanks go to Jolana Malátková and Martin Odler for their invaluable help during the preparation of the volumes and to the Serifa publishing house. We also wish to thank all members of our institute for their help and encouragement. AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:35 Stránka xxiv

xxiv Foreword

Bárta, M. and Krejčí, J., eds. 2000 Abusir and Saqqara in the year 2000. Archiv orientální. Supplemena 9. Academy of Sciences of the , Oriental Institute, Prague. Coppens, F., ed. 2002 Abusir and Saqqara in the Year 2001. Proceedings of the Symposium (Prague, September 25th – 27th 2001), Archiv Orientální Supplementa 70.3 (Prague 2002), 261–425.

Bárta, M., Coppens, F. and Krejčí, J., eds. 2006 Abusir and Saqqara in the year 2005. Proceedings of the conference held in Prague, June 27-July 5, 2005. Czech Institute of Egyptology, Faculty of Arts, Charles University in Prague, Prague.

Bárta, M., Coppens, F. and Krejčí, J., eds. 2011 Abusir And Saqqara In The year 2005. Proceedings of the conference held in Prague, May 30 – June 4, 2010 (2 volumes). Czech Institute of Egyptology, Faculty of Arts, Charles University in Prague, Prague. AS_293-488_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:48 Stránka 369

A new funerary monument dating to the reign of Khaba 369

A new funerary monument dating to the reign of Khaba: The Quesna mastaba in the context of the Early Dynastic-Old Kingdom mortuary landscape in Lower Egypt

Joanne Rowland – Geoffrey John Tassie

Introduction

The site of Quesna is located 50 km to the north of modern on a large sand mound or gezira in the central Delta (Fig. 1). Until 2010 the evidence at Quesna did not pre-date the Late Period. In spring 2010, however, the first evidence of Old Kingdom pottery sherds came to light on the far northern edge of the site (Rowland 2011). First indications suggested a date ranging from the late Third Dynasty until the early Fourth Dynasty (the reign of Khufu at the latest; A el-Senussi pers. comm.; Rowland 2011, 82–84). During the 2014 excavation season however, rare evidence of the Third Dynasty ruler, Khaba, emerged on a fragmentary seal impression bearing the ruler’s serekh located within one of the two main burial chambers (363) in the structure (figs. 2a and b and 3b). This would present a potentially early Third Dynasty date for the mastaba, which would be remarkable given the dearth of archaeological evidence for this period in the Delta. This article will focus on understanding the Quesna mastaba within the sphere of existing evidence for northern Egyptian mortuary evidence throughout the 3rd millennium BC? This contribution focuses on a detailed description of the mastaba structure, its associated contexts and finds, and how it can be understood within the sphere of existing evidence for northern Egyptian architecture and practice in the 3rd millennium BC. The following questions frame this contribution, and will open a discussion on the broader socio-political context within which it was constructed: 1) Did Quesna fall within the Busirite or Athribite territory in the Old Kingdom; 2) How can the Quesna mastaba be seen within the sphere of existing evidence for northern Egyptian mortuary practices throughout the 3rd millennium BC; 3) What date is the mastaba; and 4) Who might have been buried in the mastaba?

Fig. 1. Map showing archaeological sites of the Delta referred to in the text; including Quesna and . Map by J.F.L. van Wetering; Rowland (2014); Tassie (2014). AS_293-488_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:48 Stránka 370

370 Joanne Rowland – Geoffrey John Tassie

Division and administration of territory in the Delta during the Old Kingdom

The origins of the socio-political geography of the Delta and Lower Egypt as a whole stretch back through at least the fourth millennium and possibly earlier into the Neolithic. Although the earliest permanently occupied regions of Lower Egypt in the Neolithic were restricted (in so far as current knowledge goes) to Merimde Beni Salama, el-Omari, Sais, Tell es-Samara and the Fayum, up until the third quarter of the 4th millennium BC the most intensive evidence for occupation is seen within the eastern Delta. In the first quarter of the 3rd millennium BC a number of these sites appear to fall out of use. This may be for a combination of reasons, including silting of local river branches (Kroeper 1989, 420), and new exchange mechanisms directed through the capital at Memphis. This may have affecting the economic health of smaller communities that had earlier benefitted from, and perhaps been founded because of, their strategic locations within exchange networks to the Sinai and Near East, as well as the Nile Valley. Archaeological and textual evidence remains sparse for a clear reconstruction of the original density and distribution of settlements in the central and western Delta, particularly in the period prior to the foundation of Memphis. For the 4th millennium there is evidence from Merimde Beni Salama for the Maadian Predynastic cemetery (Badawi 1978; 1980; Badawi et al 2016; Eiwanger 1999), likewise group(s) were settled at Sais at this time, and Buto (Wilson et al 2014; Hartung et al 2009) and there is evidence from el-Qata (Leclant 1952; 1953; 1954). Although the archaeological evidence may not reveal a great deal with regards 4th, and to an extent 3rd millennium settlement in the western Delta, evidence from seal impressions dating as early as the reign of Den, confirm that there was a distinction already in the First Dynasty with regards to administrative offices held in the districts of the east and the western Delta (Kaplony 1963, 435, 569, 584). A number of agricultural estates are documented, but much more needs to be done to really start to understand how the central and western Delta was populated and administered during the third millennium, as well as before. New rulers are recorded as having founded new estates, but could this always have been the case, or were earlier sites returned to? The eastern Delta is comparatively well known through extensive survey dating back to the late 1970s (Bietak 1975, figs. 28–32; van den Brink 1988; 1989), and subsequent research, including archival research, field survey and excavations. The western Delta, by contrast, remains the poorly known cousin. This may be the case for a number of reasons, including the differential flow of the Nile through the branches of the Delta, resulting in variable deposits of Nile silt (e.g. Macklin et al. 2015) Other reasons include fewer surveys in the region, and possibly there having been uneven distribution of sites due to certain areas being more suitable for strategic reasons. It would seem likely that there were increasing interactions between the western Delta sites and Memphis from the time of its foundation, in particular for the transport of cattle, crops, wine, and other goods from the rich agricultural lands, vineyards and pasture as the capital’s needs increased. Archaeological evidence confirms that desert edge sites such as Kom el-Hisn, and Kom Abu Billou, existed by the Old Kingdom, but it could have been earlier. New field investigations at Kom el-Hisn directed by Warden-Anderson, may clarify this in the near future, and shed new light on ‘The Estate of the Cattle’, a probable source of produce destined in part for Memphis and then Giza. The latter, which although recorded in textual sources from the First Dynasty, remains unattested archaeologically. Evidence for Predynastic settlement is only rarely known in the western Delta, as mentioned above, e.g. at Merimde Beni Salama and el-Qata, settlements that were located, possibly, on a route to Memphis. Written records support the persistence of inter-regional contacts between the western Delta and surrounding regions, suggesting the import of cattle from lands west of Egypt, an area colonised from the ‘Libyans’ by early Egyptian rulers (Moens and Wetterstrom 1988, 168, 172). AS_293-488_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:48 Stránka 371

A new funerary monument dating to the reign of Khaba 371

Athribis, Busiris and Quesna in the Old Kingdom

To return to the discussion of Tell Atrib (An. Eg. Hutherib, Gk. Athribis) in the tenth Lower Egyptian nome. Although no archaeological evidence has been found here to date, the textual evidence suggests foundations certainly as early as the Fifth Dynasty during the reign of Sahure (Vernus 1978, 6). Furthermore, within the mastaba of Pthahotep II there is a reference to a funerary domain named RwD ¤nfrw; suggesting the possibility of a foundation in the area already in the Fourth Dynasty (Jacquet-Gordon 1962, 402; Vernus 1978, 7). During Late Period and Ptolemaic period, Tell Atrib was still a centre for the cult of Khenty-Khety and finds of recent seal impressions in the falcon necropolis at Quesna have further strengthened the evidence for the link between the two sites during the Ptolemaic period (Goma and Hegazy 2001, 4, 57; Rowland et al 2013, 83). The cult can be traced to much earlier dates, however, including in a reference on a seal impression from the funerary temple of Userkaf, and a reference on the Palermo Stone during the reign of Sahure (Vernus 1978: 5). The reconstructions of provincial boundaries during various times within the Old Kingdom were made, admittedly, before Quesna had been discovered, however, it seems that boundaries could have varied within the Old Kingdom and Quesna could have changed its provincial connections over this period (Helck 1974, fig. 4 and 5; Bietak 1975). Although Quesna has proven connections with Athribis in later periods of its use, the question of its relationship with the Busirite nome cannot yet be dismissed. The capital of the ninth Lower Egyptian nome was Abusir Bana (An. Eg. Djedu, Gk. Busiris). The site of Djedu may have a very long history, although the lack of archaeological research at this large tell site hampers our knowledge of any Predynastic origins; Late Period to Roman remains cover the surface of the site (see Tassie 2015, fig. 2). It is uncertain whether cAndjety (a river and vegetation god) was the patron god of Djedu, but the region was originally known as cAndjety’s nome (Wilkinson 2003, 97–98). In the Pyramid Texts, the king’s power is associated with this god (Allen 2005, PT.182; PT.220; PT.614) and King is shown wearing the double plumed crown of cAndjety on a relief now in the Cairo Museum (Saleh and Sourouzian 1987, No. 24). cAndjety – many of whose attributes were later assimilated by (Griffiths 1980, 136–138) – may have had a temple at Djedu during the Third Dynasty. The earliest evidence for cAndjety’s nome is an inscription from a Saqqara mastaba dating to the late Third Dynasty of the official Pehernefer, who describes c himself amongst other titles as ḥ3ti-c [provincial governor] of Andjety’s nome’ (Jones 2000, 497; No. 1859; Maspero 1890, 246–272). The Palermo Stone, in the section of Sahure’s annals, mentions donations being made to several gods, including to Mesen and Sem, whose temples it states were in cAndjety’s nome (Sethe 1932, I–244). Could the individual(s) buried at Quesna have been a priest in one of these temples and where were they located?

The Quesna mastaba: the evidence

To date, only the single mastaba tomb dating to the Old Kingdom has been found at Quesna. Given that the gezira on top of which the site is located has been damaged on nearly all sides, it is quite possible that there were others originally, which may have extended further to the north, where the gezira has been cut from the northern face of the mastaba. The mastaba itself was discovered largely due to surface survey, although the magnetic survey that was completed in 2009 does faintly reveal the structure (as indicated in Rowland 2011, fig. 1). No similar signals appear to the east or west of the mastaba, although future test trenching will help to eliminate this possibility. The mastaba (Grave 1139 within the Quesna grave register) measures 14.10 m north-south, by 6.0 m east-west, with a corridor chapel 3.0 m wide by 13.25 m long running along its eastern side (see figs. 2a and b, 3a and b). Given the damage apparent AS_293-488_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:48 Stránka 372

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to this structure, the original dimensions can be reconstructed as 14.95 m × 6.14 m or 28.4 by 11.6 cubits. On excavation, the remaining height is 2.30 m in total, with 0.40 m comprising the superstructure. It is a tripartite double niched tomb, with its southern section having a tumulus constructed of rubble, and the northern part containing the burial shaft, offering room and the cult room, with the double burial chamber found in the central section. Three sizes of mud-bricks were used in the construction of the main mastaba: 1) 0.50 × 0.30 × 0.15 m; 2) 0.55 × 0.20 × 0.20 m; 3) 0.24 × 0.12 × 0.08 m, with minor variations. The only contemporary bricks of comparable size known are from Tomb No. 1 at Lake Abusir, with bricks of 0.55 × 0.26 × 0.16 m within the superstructure (Bárta 2001: 23; Verner 1995: 86). There are some bricks of different sizes that are found within particular features in the Quesna mastaba, including the floor of the cult room, which is made of bricks of 0.50 × 0.28 × 0.20 m, and the north-south dividing wall of the burial chamber with bricks of 0.38 × 0.10 × 0.10 m. A single curved brick was also discovered, possibly originating from the northern end of the corridor chapel. The composition of these bricks is of alluvial Nile silt (79%), mixed with sand (20%), and a very small amount of vegetable matter (1%). Mortar was only used on the horizontal beds. The size 1 bricks were used for the walls of the northern (as seen in Rowland 2011, fig. 9) and southern substructure, with the size 2 bricks for the eastern and western walls of the substructure, and the size 3 bricks for the superstructure and main body of the mastaba. The corridor chapel was comprised entirely of size 3 bricks. The southern and northern walls of the substructure appear to have been the first walls built, followed by the eastern and western walls. The base of the burial chamber comprised of packed mud, possibly originally overlain with a wooden floor. This construction method gave a solid lining to the substructure generally

comprising of a CE1 brick bond (see Spencer 1979 for Egyptian bonding corpus). The mastaba part of the superstructure is 12.0 m north-south by 6.14 m east-west

and built using an A6 brick bond. There is no evidence that any of the main walls of the superstructure had a palace niche façade design; perhaps surprising given that palace niche façade, common in the First Dynasty and largely disappearing in the Second Dynasty, makes a return in the Third Dynasty (Emery 1961; Reisner 1936). There is evidence for this design in the offering chapel, however, as discussed below. The angle of these walls or slope of the batter (preserved in the walls of northern part of the mastaba) is between 78–80 degrees. Above the burial chamber there is evidence in the form of sockets for wooden roofing beams, although the thickness of the eastern and western walls may suggest that there was originally a corbelled roof. To lessen the weight above the burial chamber, it is possible the core of the mastaba had, originally, a sand or/and mud-rubble fill. The northern section of the mastaba is the most solid part of the construction, primarily consisting of solid brickwork (103), with an offering room (346) of 1.6 × 1.7 m located in its most north-eastern part. This room seems to have contained mainly beer jars, which are numerous and of various types. South of this offering room is the burial shaft (349), measuring 1.10 m (north-south) by 1.0 (east-west) and 1.90 m deep; possibly originally as deep as 4.0 given the original height of the superstructure. In the western part of this sector is what appears to have been a cult room (285) and (274) measuring 2.5 m north-south by 2.25 m east-west, where statue(s) of the tomb-owner(s) may have stood. There are remains of the white plaster (381) that coated the room. This part of the tomb was re-used for a secondary burial (B.161 in [386]), which was orientated north- -south, and appears to have been interred during the Old Kingdom, judging from the associated pottery. This burial was enclosed by bricks at the same height as the floor level (285). Bones of an ovicaprine discovered may be the remains of a food offering for the deceased. Another secondary burial orientated east-west, B.162 in [372], overlies B.161 and appears to be from a much later period, possibly Ptolemaic or Roman. AS_293-488_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:49 Stránka 373

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Fig. 2. a. Plan of the mastaba showing the main contexts: round brackets indicates deposits and square brackets indicates cuts, with the levels for the various contexts placed on the symbol of a plane table. b. The top diagram shows a North-South section through the centre of the mastaba and the bottom diagram an East-West section through the mastaba. AS_293-488_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:49 Stránka 374

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The burial chamber measures 4.0 m north-south by 3.70 m east-west, bounded on the north and east by (103) and on the west by (273). The southern part of the burial chamber had an east-west running casemate wall that consisted of the 0.25 m thick wall (276), the rubble fill (304), and the 0.80 m thick wall (329). The northern face of (329) was coated with mud-plaster. The first burial to be placed in the chamber was B.160, located in the western part of the casemate wall. The western niche (350), [366] observed in (276) was made to receive the feet of this burial, which was probably placed in the loosely flexed position on its right side with the head north facing east. On comparison with other sites such as Abusir, Helwan and Saqqara (Bárta et al. 2010, 14–16, 267–263; Quibell 1923, 24–5, 32, pl. XXIX; Saad 1951, 28, 33, 37–9, pl. XIVb) the burial may have been placed in a wooden or reed coffin, or just covered with palm fronds, although if this were the case then nothing remains. Shortly afterwards the burial chamber was remodelled, with the north-south wall (330) added to divide the chamber in two, and the east-west wall (374) built to provide an eastern side for the new interment B.159. Patches of mud plaster were observed on (374) and it is likely that the entire burial chamber was coated thus. These two new walls were both built from bricks of a slightly lighter more yellow colour. This burial appears to have had the same orientation as B.160, with a smaller niche [367] filled by (363) cut into (276). Above B.160 is a socket [368] cut into (276), which was probably for a wooden beam supporting the roof. Another surviving socket [362] was probably for an east-west beam over the burial chamber, the wall (273) cuts away where further beams may have been located and the opposite wall (103) finishes about the height where the sockets would have entered the wall. There is a series of three large robbers’ cuts in the burial chamber, the first of these is in the north of the burial chamber [136], [272] and [301] filled with (137), the second in the south-east of the chamber [306], which has eight different fills and came down on the eastern burial and [333] filled by (327) that cuts the western burial. Just to the north of the large cut [333] was a large rectangular slab of limestone (SF.150). One end of this limestone block was broken, so it is impossible to known whether it may have served as a portcullis; such as was in use already in the First Dynasty (examples from Helwan - Saad 1947, 162; and for Tomb No. 1 H3 of the First Dynasty, 163–4, pl. LXVIII; Tomb No. 40 H3 also of the First Dynasty , pl. LXIX), with examples from the Third Dynasty including AS 54 at Abusir (Bárta 2011, 46–7). This northwestern corner was badly damaged, with many fallen bricks covering the limestone block, however, the arrangement of the remaining bricks suggests that there may have originally been stairs leading up to a doorway into the cult room. The original placement of SF.150 may have been either at the base of the burial shaft, or possibly the base of the ‘stairs’. The southern section of the mastaba consists of the large southern wall of the substructure (154). This wall has been severely damaged and is at a much lower height than the corresponding northern wall (118). A thin wall (332), which seems to be the continuation of the southern wall of the offering chapel separates this large wall from the tumulus-like rubble fill (331). This rubble fill measuring 2.50 m north-south by 4.20 m east-west, which is bounded to the north by the southern wall of the burial chamber (276) constitutes the main body of the southern section of the mastaba. Similar rubble filled constructions have been found in tombs at both Helwan (late First Dynasty, including 1374) and Saqqara (Second Dynasty) (Emery 1961). Such constructions have been interpreted as representing the primordial mound (Emery 1961). The exterior (probably roofed) corridor chapel would have had a superstructure

measuring 11.75 m north-south by 3.0 m east-west constructed using a CE1 brick bond. The eastern wall (107) and (57) of this corridor chapel is 1.50 m thick, and its western wall (339), that abuts the main mastaba, is only two bricks wide 0.24 m. The entrance to the chapel was in the northern part of its east wall with an offering niche (322) to its south that had a simple palace niche façade design. Presumably this niche would have held a stele, but, if this were the case, only a few pieces of uninscribed limestone remained in the vicinity. Inside the corridor chapel, the interior of the eastern wall AS_293-488_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:49 Stránka 375

A new funerary monument dating to the reign of Khaba 375

Fig. 3. a. looking north across the burial chamber. b. the two burial niches, looking south.

was decorated with phragmites (reeds) or palm leaf (pers. comm. M. El-Dorry) coated with a white plaster (380), attaining a thickness up to 0.10 m. On the lower parts of the interior western wall there is also evidence of white plaster, but as the upper part of the wall is missing it is impossible to tell if they were decorated. As Reisner (1936, 262) points out, the roofing of these exterior corridor chapels was to protect the decorated internal walls. The floor of the chapel was constructed of mud-bricks (288) with a width of 1.10 m. On comparison with other Third Dynasty tombs, such as those at Beit Khallaf (Garstang 1904), the main offering recess of the chapel would have been expected to be in the southern part of the west wall (339). Unfortunately, a large robber’s pit [306] is located in this area preventing any identification of this architectural element. The southern end of the corridor chapel is terminated by a small room (390) measuring 0.92 m north-south by 1.18 m east-west, which was divided from the chapel by means of a screening wall. Like many other areas of the mastaba, AS_293-488_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:49 Stránka 376

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this had been damaged by later tomb robbers who left their marks [292] on the walls, destroying much of the eastern wall of the chapel in this area. The floor of this closed room is very rough in appearance, but whether this was due to damage from the contents of the room, or due to robbery, cannot be ascertained. Along with the numerous beer jars (figs. 6a–h), which potentially could range in date from the late Third Dynasty to the reign of Khufu, Meydum bowls and fine ware vessels also occurred. Other objects found included a few lithics, stone vessels and hundreds of faience beads, one carnelian and two gold beads. Several elongated triangular ivory inlays, probably from decorated boxes, were found scattered throughout the tomb. Small pieces of copper were also recovered, but none were recognisable as particular objects. Fragments of yellow quartzite were found in the area of the storeroom; these could possibly have been pieces of a quern.

Mortuary evidence in Northern Egypt during the 3rd millennium BC

Despite there being considerable evidence across the eastern Delta during the Predynastic and Early Dynastic periods, there is a sharp decline into the Second Dynasty. Settlement remains are minimal in comparison with evidence for cemeteries, as is often the case, but the population seems to start to move away from sites including Minshat Abu Omar and Kafr Hassan Dawood by the start of the Second Dynasty (Kroeper and Wildung 1994; 2000; Rowland 2014, 271). Tell el-Farkha in the eastern Delta seems to have dwindled in its extent and prosperity by this time, and excavations thus far suggest that the site was abandoned in the 4th Dynasty, possibly according to the excavators, because of the movement of trade routes to Mendes (Chodnicki 2012, 105–113). Tell el-Rub’a (Mendes) is one of the exceptions, with evidence from the Predynastic into the Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period and later, and at Tell Ibrahim Awad there is a series of temples dating from the Protodynastic to the Middle Kingdom, in addition to settlement and cemetery remains dating to the First, Second, and Fourth–Sixth Dynasties (van Haarlem 2000; 2009). A similar situation is found at Tell el-Basta (Bubastis) that dates from the Predynastic into the Old Kingdom, Middle Kingdom and later (Bakr 1992; Lange 2013; Bakr and Lange 2017). In the central and western parts of the Delta, there is very limited evidence for cemeteries during the Old Kingdom, and tombs from the Third Dynasty are extremely rare outside the Memphite necropolis. Kom Abu Billou is dated from the Fifth Dynasty onwards (Dhennin 2014) and Kom el-Hisn, has an Old Kingdom settlement and cemetery dating from the Fifth to Sixth Dynasties and into the Middle Kingdom (Wenke et al 1988; Cagle 2003). The Old Kingdom tombs found at other Delta sites mentioned above are predominantly pit graves, with the exception of Fifth–Sixth Dynasty mastaba tombs at Mendes, and Fourth–Sixth Dynasty mastabas at Bubastis, with evidence from the Predynastic onwards (Bakr 1992; Wenke and Brewer 1996). Although these tombs include the mastaba type, they have very little resemblance to the Quesna example in architectural terms, and include those with stone-lined burial chambers, and decoration. The Fifth and Sixth Dynasty mastabas at Bubastis, however, are dealt with in a recent publication (Bakr and Lange 2017). A good example of this is the mastaba tomb of Akhapuba at Mendes that generally conforms with Reisner’s Type Xe mastaba tomb, which dates to the Fifth Dynasty (Hansen 1967, 13). Although Tell er-Rub’a (Mendes) has a deep stratigraphy stretching from at least as early as the Maadi-Buto Period to the Ptolemaic Period and beyond, including Third Dynasty remains (Phase IV), no mastaba tombs have so far been discovered that are contemporary with the Quesna mastaba (Adams 2009, 159–174). A Second Dynasty mud-brick tomb has been discovered at Wardan in the western Delta, which is relatively small (1.0 × 1.0 × 1.2 m), with contents including diorite, anorthosite and Egyptian alabaster bowls not dissimilar to the type associated with Khaba (Larsen 1956). Contemporary Third Dynasty mastaba tombs have been reported from el-Qata in the western Delta (Leclant 1950; 1952; 1953; 1954) and AS_293-488_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:49 Stránka 377

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Mansuriyah West (possibly the cemetery of Ausim/Leotopolis) (Jones 1995), although no plans of these have been published. At Zawiyet el-Aryan, the Layer Pyramid is thought to date to after the reign of Sekhemkhet, and probably to that of Khaba (Dunham 1978; Dodson 2000), and mastaba Z500 due to its association with the stone bowls inscribed with Khaba’s serekh is thought to be associated with Khaba’s reign (Lehner 1997). From Fisher’s drawings, as seen in Lehner’s (1997) publication, mastaba Z500 appears to be a twin mastaba, with the mud-brick superstructure divided into at least two sections, each with its own rock-cut burial shaft. These shafts ended in a corridor that led to the burial chambers. In the sketch plan of the substructure the two burial chambers appear to be linked via a corridor (Lehner 1996, 517–518). Therefore, the structural design is quite different from the Quesna mastaba, the substructure of which seems rather more similar to the double niche construction of the First Dynasty Tomb 649 H5 at Helwan (Saad 1951, pl. LVIII a and b). Another First Dynasty tomb at Helwan, 1374, has a tripartite superstructure similar to the Quesna mastaba, although in this example it is the northern sector that has a rubble fill, the central section being the much deeper burial chamber accessed via stairs from the west, and the southern sector the offering room (Emery 1961: 148). The burial shaft in the Quesna mastaba appears shorter than it would have been given the damage caused to the superstructure, and as noted above, it is also suggested that the burial chambers could have been entered via stairs, as seen in examples of the Early Dynastic period at Helwan and Saqqara (Emery 1961). The position of the storage magazines varies depending on the tombs, and one Third Dynasty example from Abusir South, the Tomb of Ity, has its storage along the eastern side of the tomb (Bárta 2001); the Quesna example’s storage rooms are in the northern part of the structure. The location of what is considered to have been the serdab at Quesna, is within the corridor chapel in the southeast corner of the structure, where it is found in MM22 at Meydum, of the Fourth Dynasty (Bárta 1998 after Petrie 1892), and although not in a corridor chapel, it is also found in the southeast corner already in the First Dynasty, one example being in Tomb V, Abu Ghurab, dating to the First Dynasty (Bárta 1998 after Radwan 1991). Other examples of corridor chapels of the Third Dynasty include Tomb FS3043 at Saqqara (Reisner 1936), although this is a more elaborate example including a cruciform chapel, and Tomb No. 1, Lake Abusir (Bárta 2001). If there was a cult chapel in the mastaba at Quesna, then this may have been in the northwestern corner, quite the contrary to the example that is described as originally a cruciform chapel at Abusir in Tomb AS 54 dating to the reign of Huni (Bárta 2011, 41).

Discussion: the chronology of the Quesna mastaba and other references to Khaba

The finding of a fragmentary serekh of Ḥr.w Ḫa-bA (King Khaba, figs. 4a and b) adds considerably to the dearth of evidence relating to this short reign (see Kahl et al 1995, 153–161 for confirmed attestations of this name). Other seals and impressions for Khaba come from varied locations within Egypt. Looking south of the Memphite necropolis, seal impressions have been found in a mud-brick mastaba at Naga ed-Dêr (Reisner 1911, 59; Reisner 1932; Smith 1971, 156) and from the Early Dynastic town at Hierakonpolis, either from a house or the Early Dynastic layers under the Temple of Horus (Bussmann 2011; Quibell and Green 1902, 3, 55, pl. 70.1). A cylinder seal impression held in the Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology, UC11755, is of unknown provenance, and has been observed by scholars as one of the earliest examples of a r.w Nbw (Golden Horus) name – Irt .f (Kaplony 1963, 173, 1191, fig. 805; Petrie 1917, pl. VIII.2?; Kahl et al 1995 160, 154; see Wilkinson 1999: 207–8 regarding the evolution of this title). Another seal impression of Khaba was found during the excavations of the DAI at Elephantine (Kaiser et al 1987, 109, fig. 13b, pl. 15b). It was found in complex 14300 I in a debris pit in the southwestern corner of AS_293-488_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:49 Stránka 378

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room III of the East Town; notably in the same room, but at a different level, jar stoppers with the name of , and Third Dynasty ceramics were uncovered (Kaiser et al 1987, 109, fig. 13b, pl. 15b). It is recorded that the Khaba serekh was found near to or within magazines, and the excavators suggest that this was an administrative part of the town (Kaiser et al 1987, 96). Other attestations of the ruler are hardly numerous, although there may again be similarities with the finds from the Quesna mastaba. A series of stone bowls with the serekh of Horus Khaba inscribed on their interior come from sites in northern Egypt. Although the Quesna mastaba has not yielded an inscribed example of one of these bowls, despite the careful sieving, there are a number of fragments of stone bowls of a very similar type and material to those found elsewhere (examples include those in figs. 5a–c). The bowls inscribed with the serekh of Khaba include an example from Abusir located by Borchardt in the mortuary temple of Sahure (Borchardt 1910, 114; Kahl et al 1995, 154, 158), one in the collection of the Manchester Museum that may originate from Dahshur (10959; Arkell 1958, 120), and a diorite-gneiss bowl with a serekh of Khaba (UC15800) in the Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology that is unprovenanced (Arkell 1956: 116; Kahl et al. 1995: 158). However, the largest number of stone bowls (eight) inscribed with the serekh of Khaba come from mastaba Z500 at Zawiyet el-Aryan (Arkell 1956, 116; Dunham 1978, 29–34). The series of stone bowls of Horus Khaba may represent a return to a past tradition that seemed to end with Khasekhemwy; although thousands of inscribed stone vessels were found in the galleries of the complex, none were inscribed with the name of Horus Netjerykhet.

Fig. 4. a. Drawing and b. photograph 0 10 20 mm of the fragmentary mud seal impression bearing the name of Khaba (QUS14.T5 SF206). AS_293-488_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:49 Stránka 379

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0 10 20 mm

0 10 20 mm

Fig. 5. Rim sherds from stone vessels found in the Quesna mastaba. a) SV015 from (338), b) SV016 from (105), and c) SV018 from (303).

0 10 20 mm

No stone vessels have been found inscribed with the names of Sanakht or Sekhemkhet, however the tradition seems to continue during the reign of Huni for a stone vessel with his name has been found in mastaba AS54 at Abusir South (Bárta 2011, fig. 6; Jirásková 2012). The tradition then continues in the reign of Sneferu and beyond. As so little inscriptional evidence exists for either Sanakht or Sekhemkhet, it cannot be ruled out that stone vessels will be discovered with their names in the future. The main chronological indicator – with the exception of the Khaba serekh – for the Quesna mastaba is the ceramic assemblage recovered from the tomb. Due to the severe plundering of the tomb, this is a fragmentary assemblage, with sherds belonging to one vessel found scattered throughout different contexts, in some instances. The analysis of the ceramics is in progress, however, some preliminary comments can be made here. Amongst other sherds, the possible cult room in the northwestern corner of the mastaba, yielded the beer jar P.206 from the fill of the secondary burial (371); shown in Fig.6a P.206. From the original tomb floor area (327) and the disturbed area directly above (324), although not within the actual burial niches, the following beer jars were found: P.211, P.212, P.213, P.214 (figs. 6b–e). In close proximity in (284)/(324), P.215 and P.216 (figs. 6f–g) were located directly to the south of the exit from the tomb shaft; the figure shows the rim balanced on top of the vessel to give an impression, but there is no join. P. 217 (Fig. 6h) was located in (126), a deposit of aeolian sand in the central and southern part of the corridor chapel. It is not impossible that it was moved during an episode of robbery, from an original position within the magazine/offering room in the northeastern corner of the mastaba, given its close proximity to the corridor chapel. AS_293-488_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:49 Stránka 380

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Fig. 6. Reconstructed beer jars from the Quesna mastaba: a. QUS14.T5.P206 (371); b. QUS14.T5.P211 (324)/(327); c. QUS14.T5.P212 (324)/(327); d. QUS14.T5.P213 (324)/(327); e. QUS14.T5.P214 (324)/(327); f. QUS14.T5.P215 (284)/(324); g. QUS14.T5.P216 (284)/(324); h. QUS14.T5.P217 (126).

From the offering room or magazine (346) in the northeastern corner of the mastaba – where the majority of pottery was recovered from or within its vicinity – there are comparisons to be drawn with beer jars found in the burial chamber and chapel of the tomb of Hetepi of the early Third Dynasty at Abusir (type J-1h in fig. 2.5.1 Bárta et al), and also with beer jars from the northern pyramid of Sneferu (Faltings 1989, fig. 3, No. 91). Similarities also exist with beer jars from the Elkab mastaba tomb BEIII (Op De Beeck 2009, fig. 4.2, No. 39/24). Op De Beeck (2009, 73) points out that although former work has ‘labelled’ the Old Kingdom mastabas to the north of the wall at Elkab as belonging to the Fourth Dynasty, their recent analysis suggests that they in fact date to the Third Dynasty. Op De Beeck (2009, 73) adds the important observation that the ceramics ‘show affinities’ with examples from the Second up to the Fourth Dynasty. This is particularly interesting given that the first thoughts regarding the ceramic assemblage within the Quesna mastaba AS_293-488_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:49 Stránka 381

A new funerary monument dating to the reign of Khaba 381

were of late Third Dynasty from the reign of Huni up to the Fourth Dynasty. No fragments of bread moulds have yet been confirmed from the analysis, and a few sherds of Meydum bowls that await analysis.

Discussion: Who was buried in the mastaba

As to the question of who was buried in the mastaba, the osteological analysis has confirmed that there are remains of two adults (one female and one male), not intact, that were most probably originally interred in the two burial chambers in the central part of the mastaba. The individual buried in the western part of the double burial chamber, B160, seems to be an adult female. Associated with this burial was a deciduous tooth of an individual under one year old at death, found in (350). The eastern burial, B.159 was of an adult male, and it was this individual that was associated with the Khaba serekh that was found in (363). The secondary burial B.161 in the north-west of the mastaba (see above) maybe that of a relative of the tomb-owner, and was that of a young adult. A later, probably Roman burial (B. 162) was also found partially overlying this burial, and was that of an adult.1 Bárta (2011, 50) notes that during the Third Dynasty the highest officials are buried in close proximity to the ruler. The closest evidence for the date of the Quesna mastaba is the Khaba serekh, and although Khaba’s tomb has not been identified with any certainty as yet, it seems very likely that it would have been – if not at Zawiyet el-Arayan, somewhere in the Memphite necropolises. The association of Khaba with the Layer Pyramid, however, is still a subject of debate and Dodson (2000, 87) stresses that some scholars still give weight to the possibility that the Layer Pyramid, or even mastaba Z500, may have been the ruler’s final resting place (Lehner 1996). The location of the mastaba in the central Delta, distant from the capital may indicate that the tomb- owner, was not a high official in the central administration. The size and architectural complexity combined with the decorative elements of the Quesna mastaba, as well as the quality of the remaining grave goods indicate that the occupants were of some wealth and of a high status. Therefore, it can be postulated that the owner of the Quesna mastaba was a local potentate, someone that served in the regional administration of Egypt. Abusir Bana lies 43 km north-east of Quesna, and although the tomb-owner may have held office there, it is possible that the position also involved activities at the much nearer site of Tell Atrib, which is 7 km to the south-east of Quesna. Although travelling between Abusir Bana and Quesna would have taken only about one day by boat, it is infeasible that it was the local cemetery of Djedu, but it does not exclude it from being the main burial ground of cAndjety’s nome. Travelling from Tell Atrib to Quesna would have taken less than half a day, and it appears from the Late Period to the Roman era that it was the main cemetery for Athribis. However, a much closer settlement to Quesna must have existed, if only to protect the tombs of the local potentates; as to whether this is still preserved it is doubtful, although this is far from certain.

Concluding Remarks

The finding of the Third Dynasty mastaba at Quesna adds to our knowledge of tomb architecture and provincial administration during this period of time. The provisional dating of the pottery as well as the architecture of the mastaba seems to suggest that King Khaba lived towards the end of the Third Dynasty, seeming to agree with the placement of Kahl et al. (1995) of this king just prior to King Huni. However, there are still many questions to answer, as discussed, including whether there were more mastabas/other Old Kingdom tombs at Quesna, which

1 The skeletal material from the mastaba was analysed by Lawrence S. Owens assisted by Sara el-Said Mohamed el-Said. AS_293-488_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:49 Stránka 382

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nome Quesna belonged to during the Third Dynasty, whether there is an Old Kingdom temple or settlement yet to be located in the vicinity, and whether full study of the pottery assemblage will reveal tighter dating for the Quesna mastaba? Future research in and around Quesna may be able to provide some of the answers to these questions.

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