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AMERICAN FOREIGN SERVICE ASSOCIATION THEODORE L. ELIOT, JR., President CONTENTS: JUNE 1970, Volume 47, No. 6 JOHN E. REINHARDT, First Vice President C. WILLIAM KONTOS, Second Vice President 17 Moving to the Table BOARD OF DIRECTORS Chalmers M. Roberts CHARLES W. BRAY, III, Chairman RICHARD T. DAVIES, Vice Chairman 25 Environmental Change and Organizational Adaptation WILLIAM G. BRADFORD, Secretary-Treasurer BARBARA GOOD, Assistant Secretary-Treasurer Andrew M. Scott DONALD EASUM WILLIAM HARROP 41 The Superpowers and Peaceful Coexistence ERLAND HEGINBOTHAM GEORGE B. LAMBRAKIS Thomas C. Calhoun PRINCETON LYMAN ROBERT NEVITT 46 Citizen Logan and the War MICHAEL PISTOR K. C. Tessendorf STAFF 50 The Importance of the “Unimportant” Issues in THOMAS S. ESTES, Executive Director Image Building MARGARET S. TURKEL. Executive Secretary John R. Barrow CLARKE SLADE, Educational Consultant LOUISE H. FEISSNER, Personal Purchases 53 Diplomat in Residence

JOURNAL EDITORIAL BOARD Willard Beaulac DAVID T. SCHNEIDER, Chairman ARCHIE BOLSTER, Vice Chairman CHARLES A. KENNEDY OTHER FEATURES: Communication re: Ombudsmen, by James AMBLER MOSS K. Penfield, page 2; The Visitor, by Elizabeth Lawton, page 48; CLINT E. SMITH When Diplomats Become Unionized, page 14. M. TERESITA CURRIE

JOURNAL DEPARTMENTS SHIRLEY R. NEWHALL, Editor DONALD DRESDEN, Editorial Consultant MCIVER ART & PUBLICATIONS, INC., Art Direction 8 Washington Letter Ted Olscm ADVERTISING REPRESENTATIVES 28 Editorials: SASMOR AND GUCK, 295 Madison Ave., New York, On Kidnapping N.Y. 10017 (212) 532-6230 On Dissent ALBERT D. SHONK CO., 681 Market St., San Francisco. Calif. 94105 (415) 392-7144 29 AFSA News JOSHUA B. POWERS, LTD., 5 Winsley Street, London W.l. 01-580 6594/8. International Representatives. 55 The Bookshelf 65 Letters to the Editor ©American Foreign Service Association, 1970. The Foreign Service Journal is published twelve times a year by the American Foreign Service Association, 2101 E Street, N.W., Washington, D. C. 20037. PHOTOGRAPHS AND ILLUSTRATIONS: Adrienne Huey, “Girl with Second-class postage paid at Washington, D. C. Sitar,” batik, cover; Henry Paoli, cartoon, page 58; S. I. Nadler, Printed by Monumental Printing Co., Baltimore. “Life and Love in the Foreign Service,” page 68.

I HE FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL is the journal of professionals in foreign affairs, published twelve times a year by the American Foreign Service Association, a non-profit organization. Material appearing herein represents the opinions of the writers and is not intended to indicate the official view's of the Department of State, the United States Information Agency, the Agency for International Development or the United States Government as a whole. Membership in the AMERICAN FOREIGN SERVICE ASSOCIATION is open to the professionals in foreign affairs serving overseas or in Washington, as w'ell as to persons having an active interest in, or close association with, foreign affairs. Dues are $30 annually for members earning over $15,000; for those earning less, dues are $15.00. For subscription to the JOURNAL, one year (12 issues); $6.00; two years, $10.00, For subscriptions going abroad, except Canada, add $1.00 annually for over¬ seas postage. COMMUNICATION At home or at your post bank at RE: Ombudsmen

JAMES K. PENFIELD

The author’s views on the possibilities of an ombudsman system for the Foreign Service were developed as a result of his experience during a recent tour as a Foreign Service Inspector.

r Diplomatic Lobby, U.S. State Department ^^AN’T we please stop talking about an “ombuds¬ man” when what we mean (probably) is a Welfare and American Security’s Grievance Officer? This is by no means to denigrate the latter position. Deputy Under Secretary Macomber’s State Department Office recent appointment is an important one and is to be applauded, but Robert C. F. Gordon is not an ombuds¬ man as that title is used in the several countries where it American Security's State Department Office is a exists. bank designed with you in mind. Its services are Usually the ombudsman is an appointee of the legis¬ adapted for the diverse requirements of the Foreign lative branch whose responsibility it is to protect the Service. American Security will transfer monies any¬ citizen against administrative injustice. An American where in the world . . . pay any regularly recurring Congressman is, therefore, by way of being an ombuds¬ payment from your account . . . systematically man, among his many other responsibilities. In a collec¬ transfer funds monthly from your checking account tive sense, the Comptroller General, as watchdog for the to your savings account.. . purchase and sell foreign taxpayers, is also an ombudsman. currency.. . provide travelers cheques . . . purchase In a world of proliferating bureaucracy, which affects or sell securities for customers or work in conjunc¬ almost every aspect of the citizen’s life, the ombudsman tion with your broker. And we offer the many services is gaining increasing acceptance as a public protector. of ourTrust Department such as investment manage¬ The Swedes have had one for more than 150 years and ment accounts . . . custodian accounts . . . trustee their experience is useful in showing how the system under agreement . . . executor and trustee under operates. your will. Bank at American Security’s State Depart¬ The specific powers of the Swedish civil ombudsman ment Office-the bank designed with you in mind. (known as the “J.O.” or Justitieombudsman) are not extensive. He may institute court proceedings “against those who, in the execution of their official duties, have, through partiality, favoritism or other cause, committed any unlawful act or neglected to perform their official duties properly.” He has authority to require all civil servants to furnish whatever information he needs to carry out his investigations. He has considerable publici¬ AMERICAN ty impact; the press covers his activities closely and he submits an annual report to the Parliament, citation in SECURITY which all civil servants go to some lengths to avoid. AND TRUST COMPANY More important than these specific duties and powers is the fact that he is trustee of the Parliament and that over the years the office has accumulated enormous Main Office: 15th St. and Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W. prestige. Washington, D. C. 20013 Tel. 783-6000 Member: Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation The J.O., with his staff of six lawyers and three secretaries, handles some 1200 cases a year, only about

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FOEEIWST SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 five of which result in court prosecutions. Almost nine proposed AFSA grievance officer, his activity inevitably out of ten prove to be unfounded and those remaining has a partisan cast to it. When he finds a complaint are usually closed out by sending “letters of admonish¬ which has merit, he is in the same adversary position in ment” to the offending officials. These letters, with their pursuing it vis-a-vis the administration as the com¬ attendant publicity and inclusion in the J.O.’s annual re¬ plainant is. If, on the other hand, the grievance officer is port, seem to constitute effective checks on bureaucratic a member of the administration and finds, for instance, abuses. that a justified complaint stems from what he considers In addition to investigating individual complaints, the a discriminatory or unnecessary regulation, his ability to J.O. also takes two kinds of initiatives. He makes peri¬ beat down the bureaucratic lethargy or vested interest odical inspection visits to institutions such as prisons he may find supporting it is dependent on his own and hospitals where he sometimes finds situations he persuasiveness. The ombudsman, with his independence, considers need correction; he also follows the press no hint of “conflict of interest,” broad high level access carefully and occasionally notes items, such as cases and publicity powers, should in certain cases, at least, involving possible conflict of interest, which he takes be able to be much more effective than the grievance under investigation. officer who is in some measure identified with either Years ago, the J.O. was sometimes an energetic complainant or administration. young lawyer but now a young ombudsman is seldom Some may consider this point a distinction without a appointed, on the theory that if he is interested in difference and it cannot be proven that it would not moving on to a new job he might be too careful about work out that way in practice. But it might also be criticizing people. The flavor of the job is illustrated by found that the ombudsman concept is flexible enough to a comment reported to have been made by a J.O. a few be usefully adapted to, for instance, the American years ago, “The ombudsman cannot be concerned about foreign affairs community. It would obviously not turn his popularity. It is no secret that high officials in out to be a replica of the Swedish—or any other— Sweden—all of them—-dislike the ombudsman. They system and, in fact, it would only be necessary to in¬ say that he is always interfering in things he doesn’t clude two basic elements. Fust, because his effective¬ know anything about and that they could do their jobs ness depends in large measure on moral suasion and better if he would stop meddling, and so on. But all personal prestige, the ombudsman must be well known their grumbling doesn’t mean a thing. Everybody knows within the community in which he operates as an that it is necessary to have an ombudsman.” individual of unimpeachable integrity, eminent fair- The grievance officer, like the ombudsman, investi¬ mindedness and objective, judicial temperament. Sec¬ gates individual complaints. If he represents the com¬ ond, he must be independent of the administration plainant, like the labor union shop steward or the whose “victims” he is charged with protecting. Worldwide Ill-Risk Insurance Coverage For Government Employees Special rates for American Foreign Service Association members

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FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 5 In considering how the concept could be applied to Choosing the man would be more difficult. The the American foreign affairs community, one can envis¬ ombudsman’s effectiveness would depend on his age an ombudsman whose “beat” is all Government prestige, judgment, persuasiveness and talent in the use employees stationed abroad, the public they serve, the of publicity. He would have a very delicate balance to Department and its sister agencies, USIA, AID and maintain. No administration could tolerate the activity CIA. This would put him, inter alia, into such delicate of an ombudsman who jumped to conclusions, publi¬ and intractable matters as inter-agency discrimination, cized emotion laden opinions, made himself a burden on public vs. government, civilian vs. military, State vs. the time of the Secretary and other high officials, or non-State, R.H.I.P., etc. How effective an ombudsman otherwise displayed bad judgment in his attitude and could be with such broad initial jurisdiction is debata¬ style of operation. On the other hand, an ombudsman ble. Doubtless he would have to be a Presidential who got the reputation of not being willing to stand up appointee for a fixed term and be subject to Senate to the “establishment” would soon lose the respect of his confirmation. community and hence his effectiveness. A more modest start for such a departure from There are not many of our senior or recently retired traditional American practice might be considered colleagues who could confidently be picked to fill this pruddnt and practical. The ombudsman might operate bill, but they do exist. Alternatively, there must be initially only in the personnel and administrative world eminent senior citizens in private life who have both the of the Department and Foreign Service. In this case, personal qualifications and adequate knowledge of the appointment by the Secretary might be suitable, particu¬ Department and the Service stemming, perhaps, from larly if buttressed by additional protections such as a service as a political Ambassador or similar experience. fixed term (four years?), assured access to the Certainly the United States today needs all the ideas NEWSLETTER and other vehicles of publicity, guaranteed and resources it can assemble to help meet the constant¬ access to the Secretary and, perhaps, authority to con¬ ly mounting pressures and problems to which we are all vene the Board of Foreign Service. It should not be too subjected. The ombudsman concept is one such idea. If difficult to draft an ombudsman’s charter which would it is to be given a chance to adapt to the American provide, at small cost, scope for interesting activity not environment it must be carefully transplanted and assid¬ possible at present. Considered personal commitment to uously nurtured. The Department and Foreign Service the experiment by a Secretary of State would give the could prove a fertile hothouse for this process. The oper¬ position sufficient solidity to make positive achievements ation would be an important element in AFSA’s open¬ possible. ness program. What about a little agitation for it? ■

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FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 7 From Ted Olson Washington letter Have it June is a month that can blow to Mrs. Robert Low Bacon, widow of cold—40 degrees one night in 1967— a distinguished New York Congress¬ waiting but mostly blows hot. Last year there man. It dates from 1802, which means were twelve days in the 90s, and one it’s a contemporary of the White sizzler, the 28th, with a reading of House. Chief Justice John Marshall 100. The electricity bills, which have lived there for a while in the 1830s. for you been modest since the blankets could The Bacons bought it 45 years ago. be turned off most nights, start climb¬ Mrs. Bacon originally intended to be¬ The European car of your choice at ing steeply again. You have been queath it to the National Trust for special factory prices where you want it, warned. What can you do about it? Historic Preservation. Now, the POST when you want it, serviced and ready to says, she’s thinking of giving it to the go on your return stateside or in Europe. Nothing. Save up to 30% over U.S. prices. We Government as an official residence arrange all details just like we’ve been R.I.P. for Another Landmark for the Secretary of State. doing for 54 years. Send for your free A couple of months ago, bound for The young man at GSA didn’t master catalog, it contains 60 pages, over Constitution Hall, we headed confi¬ know anything more about that than 150 illustrations, low factory prices, dently for the parking niche on E what was in the paper. options, colors, complete specifications. street, behind the Walker-Johnson Modernization is munching away building, where we had long been also at the block on Massachusetts Ncmet Auto International just west of Dupont Circle. But No. 153-03 Hillside Avenue accustomed to leave our car (illegal¬ Jamaica, New York 11432 2009 is still there, and we trust will be (near J.F.K. International Airport) ly) during concerts. It wasn’t there. World’s Largest Distributor of Neither was the Walker-Johnson for years and years to come, along European Cars at Factory Prices building. The entire western wedge of with the great lady who lives there, the block between E street and New sassy and irrepressible now as when York avenue had disappeared; all that she romped around the White House remained was a high board wall, al¬ 65 years ago. Do we need to identify ready accumulating graffiti. None of her? them indicated what eventually was to Reflections on the H-2 Bus rise out of the emptiness behind it. If you happen to be in the neigh¬ Somewhat agitated, we phoned the borhood of Westmoreland Circle General Services Administration, and some afternoon between 4 and 5 eventually were connected with an o’clock you may see an interesting obliging young man who didn't know spectacle. One car after another drives but said he'd try and find out. He up to the bus stop at the southwest arc called back later with part of the of the circle and discharges a passen¬ answer. The tract had been sold to the ger. The car is usually large and sleek. AFL-CIO, which had pulled down the The woman at the wheel is white. The existing structures some months ear¬ woman who disembarks, to transfer to lier, and presumably intended to build the bus or join the others awaiting its something there; GSA didn’t know arrival, is black. The white woman just what. drives off to her home, three to five We couldn’t, of course, expect him minutes away. The black woman to share our dismay. GSA is responsi¬ drops her token in the fare box and ble for a lot of buildings, and can’t settles down for the long ride across afford to be sentimental about any of town to her home—45 minutes if she them. But to old-timers the passing of is lucky, an hour, an hour and a half, ugly, reliable old W-J will surely bring two hours, with one or two waits at a twinge of nostalgia. Over the years transfer points, if she isn’t. it housed a great variety of functions, In the morning, from 8:30 to 9 FSJ-2 Nemet Auto International and nearly everybody had occasion to o’clock, the scene is replayed in re¬ 153-03 Hillside Ave., Jamaica, N.Y. 11432 visit it a good many times. verse. The big sleek cars are waiting Please send me a FREE copy of at the northeast arc of the circle. The your 60 page Master catalog. I am A couple of blocks away is another interested in: and much older landmark—that state¬ bus pulls up to the terminal stop and □ VOLVO □ AUSTIN its passengers transfer for the last and □ VOLKSWAGEN □ PORSCHE ly, vine-festooned four-story red brick □ MERCEDES □ ROVER mansion at the northwest corner of much the most comfortable lap of □ PEUGEOT □ ALFA their twice-daily journey. □ TRIUMPH □ MG 18th and F streets. For years, every □ JAGUAR □ SIMCA time we walked past it, we’ve won¬ The H-2 bus runs from Westmore¬ □ SUNBEAM □ RENAULT dered torpidly who lived there and land Circle, where Massachusetts ave¬ how it managed to survive while all nue N.W. crosses the District- around it sleek featureless new office Maryland line, to Bladensburg Road, buildings sprouted like mushrooms, in the far Northeast. It is one of only much more noisily. Well, thanks several routes that exist chiefly to to the POST, now we know. It belongs bring black people from the ghettoes

8 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 At a time like this, Bob Lynch isn’t thinking about the balance of payments.

ment in the U.S. now comes to more than $10 billion. And a number of countries—especially Great Britain, France, West , Italy, Switzerland and —now compete aggressively with the U.S. in world markets. The large U.S. balance of payments deficit for last year makes this obvious.

Key is growth

The key to U.S. success in world markets is growth. No company can stand still for very long today, especially in a world that demands application of advanced technology and modern business management techniques for survival. To help ensure our continued growth abroad, we have built a strong base in the U.S. From this base—and the ones we have established in other major countries over the years—we are helping companies like Levitt, Avis and Sheraton expand internationally. Soon other of our companies, like Bob Lynch and his wife, from color TV set made by ITT KB, one ITT Educational Services, Continental Walla Walla, Washington, are getting a of our British companies. Baking and Rayonier (producer of big kick out of spending their $200 cellulose), will increase their duty-free allowance in London. Contributions—at home and abroad international activities. With Mrs. Lynch in a smashing Last year U.S. companies operating ITT and you evening gown, the furthest thing from abroad contributed over $5 billion her husband's mind is the U.S. balance to the balance of payments. In foreign countries where we do of payments. And who can blame him? But it's not a one-way street by business—as in the U.S.—our resources What he probably doesn't know is any means. and skills have resulted in stepped-up that many of the Londoners they Companies like ours make a direct competition in the fields we enter. dealt with are customers of ours. contribution to economic strength That means more efficient use of The owner of the boutique on King's abroad through foreign payrolls, taxes, manpower and material—and better Road in Chelsea, for instance, drives exports, new construction and products and services for your a rented Avis car on weekends. purchases of parts and raw material. dollars whether you spend them in The maitre d' of their favorite And by decreasing costs through London, Sao Paulo, Wakayama restaurant spent his last summer more efficient production, by stabiliz¬ or Walla Walla. vacation at the Sheraton-Malta Hotel ing employment and by paying a International Telephone and in St. Julian's on the Mediterranean, fair return to investors. Telegraph Corporation, 320 Park and the manager of their hotel owns a What's more, foreign direct invest¬ Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10022.

Fiftieth Anniversary 1970 SERVING PEOPLE ANDITT NATIONS EVERYWHERE

FOEBION SERVICE JOURNAL, June. 1970 9 where they live to the homes of the That’s why impatient people some¬ It was from Ralph A. Tones, the affluent where they work. If you (as¬ times turn to shock treatment—which writer of that letter, that we first suming you have a white skin) board is also likely to be counter-productive. learned about Suburban Maryland the H-2 at its western terminus you A ride on the H-2 bus or any other Fair Housing and similar organiza¬ begin to feel a bit conspicuous by the of the transit lines that link the two tions in the District, Arlington and time the bus crosses Connecticut and segments of our community is a mild Alexandria. dips down into the park, noticeably form of shock treatment. It brings you These organizations, operating on conspicuous when it crosses 16th face to face with the ugly reality of niggardly budgets and staffed largely street. Conspicuous, and perhaps a segregation—and whether it’s de jure by volunteers, were active in the long trifle uncomfortable. Not because or de jacto doesn’t really seem so and finally successful fight for nation¬ anybody is glowering at you; not from important. It sets you thinking of the al, state and local laws forbidding real any warranted fear of affront or mo¬ immensity of the task facing us if we estate dealers and apartment house lestation. You feel uncomfortable be¬ are not to become, as the Kerner operators to discriminate among pros¬ cause no sensitive person can be hap¬ Commission warned us, two nations— pective purchasers or tenants because py at the reminder that the communi¬ hostile nations, living side by side, but of race or color. The legislation is ty in which he lives is so sharply drawing farther and farther apart, less pretty good. But a law is worthless divided into people with light skins and less able to talk reasonably to unless it is enforced, and attempts at and people with dark skins, and that each other. It may prompt you to ask: evasion continue. The POST recently he and his family live more com¬ What can I do? had a six-column story listing some of fortably because they can count on Well, there are things you can do. the dodges real estate dealers use to their dark-skinned fellow-citizens to More than six years ago a letter in the keep buildings and neighborhoods do most of the drearier and dirtier IOURNAL suggested one of them. It Caucasian—and often Aryan as well. jobs. recommended that Foreign Service One sample: A Negro couple an¬ After the millions of words that families listing their residences for sale swering an advertisement will be told: have been written about segregation, or rent during overseas assignments “Sorry, that apartment has been the thousands of yards of film that insist on “open occupancy’’—that is, rented. No, we have no other vacan¬ have rolled through television projec¬ no discrimination against a prospec¬ cies.” Half an hour later a white tors, there would seem to be little tive buyer or renter because of the couple answering the same ad will be more to say, and little point in re¬ color of his skin. The letter urged shown the apartment and treated to peating what has been said so often further that Foreign Service people the agent’s most persuasive sales before. But constant repetition is of¬ “actively seek suitable colored tenants pitch. ten, in the language of bureaucracy, or purchasers—and do everything This doesn’t happen as often now as counter-productive. It may very well possible to facilitate their adjustment it used to. Too many agents who tried anesthetize rather than persuade. in their new surroundings.” it have found themselves in court,

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FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 11 with the white couple as prosecution permit acquisition of land for new newspapers a few weeks ago. A Negro witnesses; they were representatives of Federal facilities until it was satisfied family, educated, relatively affluent, a Fair Housing organization. Here’s that low- and moderate-priced hous¬ bought a house in a Montgomery an opportunity for FS wives with a ing was or would be available in the County suburb. In a year and a half flair for theatrics to do a little play¬ area. The National Bureau of Stand¬ not a single neighbor called on them. acting in a righteous cause. They ards moved to Montgomery County Their children had to learn to ignore would be eagerly welcomed by any of four years ago. Since that time total racial jeers from their schoolmates— the three local organizations: employment has increased by 125, but “ ‘coon’ and ‘nigger’ and things like Northwest Washington Fair Hous¬ Negro employment has declined by that.” Their house and their car were ing, Tel. 966-4952 73. Decentralization is too likely to vandalized. Suburban Maryland Fair Housing, leave many of the lower-level employ¬ This story, though, had a happy Tel. 949-9040 ees stranded in the ghetto, without sequel. The day the newspapers re¬ feasible transportation to the new fa¬ Northern Virginia Fair Housing, ported their experience their phone cilities, unable to find quarters nearer Tel. 524-4452 and their doorbell began ringing. They the job. SMFH and NVMH are cam¬ have had hundreds of callers, hun¬ They need volunteers for a variety of paigning for lower-cost housing, but dreds of letters, all deploring the hos¬ other jobs too. not very successfully. One cheering tility they had encountered, all beg¬ Open housing isn’t, of course, the development was the recent an¬ ging them to stay in Montgomery complete answer, perhaps not even a nouncement that middle to low- County. Some urged: “Move to our major contribution to the answer. At income quarters are to be provided in neighborhood. We’ll make you wel¬ best it merely guarantees people the future expansion at Reston. come.” They figure on staying where right to buy or rent the best quarters De facto segregation will be with us they are. they can afford, in the area of their a long, long time yet. The really tough choice, and helps them to break problems have yet to be tackled seri¬ As we write this piece, we hear through the invisible barriers cunning¬ ously: A really good education for children coming home from the ele¬ ly devised to deny them that right. everybody, white, black, yellow or mentary school at the top of the road. The catch is in the words “the best red. Equal opportunity for everybody Across the street, a couple of doors they can afford.” The average cost of to the limit of his skills. Decent hous¬ away, one cluster pauses for a fare¬ a new house in Montgomery County is ing and adequate diet for everybody, well palaver, an exchange of banter, a $42,000. Rents are correspondingly most particularly the young. friendly scuffle. It breaks up; four steep. The exodus from the ghetto The biggest problem of all is how to white children saunter on past; three therefore remains only a trickle. stem the frightening drift toward brown children turn in at their own A year ago the General Services apartheid, which the extremists of house. Here in Limbo, Md., there’s Administration recognized the prob¬ both races are trying to accelerate. one small nucleus of integration, and lem by announcing that it would not There was a shocking story in the we pray that it grows.

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FOREIGN SERVICE JOI'RNAL, June, 1970 13 In terms of pay, responsibility When Diplomats Become Organized and way of operating, the diplo¬ mats are clearly on the manage¬ ment side of the fence. Salaries of Foreign Service officers attracted two departments. those covered range from $9,145 to by the notion of their Association The talks will be long and tough, $26,600. becoming a tough collective bargain¬ and, for the diplomats, tiring. This “It didn’t come easily to some of ing agent will find it interesting to is because the union’s negotiating our more conservative colleagues,” note that their Canadian colleagues’ team is made up entirely of fairly association is just that. Excerpts from says Charles Marshall, the union’s senior career officials who cannot an article by Clive Baxter in Ottawa’s vice-president for the External Af¬ possibly get away from their offices FINANCIAL POST describe how the fairs group. “striped pants union” works. during the working day and can Marshall is a classic example of negotiate only at night. the dichotomy facing the diplomats. The first contract negotiations He is a senior officer, heading the stretched on for five months last Nato section, who all day long is I\L M1, a - groUp 0f fall and winter and there is little deeply involved in what in business Canadian diplomats will sit down indication that the coming round terms would be called management at the negotiating table opposite a will be any easier. decision-making. steely eyed team of adversaries. The diplomats are by no means The diplomats will be the ne¬ completely at ease in their new By night, he becomes a hard¬ gotiating team from the Profes¬ role. It was, as they point out, working, and sometimes remark¬ sional Association of Foreign Serv¬ forced on them by government leg¬ ably outspoken union executive. ice Officers. Their opponents will islation bringing in collective bar¬ The same is true of the others on be officials of the Treasury Board gaining for all public servants not the executive. The president is John backed up by the top brass of the specifically exempted. Sharpe, chief of the political section Departments of External Affairs The diplomats weren’t, so they of the United Nations division. The and Industry, Trade & Commerce. faced the alternative of being other vice-president is Armand Blum, At issue will be the second con¬ grabbed up by one of the big public a senior official in the trade policy tract to be negotiated covering the service unions or forming their division of the Department of Indus- 700 foreign service officers of the own. (

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The Nuclear Years: Moving to the Table

I N 1958, when Dwight D. Eisen- CHALMERS ROBERTS issues when Richard Nixon came to hower was in the White House and Mr. Roberts, a long-time news¬ the Presidency. Those achievements, Richard Nixon was his Vice- paperman, began his career with and the negotiating experiences be¬ President, Eisenhower wrote in a the Washington POST in 1933. hind them, plus rapidly accelerating Among other awards he has re¬ letter to the Kremlin leaders that ceived the Raymond Clapper Me¬ weapons development, made it im¬ the two superpowers must deal with morial award and the Washington perative that the new President pick each other or “end up in the ludi¬ Newspaper Guild grand prize. © up where his predecessor had left crous posture of our just glaring 1970 by Praeger Publishers, Inc. off in the effort to curb the arms From the forthcoming book, "The silently at each other across the Nuclear Years: The Arms Race race. table.” and Arms Control, 1945-70” by In view of the progress made How the superpowers deal with Chalmers M. Roberts. Reprinted toward talks during the Johnson era each other over arms control mat¬ by permission. and the Soviet statement of interest ters, however, cannot escape being introduction of a G and C disarma¬ on Inauguration Day, Nixon faced affected by their political relation¬ ment plan that would permit the the problem of devising a negotiating ships. The story of the rival schemes United States to propose specific position and arranging for the talks. for general and complete disarma¬ steps toward a general goal—a There were two key elements in the ment (G and C in the experts’ lingo) technique that Kennedy preferred. Nixon approach: the talks had to be illuminates that fact. The Kennedy decision grew out of fitted into a larger scheme of foreign In September, 1960, after the months of Soviet-American discus¬ policy, and the bargaining position Eisenhower-Khrushchev relationship sions, which had produced what had to be Nixon’s own and not the had reached a total impasse in was called an agreed set of princi¬ legacy of the Johnson Administra¬ the wake of the U-2 affair and the ples, although the agreement was tion. Thus delay was inevitable. aborted Paris summit conference, more semantic than real. At his first press conference, on the Soviet leader came to the The American plan, like the So¬ January 27, 1969, Nixon said that United Nations in New York, viet proposal, provided for various he favored strategic arms talks but where he attempted to create a new stages of disarmament and covered that “it is a question of not only ruling “troika” of Communist, capi¬ nuclear and conventional weapons when but the context of those talist, and neutralist heads for the as well as military manpower. Not talks.” He said he took a position world organization, indulged in a surprisingly, each scheme sought to between those who would “go for¬ picturesque fit of shoe-banging, and protect national areas of strength to ward with such talks clearly apart put forward a Soviet plan for total the last possible moment in an from any progress in political set¬ disarmament. American officials over-all disarmament plan. tlement” and those who felt that discounted the plan as a grandi¬ After Khrushchev’s overthrow in “until we make progress on politi¬ ose propaganda move. Eisenhower October, 1964, Russian interest in cal settlements it would not be wise would have nothing to do with it. G and C plans quickly declined, to go forward on any reduction of But President Kennedy, in Au¬ and Moscow, like Washington, con¬ our strategic arms, even by agree¬ gust, 1962, while discussing with centrated on specific issues in arms ment with the other side.” his UN envoy, Adlai Stevenson, the control. General and complete Therefore, said the President, it American position within the Gen¬ disarmament quite obviously rep¬ was his belief that “what we must eral Assembly for the coming year, resented far too big a bite for either do is to steer a course between accepted the importance, for prop¬ nation, and it still does. those two extremes.” He defined aganda purposes, of matching the Through concentration on speci¬ his course: Soviet proposal. Stevenson argued fics, agreement had been reached, or What I want to do is to see to it for, and Kennedy agreed to, the nearly reached, on a number of that we have strategic arms talks

FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 17 in a way and at a time that will objectives. Besides permitting the inherited from the Johnson Admin¬ promote, if posible, progress on to deal politically istration. When the review was outstanding political problems at with the United States as a complete, Nixon’s program was the same time—for example, on strategic equal, a parity situation said to be not very different from the problem of the Mid-East and could be expected to undermine Johnson’s. However, as the arms on other outanding problems in the remaining European faith in race continued on into 1970, the America’s pledges to defend Eu¬ which the United States and the Nixon Administration had to make Soviet Union, acting together, rope even at the risk of nuclear alterations in its program to take can serve the cause of peace. war [and to limit American willingness] to intervene militari¬ into account technological changes He clearly had the Vietnam War ly against Third World “national and to ensure a variety of options in mind, though he did not mention liberation” movements without at the bargaining table. it. the backup of a superior strategic In his first months in office, the This Nixon thesis came to be posture to deter Soviet counter¬ President had to cope with more known as “linkage,” although the moves. immediate issues than launching word was assiduously avoided on That Nixon was indeed prepared the strategic arms limitation talks. the public record. The Russian to accept a posture of parity, what¬ There was the Vietnam War, the reaction, quite expectedly, was neg¬ ever nomenclature might be used, Middle East crisis, a trip to ative, and there has been no evi¬ was evident from his remark to the to reassure the Al¬ dence that the thesis has affected NATO ministers during his visit to lies, and domestic issues of all Moscow’s position on either Viet¬ Brussels on April 10, 1969: “The kinds. Not until June 11 was the nam or the Middle East. West does not today have the mas¬ arms review complete enough for At the same press conference, sive nuclear predominance that it the Administration to suggest a July the President also altered his termi¬ once had, and any sort of broad- 31 date for the start of talks. By nology in regard to the position based arms agreement with the So¬ then, the Kremlin was apparently from which he would bargain. viets would codify the present bal¬ having serious second thoughts. When a reporter reminded Nixon ance.” One of the issues Nixon faced of his campaign demands for nu¬ As the Nixon era took shape, was what to do about the Sentinel clear “superiority” over the Soviet those most skeptical about coming anti-ballistic-missile defense system Union, the President replied, “I to terms with Moscow on arms lim¬ proposed by Johnson and McNa¬ think the semantics may offer an itation began to suggest that the mara. On March 14, the President inappropriate approach to the were seeking more than announced that he had trimmed problem.” He said he would settle parity in the nuclear field. The down the program and renamed it for “sufficiency,” a term used ear¬ Communist doctrinal commitment, Safeguard and that it would go lier by his national security adviser, according to Wolfe, long has been forward as “a measured construc¬ Henry A. Kissinger. He added, “I to “the goal of quantitative and tion on an active defense of our think ‘sufficiency’ is a better term, qualitative superiority, a goal often retaliatory forces.” Furthermore, he actually, than either ‘superiority’ or pushed into the background by stated, “we believe the Soviet ‘parity.’ ” Five months later, a re¬ stubborn realities but never fore¬ Union is continuing their ABM de¬ porter asked Deputy Defense sworn.” In Washington, there was velopment.” They were most likely Secretary David Packard what the talk by Secretary of Defense Mel¬ “making substantially better sec¬ term “sufficiency” meant. “It vin R. Laird of the Soviet SS-9 mis¬ ond-generation ABM components” means,” replied Packard, “that it’s sile as a “first strike” weapon, a and “continuing the deployment of a good word to use in a speech. line of reasoning reminiscent of the very large missiles with warheads Beyond that it doesn’t mean a God¬ Eisenhower period when there was capable of destroying our hardened damned thing.” In public relations fear of a “nuclear Pearl Harbor.” Minuteman forces” (a reference to terms, Packard may have been cor¬ Each new Administration, espe¬ the Soviet SS-9 missiles). They had rect, but in terms of international cially if the President is of a differ¬ “been substantially increasing the relations, he was totally wrong. ent political party than his prede¬ size of their submarine-launched The men in the Kremlin, espe¬ cessor, launches what it calls a ballistic missile force” and also cially since the advent of the nu¬ complete review of policy. Shortly were developing their fractional or¬ clear age, have long sought Ameri¬ after taking office, Nixon asked for bital missile. can acknowledgment of Soviet pari¬ an appraisal of the SALT proposals The Nixon decision was to ty with the United States, both par¬ provide “for local defense of select¬ ity in general, as befits a great ed Minuteman missile sites and an power, and parity in nuclear arms— area defense designed to protect not only for psychological reasons our bomber bases and our com¬ but because of the importance of mand and control authorities” as creating what Thomas W. Wolfe, in well as to “provide a defense of the Soviet Power and Europe: 1965— continental United States against an 69, called accidental ” and “substantial protection against the kind of at¬ ... a climate of acknowledged tack which the Chinese Commu¬ parity favorable to the pursuit of many of [the Soviet Union’s] nists may be capable of launching more important foreign policy throughout the 1970s.”

18 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 The decision set off a great de¬ the Safeguard system would add to theme he was to enlarge upon in bate in the U.S. Senate and across the bargaining weight of the Amer¬ 1970. the nation, culminating on August ican position at the SALT talks. The action-reaction phenomenon 6 in Senate’s approval of the Safe¬ Those who took this view, including was evident again, and caution won guard system by the margin of a Nixon, accepted the necessity of the day in both the Administration single vote. A 50-50 tie on the trying for an agreement to curb the and in Congress. To hold back on most crucial of two roll-call votes arms race, but they felt that the the ABM system, especially after failed to add to the bill an amend¬ chances of success were probably Johnson had endorsed it, was con¬ ment that would have held up de¬ not very great. Even if they were to sidered too much of a risk. The ployment of the system. (Amend¬ succeed, it would take months, or only concession Nixon made to the ments require a majority to carry.) more likely years, to reach any opposition was to limit the extent of There were three main com¬ accord. In short, it would be too the ABM system and to promise to ponents to transform the Sentinel risky to put aside the ABM plans. review, and possibly modify, his program into the Safeguard program If Johnson had not proposed the decision “as the threat changes, ei¬ and to the subsequent congression¬ Sentinel system, if it had been Nix¬ ther through negotiations or al and public debate: (1) the tech¬ on who first had to decide whether through unilateral actions by the nical feasibility of the ABM sys¬ to launch an American ABM sys¬ Soviet Union or Communist Chi¬ tem, (2) the additional money in¬ tem, the answer might possibly na.” He insisted that the Safeguard volved over a period of years in a have been different. But Sentinel program was not provocative, that military budget already under wide existed when Nixon came to office the modifications in the Sentinel attack for consuming too much of and thus already had a life of its plans eliminated any reason for the the nation’s resources, and (3) the own, which the new President and Soviet Union to see it as “the pre¬ effect a decision to deploy an ABM the Congress found it difficult to lude to an offensive strategy threat¬ system might have on the expected deny. ening the Soviet deterrent,” and arms talks with the Soviet Union. Nixon’s decision, contained in his that the program provided “an The details of the technical feasi¬ March 14, 1969, announcement of incentive for a responsible Soviet bility argument were complex and the Safeguard system, centered on weapons policy and for the avoid¬ much disputed, the central point two points: protection of America’s ance of spiraling US and Soviet being, then as now, that in the field land-based ICBMs against a direct strategic arms budgets.” of nuclear weaponry offensive ca¬ attack by the Soviet Union and As long as both the United States pabilities have far outstripped de¬ defense of the American people and the Soviet Union have nuclear fensive measures. Technical prob¬ against a possible Chinese nuclear weapons that each knows the other lems involved in the complex attack within the next decade. The can deliver, the balance of terror is ABM system cited in the 1969 dis¬ first concern rested on a suspicion, preserved by mutual deterrence. cussions still plague the program. later to grow into a widespread The introduction of rival ABM sys¬ Cost figures for the system, like belief throughout the Administra¬ tems, however, if they were able to those for so many other major tion, that the only conceivable rea¬ prevent the delivery of most if not weapons developments, both nu¬ son the Soviet Union was building a all offensive missiles, would upset clear and nonnuclear, are appar¬ large number of SS-9 missiles was that balance to the degree that the ently impossible to determine with to create a force that could destroy defenses of one nation or the other any exactitude. These two factors the land-based American missiles, would be superior in effectiveness. have led many to believe that bil¬ including the 1,000 Minuteman The initiation of the Soviet ABM lions would be committed for a missiles. Those most alarmed, tak¬ system had produced cries of alarm system of doubtful technical validi¬ ing what is known in military jar¬ in the United States; Moscow was ty at the very moment that the gon as the “worst case” view, fore¬ moving to upset the balance. The national will seems to call for a saw a potential Soviet first strike beginnings of the American ABM reshaping of the country’s priorities against the United States. Others, system must surely have produced to give more emphasis to solving who took a more comprehensive a mirror-image reaction in the domestic problems. view of Soviet-American relations, Kremlin. An effective ABM de¬ The dominant issue, however, suspected that the Kremlin leaders fense for one side alone would, both within the Administration and hoped to create a situation in which given the offensive weapons al¬ in the congressional and public de¬ the threat of a strike that could ready in place, produce the condi¬ bate, was the potential effect of destroy all American land-based tions in which a first strike would launching the Safeguard system at missiles would severely, if not fatal¬ be a thinkable risk in military a moment when it appeared the ly, limit the bargaining power of terms. Hence, Nixon argued, by United States and the Soviet the American President. As to the limiting the Sentinel system, which, Union, having reached a point of potential Chinese threat, Nixon despite denials, some felt was a rough parity in nuclear weaponry, took the position in private conver¬ prelude to a “thick” system to were about to meet to discuss how sation that he simply could not provide complete protection for the to curb the spiraling arms race. The permit the possibility that his suc¬ American population, he was not compelling argument, both to the cessor, a decade later, would have moving to “an offensive strategy President and the Congress, was no instrument of protection against threatening the Soviet deterrent.” that approval of the beginning of nuclear blackmail by Peking, a The Senate debate centered on

FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 19 the ABM, its technical feasibility, talks. Furthermore, it may have nine flight tests of Poseidon sub¬ its cost, and whether it would upset been that many of the arguments in marine-borne missiles with MIRV the balance of terror on the eve of favor of the ban were found conve¬ warheads and nine tests of Min- the arms talks. By the time the nient by those in the Soviet Union uternan III. The test program was Senate voted, however, opponents who opposed a strategic missile scheduled to be completed in May, of the Safeguard system had come agreement with the United States. 1970, with first deployment follow¬ to realize the importance of the That there continued to be such ing closely thereafter. The Soviet other new scientific development, opponents could be deduced from MRV and MIRV programs were the multiple-headed, independently Gromyko’s July 10, 1969, speech, thought in Washington to be some¬ targetable warheads known as which undoubtedly reflected the what less advanced. John S. Foster, MIRVs. The congressional debate will of the Kremlin majority. The Jr., said on August 5, 1969, that in brought to light much new informa¬ arms race, he said, had long ago his judgment the Soviet “triplet,” tion on the MIRV, which provided become a folly. Much else of what (three bombs in a single warhead) vital data for both American and he said was reminiscent of reason¬ “probably is a MIRV” designed to Soviet consideration of SALT talks. ing in the United States: attack hard targets, namely Ameri¬ can Minuteman missile sites. Fur¬ MIRV was conceived in re¬ There are problems connected sponse to fears that a Soviet ABM thermore, Foster assumed that the with disarmament that require Russians “under normal circum¬ system could provide a defense that urgent solution. Among these American weapons with but a sin¬ problems, one of the most impor¬ stances would be ready to deploy gle warhead might not be able to tant is the problem of the so- the SS-9 triplet some time in the penetrate. The strongest public pro¬ called strategic arms. The point latter half” of 1970, a date not far ponent of MIRV development of the matter is primarily wheth¬ beyond the completion date of the (and, indeed, of a whole spectrum er the big powers ought to come American schedule. Thus, by the of continuing efforts to assure to an agreement to arrest the fall of 1969, it appeared that the race of creating increasingly de¬ American superiority) was Dr. MIRV genie was out of the bottle. structive means of attack and John S. Foster, Jr., the Pentagon’s (Some officials said the genie had counterattack, or whether each escaped as far back as 1962, when research and engineering chief and of them is to try to break out the Polaris A-3 missile, with a mul¬ former head of the University of ahead in one sphere or another California’s Lawrence Radiation to obtain military advantage tiple but not independently targeta¬ Laboratory at Livermore. Foster, against his rivals, which will ble warhead, was first placed in referring to the Russians, declared force the latter to mobilize even service aboard an American sub¬ that his aims were “to make sure greater national resources for the marine. ) that whatever they do of the pos¬ arms race; and thus ad infinitum. Whether the American estimate sible things that we imagine they There is another side of the of the Soviet MIRV development might do, we will be prepared.” matter, too, that also cannot be was overstated or understated, the ignored by a state’s long-term While the Senate argued over the gap itself may have played a part policy. It is linked to a consider¬ ABM issue and tried to determine in the long Soviet delay in agreeing able extent with the fact that the to start talks. Perhaps the Kremlin the significance of MIRV, Foster systems of the control and direc¬ feared that it might be embarrassed and the Pentagon fought to contin¬ tion of arms are becoming in¬ ue and complete MIRV testing. creasingly autonomous, if one by an American proposal at the When senators began to call for a can put it this way, from the talks for a quick freeze on further MIRV test ban as a first order of people who create them. Human MIRV tests. business at the coming arms talks, capacity to hear and see are in¬ The action-reaction phenomenon Foster argued that “an effective capable of reacting to modern once again was evident in MIRV limitation on Soviet ABMs should speeds. The human brain is no development. Had the two super¬ longer capable of assessing at powers met in the fall of 1968, at be a precondition to a ban on fur¬ sufficient speed the results of the ther MTRV testing.” He also cast multitude of instruments. The de¬ the time MIRV tests for Poseidon doubt, in testimony before a House cisions adopted by man depend in and Minuteman III missiles were Foregn Affairs subcommittee on the last analysis upon the conclu¬ about to get under way, they might August 4, 1969, according to the sions provided by computers. The have been able to agree on a mutu¬ public portion of the record, on the governmentfs] must do every¬ al freeze and thus have prevented ability of the United States to po¬ thing possible to be able to deter¬ escalation of the nuclear arms race lice a MIRV test ban. To Foster, mine the development of events to a new, more dangerous, and the American MIRV was designed and not to find themselves in the more expensive level. Whether the role of captives of the events. as a second strike weapon—for a same results would have been ob¬ retaliatory blow only—to deter a Once again Gromyko said the tained if the Nixon Administration Soviet first strike and therefore Soviet Union was ready for “an had been willing to start talks just “must be considered as a stabilizing exchange of views” on arms limita¬ after the new President took office influence” in the arms race. tions. But it was more than three is debatable, but perhaps not im¬ The Soviet Union was soon months before talks began. possible. But clearly by the time made aware by the American de¬ Meanwhile, scientific development the talks did begin, the problem bate that a MIRV test ban might raced on in both countries. By mid- had become far more complex. be the initial US proposal at the 1969, the United States had made The Nixon Administration did

20 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 act quickly on one arms control Kissinger) later added that the Ad¬ issue. Shortly after taking office, ministration would have to take the President gave the go-head to into account the nature of the Senate consideration of the nuclear threat to any nation, so that a proliferation treaty, and consent threat with nuclear weapons would was voted, 83 to 15, on March 13, have to be treated with a special 1969. However, Moscow withheld gravity, whether or not a formal ratification, apparently waiting for American commitment to such a the West Germans to sign, and the nation existed. United States also delayed formal Nixon’s remarks at Guam could ratification in hopes of concluding not be directly quoted, but he later the process on the same day as the put the most important phrases on Soviet Union. public record. In his 1970 report to The West German election in Congress on “United States Foreign October, 1969, and the subsequent Policy for the 1970s,” he formu¬ choice of , head of the lated the doctrine this way: “We Social Democratic Party, as chan¬ shall provide a shield if a nuclear cellor, finally broke the nonprolif¬ power threatens the freedom of a country is not a UN member. Fur¬ eration treaty logjam. Brandt, as nation allied with us, or of a nation thermore, pointed foreign minister in the previous whose survival we consider vital to out that the treaty provided an coalition government of Kurt Georg our security and the security of the eighteen-month period for melding Kiesinger, had long advocated region as a whole.” the IAEA-Euratom inspection provi¬ West German signature, but in sions. Until that step had been com¬ But these generalities, which left vain. Once in office, Brandt signed pleted, West Germany would not the initiative in the hands of the the treaty in Bonn on November ratify the treaty. United States, were no more satis¬ 28, and by prior agreement the factory to the nuclear-potential na¬ Nonetheless, the West German United States and the Soviet Union tions that had not acceded to the signature, plus Brandt’s new and completed their own ratification nonproliferation treaty than had more friendly policy toward the So¬ processes, leaving only the final act been the joint Soviet-American viet Union and Eastern Europe, of depositing their ratifications.* pledges at the United Nations. had increased the treaty’s pros¬ Brandt, however, issued a state¬ pects. Japan, for example, signed in Technical arguments, the issue ment saying that the German signa¬ of on-site inspection, and the con¬ February, 1970, lest it lose the ture on the document was based on opportunity afforded signatory na¬ tinuing arms race itself have thus several understandings, among them far prevented agreement on extend¬ tions to play a role in formulating ing the 1963 nuclear test ban that the UN resolution calling on the inspection provisions. its members for action in case of treaty so as to include underground On March 5, 1970, when the explosions. Since that treaty took either a nuclear threat or an actual required forty nonnuclear nations attack applied without restriction to effect, the Atomic Energy Commis¬ had completed the ratification proc¬ sion has announced a total of 173 West Germany, even though that ess, including deposit of their rat¬ weapons-related American under¬ ifications in Moscow, London, or ground tests through December 31, * In general, multilateral international Washington, the United States and agreements provide that one or more 1969. The AEC also announced the Soviet Union made their de¬ governments involved, usually major that its detection network had dis¬ powers, will act as the depository (or posits, and the treaty at last came depositories) of the document. In a closed, in the same period, three into force. Still, it lacked adherence physical sense, someone has to hold the Soviet underground tests and thirty- document; in a diplomatic sense, there from such important nuclear-poten¬ four seismic signals, which pre¬ must be some specified place to which tial nations as Australia, Israel, Ja¬ nations can direct messages affecting such sumably represented tests. Howev¬ pan, India, and Pakistan. an agreement, for example, either to join er, not all tests of either nation are an existing treaty or to serve notice the Nixon’s general review of Amer¬ document is no longer considered bind¬ announced by the AEC. To do so ing. In the United States (where the ican post-Vietnam policy in Asia would disclose the degree of sophis¬ physical depository is a State Department produced a new doctrine in the tication of the American detection vault), the common belief is that the broad area of nuclear protection for Senate ratifies a treaty, but this is not system. (In the same period, the technically correct. The Constitution pro¬ nonnuclear nations. The new doc¬ AEC reported two British under¬ vides that the Senate shall give its “con¬ trine was disclosed by the President ground tests, thirteen French atmos¬ sent” by a two-thirds vote of those on July 25, 1969, during a stop at present. The President then signs the pheric tests, and one Chinese un¬ Guam en route to Asia. He said instrument of consent and finally, de¬ derground and nine Chinese atmos¬ posits the ratification document. Only then that in the future Asian na¬ when that last step has been taken, is pheric tests.) the treaty binding on the United States, tions would be expected to take assuming that by then it has had the primary responsibility for their own Once above-ground testing had number of final approvals by other na¬ military defense with a single stated been banned, American and Soviet tions required to bring it into force. The final two steps—signing and depositing exception: the threat of a major scientists developed techniques to the document—are usually pro forma power involving nuclear weapons. try out devices both more powerful but they can be used, as in the case of and, as in the case of ABM and the nonproliferation treaty, for purposes An anonymous White House of delay. spokesman (identified as Henry A. MIRV testing, more sophisticated

FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 21 than had previously been carried But would this really counterbal¬ itself the international waters cov¬ out underground. Thus the test ance the security risk or would it ered, a task so difficult that proba¬ merely add fuel to the nuclear ban, while protecting the world’s bly only the United States and the arms race? population from most of the contam¬ Soviet Union could or would under¬ ination resulting from atmospher¬ Foster, with the luxury of having take it. The UN General Assembly ic testing, did not, as some of its shed public responsibility, gave expressed these feelings on Decem¬ proponents had hoped, inhibit the voice to the internal arguments in ber 12, 1969, when it asked the arms race itself. In a few of these which he had so long been involved two drafting powers to clear up the underground tests, in both the So¬ when he said that “the crux of the uncertainties when they next met at viet Union and the United States, problem is how much assurance is the Geneva Disarmament Confer¬ some radioactive debris escaped adequate, and this is a political ence in 1970. into the atmosphere and drifted rather than a technical decision.” While Washington waited for So¬ into Canada from the United States So far, the rule of thumb has pre¬ viet word on when and where to and into China and Japan from the vailed : where there is technical start the SALT talks, the Sino- Soviet Union. Both Moscow and doubt, political decisions tend to be Soviet conflict appeared to be ap¬ Washington, although they ex¬ on the conservative side. proaching the point of warfare. changed formal notes for the rec¬ In October, 1969, the United ord, avoided charges of violation of States and the Soviet Union reached the test ban treaty and proclaimed an additional agreement on a pre¬ that the venting (as it was called) emptive step to avoid enlarging was unintentional and harmless to the locale of the arms race by en¬ humans. suring that the world’s seabeds be Detection devices to monitor un¬ reserved for peaceful purposes only. derground tests have improved over The effort to reach this agreement, the years but not to the point that initiated in 1967, had followed the the United States was prepared to pattern of the successful effort to accept the Soviet proposal for an ban nuclear weapons from outer underground ban without on-site space. inspection. Third countries, notably Although both Washington and Sweden, have tried to develop com¬ Moscow readily agreed to the prin¬ promise techniques, but to no avail. ciple of the treaty, each sought to protect its own interests in the final Sweden proposed a challenge-and- A word should be said here document. The Soviet Union called response system under which the about China, which has become for complete demilitarization, a ban nation suspecting a violation would increasingly important in the nu¬ inclusive enough to preclude not challenge the other to disprove it, clear calculations of both the United only nuclear weapons emplaced on perhaps by on-site inspection, and States and the Soviet Union. The seabeds but also defensive mines be permitted to withdraw from the Chinese nuclear weapons and mis¬ and various submarine detection treaty if it found the response unsat¬ sile tests, monitored by American devices that the United States al¬ isfactory. Another proposal was to observation satellites and other ready had emplaced to track the ban the larger underground tests means, have showed a high degree expanding Soviet underwater fleet. and limit tests to a specific level as of technical sophistication. Although, The United States proposal was measured on the internationally ac¬ by 1969, the program lagged be¬ limited to a ban on nuclear weap¬ cepted seismic scale. hind American estimates, John S. ons and other weapons of mass After leaving his post as head of Foster, Jr., Pentagon research chief, destruction (specifically, meaning the Arms Control and Disarma¬ said on February 24, 1970, that chemical and biological weapons). ment Agency, William C. Foster a Chinese test of an ICBM could In mid-August, 1969, the Russians declared, “The time has come for a be expected within the year. offered to accept the American ver¬ hard look at the necessity for on¬ sion of the treaty if the United Exactly what the Russians knew site inspections.” In a speech on or thought about the Chinese pro¬ October 8, 1969, he argued for a States would accept the Soviet pro¬ posal that the ban become effective gram is unknown, but Red Army comprehensive test ban (CTB): marshals have clearly grown in¬ at the twelve-mile offshore limit creasingly worried about China’s It is hard to believe that the rather than at the three-mile limit security risk posed by the rela¬ Washington had proposed. nuclear growth, especially in light tively few tests the Soviets might By fall, an agreement satisfacto¬ of the intensifying Sino-Soviet po¬ be able to carry out without ry to Washington and Moscow had litical controversies and the recent being detected by national means been reached, but other nations military clashes along the two would exceed the security risk of had become disturbed about their countries’ long common borders. unlimited numbers of Soviet rights under the rather generalized Some analysts have even suggested weapons tests that are permitted inspection provisions and about the that the Soviet ABM system was in the absence of a CTB. Of designed in part to protect against course, it can be pointed out that effects of the offshore limitation on without a CTB the US also could certain coastal areas. The inspec¬ Chinese missiles. This view was ac¬ continue testing and thereby tion agreement in the draft treaty knowledged indirectly by the Nixon counter-balance the Soviet tests. permitted any nation to check for Administration when Henry A. Kiss-

22 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 inger, in an interview in LOOK leaders long had been aware of mutual freeze on MIRV testing magazine on August 12, 1969, Peking’s charges that Moscow and while the discussions were under stated, “I doubt if the Soviet Union Washington were acting in collusion way, in hopes that such a step will give up the Moscow (ABM) against China. The Soviet leaders would lead to a permanent ban, system, and I doubt I would urge had also been wary of signs that perhaps in connection with a ban them to.” the Nixon Administration was be¬ or limitation on rival ABM sys¬ Although the record shows that ginning to relax American hostility tems. But the President, on the eve the Chinese Communists have act¬ toward the Peking regime. The of the talks, ruled out any such ed in a generally prudent manner Chinese, in turn, played upon Soviet proposal. Indeed, the United States militarily since coming to power, worries by agreeing in December, secretly tipped off the Soviet Union their excessively bellicose language 1969, to resume the Chinese- that there would be no American has engendered fears. It is not easy American diplomatic dialogue that proposals, and Washington ex¬ to totally dismiss for example, the Peking had broken off two years pressed the hope that there would widely printed Chinese polemic of earlier. It was evident, as the 1970s be none from Moscow either. This 1960 in which Peking professed no began, that the triangular Wash- turned out to be the case. Nixon fear of nuclear war with the United ington-Moscow-Peking relationship wanted instead an exchange of States and declared that the inevi¬ would be critical in world affairs in views in order to define the scope table Communist victory “would general and in relation to arms of the more substantive talks to create very swiftly a civilization control measures in particular. follow the preliminaries at Helsin¬ thousands of times higher than the On the day of the Washington- ki. In Washington, caution was the capitalist system and a truly beauti¬ Moscow announcement of the order of the day, and the same ful system for [the Communists] SALT talks, Secretary of State appeared to be true in Moscow. themselves.” Mao Tse-tung and his William P. Rogers sought to bury To head the American delega¬ followers, verbally at least, have the Nixon “linkage” thesis -— ana¬ tion, Nixon named Gerard C. consistently rejected Khrushchev’s thema to Moscow — by telling a Smith, whom he had also selected warning that, although the United press conference that the SALT to succeed William C. Foster as States may be a paper tiger, as talks “are not conditional in any head of the Arms Control and Peking has claimed, “the paper ti¬ sense of the word. We haven’t laid Disarmament Agency. Smith had ger has nuclear teeth.” down any conditions for those been a State Department official in In September, 1969, when rela¬ talks.” But the Administration the Eisenhower years and a leading tions between the Soviet Union and hedged when Nixon’s press secre¬ advocate of the ill-fated multilater¬ China had reached a new high tary, commenting on the Rogers al nuclear force. He now found point of tension, the accident of statement the following day, stated himself in the position of his prede¬ death brought Kosygin to Hanoi for that “these talks cannot take place cessors, pushing for Presidential ap¬ the funeral of Ho Chi-minh, the in a vacuum. The President’s feel¬ proval of risk-taking, in contrast to leader of North Vietnam. The Sovi¬ ing is that there is a certain relation those who advocated a cautious ap¬ et leader then made a quick trip to between SALT and outstanding po¬ proach to arms control. The four Peking, where he met with Chinese litical problems.” Moscow ex¬ other American delegation mem¬ Premier Chou En-lai. After the pressed annoyance but nothing bers were Paul H. Nitze, who had meeting, it was announced that the more. served as Deputy Secretary of De¬ two nations would meet to talk over At his press conference, Rogers fense in the last years of the John- their border quarrel on October 20, also did what so many secretaries son Administration; Llewellyn E. 1969. of State before him had done when Thompson, the retired Ambassador to the Soviet Union, who had tried To Washington’s surprise, on the American-Soviet talks were an¬ to get the SALT talks under way day the Sino-Soviet talks began, nounced: he warned against “eu¬ for Johnson; Harold Brown, for¬ Soviet Ambassador Dobrynin met phoria” and predicted long and merly head of the Lawrence Ra¬ President Nixon secretly at the difficult discussions. He also noted diation Laboratory, chief of Pen¬ White House. A few days later, on that the Moscow-Washington an¬ October 25, a joint announcement nouncement had referred to negoti¬ tagon research, and Secretary of was made of the date—November ations “on curbing the strategic the Air Force, and at present Pres¬ 17—and the place—Helsinki, Fin¬ arms race,” not on disarming the ident of the California Institute of land—for preliminary discussions two superpowers. Rogers pointed Technology; and Major General of negotiation on curbing the strate¬ out that Peking’s nuclear program Royal B. Allison, representing the gic arms race. had not progressed far enough to Joint Chiefs of Staff, who, during The coincidence of dates for the require China joining the talks. If the previous year, had immersed beginning of the Moscow-Peking the two superpowers could reach himself in the nuclear arms control talks and the Dobrynin call on Nix¬ agreement, he added, “We can problem. on added to the American convic¬ deal with China’s problem later The Soviet delegation was com¬ tion that one of the reasons for the on.” parable. It was headed by Deputy Kremlin’s delay in agreeing to the Announcement of the date for Foreign Minister Vladmir S. Semy¬ SALT talks had been to avoid jeop¬ the SALT talks brought renewed onov, the top Moscow expert on ardizing the chances of resolving congressional and public pressure Germany. He was picked in place the quarrel with China. The Soviet on Nixon to propose at Helsinki a of the top Soviet arms control ex-

FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 23 pert, V. V. Kutzenov, who was The preliminary exchange of mained to be seen. then leading the Soviet delegation views which took place concern¬ One of the uncertainties at Hel¬ at the Peking talks. Sitting on Se¬ ing the limitations of strategic sinki concerned Soviet intentions in myonov’s right at the Helsinki table arms was useful to both sides. As building so many massive SS-9 was Colonel General Nikolai V. a result of that exchange, each ICBMs. By February 20, 1970, ac¬ side is able better to understand Ogarkov, First Deputy Chief of the cording to Secretary of Defense the views of the other with re¬ General Staff (the Soviet equiva¬ spect to the problems under con¬ Melvin R. Laird, the Soviet Union lent of the American Joint Chiefs). sideration. An understanding was had deployed or had under con¬ On Semyonov’s left was Dr. reached on the general range of struction over 275 SS-9s. Other Alexander N. Shchukin, a scientific questions which will be the sub¬ officials estimated that, at the cur¬ academician. In all, the Soviet group ject of further US-Soviet ex¬ rent rate of deployment, the figure of six delegates and eighteen advisers changes. could approach 400 by the fall of included five generals, an admiral, 1970. The two nations agreed to re¬ and two colonels. The American An official American projection sume negotiations on April 16, group of five delegates and nine¬ issued on February 18, 1970, esti¬ 1970, in Vienna and to return at teen advisors had only one general mated that by the end of the year an unspecified date to Helsinki. and three field grade officers. Each the Soviet Union would have 1,290 The Vienna talks, as was the case group included many who had ICBMs, compared to 1,054 for the at Helsinki, were to alternate be¬ lived in the other group’s country United States, and 300 submarine- tween the Soviet and American and spoke its language; many had launch ballistic missiles, compared embassies, thus providing a degree long been associated with arms to 656 for the United States. The of secrecy satisfactory to both control. President expressed concern about countries. At the single public session in the multiple warhead program for Helsinki, both sides spoke of hopes It appeared that at Helsinki the the SS-9 and about the Soviet for “mutually acceptable” limita¬ two sides accepted the idea of mu¬ Union’s “apparent interest” in im¬ tions on the arms race. In a mes¬ tual deterrence—hopefully at the proving ICBM accuracy. sage to the conference, Nixon re¬ existing rough parity of nuclear In megatonnage, or what is peated his concept of “sufficiency,” arms. Each sought to learn how the sometimes called “throw weight” declaring that he did not “un¬ other approached the problem and (what one side can hurl at the derestimate the suspicion and dis¬ how various weapons systems, in¬ other), the Soviet Union was con¬ trust that must be dispelled if you cluding ABMs and MIRVs, were siderably ahead in terms of land- are to succeed in your assignment.” viewed within the context of the de¬ based missiles. He alluded to his linkage theory by terrence concept. The exchanges— Moscow’s potential for adding saying that he was “conscious of usually in the form of working pa¬ MIRV warheads to its SS-9s and the historical fact that wars and pers read by one side to the other for creating a force of mobile, land- crises between nations can arise not at the conference table and ex¬ based missiles (“easily camouflaged” simply from the existence of arms panded on in private social conver¬ and “hardly detected by (Ameri- but from clashing interests or the sations—were both preliminary and icans) air and space reconnais¬ ambitious pursuit of unilateral inter¬ philosophical rather than detailed. sance,” as the commander of the ests. That is why we seek progress This was made evident by the post- Soviet Strategic Rocket Forces toward the solution of the danger¬ Helsinki feeling expressed privately had boasted in early 1968) added ous political issues of our day.” by American and Soviet officials to worries in Washington on the The latter statement indicated, that the Vienna round of talks eve of the Vienna meeting. once again, how intertwined in the would have to get down to specific Exactly what developments pro¬ President’s thinking about arms proposals by each side if there were duced counterpart worries in Mos¬ control were Soviet-American rela¬ to be any agreement in 1970. cow can only be surmised; certainly tionships affecting the Middle East, On the American side, the NATO the far larger American nuclear Vietnam, and the East-West prob¬ allies, as Nixon had pledged, were submarine fleet and the apparent¬ lem in Europe. told what had transpired at Helsinki. ly greater American progress in The atmosphere at international Still, as 1970 began, many of these MIRV testing were among such conferences, especially at strictly nations, with the exception of Great worries. One about which there was Soviet-American meetings, usually Britain and perhaps France, had not, no doubt was the development of provides a clue to what is occurring in Washington’s view, realized the the American Safeguard ABM sys¬ behind closed doors. During the significance of a potential agreement tem. five weeks of the Helsinki meeting based on a rough Soviet-American On January 30, 1970, President there were constant reports by both parity in place of the long-held Nixon announced at a press confer¬ sides of “business-like” sessions American nuclear superiority. Whe¬ ence that he had decided, after a without polemics, interspersed with ther this realization would lead to review, to proceed with the Safe¬ social events at which smiles and a feeling among Western Euro¬ guard system. The first phase, be¬ clinking champagne glasses were pean countries that the United gun after congressional approval in the order of the day. The end re¬ States—because of the increased mid-1969, was deployment of the sult, publicly, was a December 22, danger to itself—would be less ABM system to protect two com¬ 1969, communique. This was the willing to come to their aid in the plexes of Minuteman missiles, one key paragraph: future than it had in the past re¬ {Continued on page 62)

24 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAI., June, 1970 “Examples of bureaucratic self¬ Environmental Change and renewal are few and far between and certainly the Department of Organizational Adaptation: State does not have a history of success.” The Problem of the State Department

CaVERY organization exists in an ANDREW M. SCOTT corps. Only 15 percent of those environment and interacts with it to employed by the Department of some extent. When the environ¬ Professor Scott who authored “The State are Foreign Service officers ment changes in a significant way Department of State: Formal Or¬ but they set the tone for the whole. ganization and Informal Culture” The Foreign Service has the char¬ the organization usually goes in our August issue, teaches inter¬ through a process of adaptation national politics and foreign policy acteristics of a typical career ser¬ which, allowing for time lag, corre¬ at the University of North Caro¬ vice including entry at the bottom, sponds in some way to the environ¬ lina. He took his Ph.D. at Harvard resistance to lateral entry, career and worked with the foreign aid tenure and regular advancement mental change. If sufficient adapta¬ agency in Washington for several tion does not take place, strains years before entering academic life. through grades if qualified, com¬ will develop and the organization This paper was originally prepared petition with others for advance¬ will begin to move toward irrele¬ for delivery at the annual meeting ment, esprit de corps, and a tend¬ of the American Political Science ency toward corps self-government. vance, extinction, or some form of Association, New York City, Sep¬ abrupt, forced, change. Some orga¬ tember 3, 1969. It appears here in The Foreign Service has de¬ nizations adapt to change more a modified and abbreviated form. veloped an internal culture of its readily than others. This article Reprinted from International Stud¬ own consisting of an interrelated ies, March, 1970, by Andrew M. set of ideas, behavioral norms, and deals with an organization—the Scott, by permission of the Wayne Department of State—which has State University Press. operating practices, including sev¬ found adaptation extremely diffi¬ eral of those enumerated above. cult. The norms and ideology associated To note that the Department has tance emerged as a response to with this culture permeate the De¬ been insufficiently adaptive is not needs and when it was funded and partment and govern Departmental to suggest that it has been change¬ supported, a new instrument of responses in a variety of important less. The Foreign Service Act of statecraft was born. The United areas. 1946 and the integration of State States Government wanted to carry This subculture contains ele¬ Department officers into the For¬ its story to other nations during the ments which satisfy short-term eign Service in 1953, for example, Cold War and so yet another in¬ needs of the career service and represented efforts to make the De¬ strument of statecraft, the United individuals in it but which do not partment and the Foreign Service States Information Agency, came necessarily satisfy the long-term more effective instruments of into being. needs of the Department of State American foreign policy. Such Various forms of military aid nor the requirements of American changes have usually resulted from were developed—the use of mili¬ foreign policy. These elements in¬ external pressures rather than in¬ tary advisors, the training of for¬ clude hostile or condescending atti¬ ternal. eign officers in the United States, tudes toward research, planning, Interestingly enough, during the the development of civic action management, and “outsiders.” Their period since World War II in programs, and so on. Just as new dysfunctionality often takes the which the adaptation of the De¬ weapons altered the nature of war form of promoting attitudes and partment of State was altogether and the way that men thought behavior that tend to insulate the inadequate, the foreign affairs sys¬ about it, they also altered the way organization from full and free con¬ tem as a whole showed an impres¬ that men thought about peace: the tact with its environment, which sive capacity for adaptation. For¬ Arms Control and Disarmament reduces pressure to adapt to it. The eign aid began in the post-World Agency was created, and the White short-term functionality of these el¬ War II period with the modest House was organized to play a ements is usually to be found in the goals of relief and rehabilitation. more important role in the foreign way in which they soothe and reas¬ Governmental agencies were formed affairs process. But in the midst of sure members of the subculture, to administer aid programs, and the all these developments, the Depart¬ protect them from critics and criti¬ concept of what might be done with ment of State showed only minimal cism, help smooth interpersonal economic aid gradually expanded to adaptation. relations within the Service, and encompass the economic rebirth of The starting point for under¬ promote discipline and order. one continent and the economic de¬ standing the Department lies in an One aspect of the Foreign Serv¬ velopment of others. appreciation of the nature and ice subculture is the extent to which The concept of technical assis- dominance of the Foreign Service it encourages officers to become in-

FOUKIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 25 ward looking and absorbed in the The White House staff has been affairs of the Service. Perhaps all important in the foreign affairs field career services tend to do this, but from the time that John F. the Foreign Service carries it to an Kennedy assumed office. The ex¬ extreme. When an individual finds planation for this is, in part, that himself in an environment that the Presidents of the 1960s have places great emphasis upon rank and been strong or interested in foreign status, he usually learns to concern affairs. At the outset President himself with matters of assignment, Kennedy expected to operate promotion, the impression he through the State Department and makes on fellow officers, the posi¬ established the McGeorge Bundy terproductive from the point of tion he takes on shifting alignments operation only when that expecta¬ view of the conduct of foreign po¬ in the Service, and the like. Learn¬ tion was disappointed. Lyndon licy. ing to adapt one’s behavior and re¬ Johnson had great confidence in If an organization is dealing with actions to expectations of the or¬ Secretary Rusk but that did not a relatively stable and unchanging ganization is an important part of prevent W. W. Rostow from be¬ environment, an insulated mode of being molded into it. The fully coming a powerful figure in foreign operation may work fairly well, but adapted individual has learned the affairs. Henry Kissinger, foreign if the environment is highly dynam¬ organization’s norms and expected affairs advisor to President Nixon, ic, as is the international environ¬ behavior patterns so well that he is shaping American policy more ment, insulation is likely to entail conforms to them without thought. visibly than the Department of high costs. For one thing, it hinders If this pattern were universal, the State and has made a point of the development in the organiza¬ internal affairs of the Service would drawing certain planning functions tion of a determination to do what move smoothly and without a hitch, to himself and his staff. it can to shape events. Attitudes but it would be detrimental to Foreign affairs staff members in American foreign policy. toward planning provide a case in point. The ideology teaches the White House have become im¬ Given the importance to the in¬ that planning is usually futile be¬ portant because the times have de¬ dividual of the internal workings of cause each situation is unique and manded action and the Department the Service it is understandable cannot be anticipated. That being of State has not been able to gear that he may become as concerned the case, the best that one can do is itself for action. There is signifi¬ with these workings, and their rela¬ to play things by ear and improvise cance in President Kennedy’s hap¬ tion to his career, as with the orga¬ creatively when events require it. py daydream of “establishing a nization’s success in dealing with Ideology, therefore, is one reason secret office of 30 people or so to the external world. If an officer the Department is often incapable run foreign policy while maintain¬ fails to do well in internal competi¬ of a serious planning effort. ing the State Department as a tion he will be directly penalized, A nation with widespread inter¬ facade in which people might con¬ but if the organization fails to cope ests should be constantly planning tentedly carry papers from bureau effectively with its environment he for the future. Those responsible to bureau.” may not suffer personally at all for policy must ask what actions ft may seem strange to speak of because the responsibility for the should be taken today and tomor¬ the Department as insulated from failure will be diffused throughout row and next month in order to its environment when its officers all the entire organization, ft is not bring about a desired result some over the world file millions of surprising, therefore, that an indi¬ time in the more distant future. If words annually, but the term is vidual may become more con¬ the Department of State is not nevertheless appropriate. If a scale cerned with office holding than prepared to undertake this activity could be developed showing the with organizational accomplish¬ some other organization is likely to extent to which public organiza¬ ment, more concerned with trying try to fill the vacuum. During the tions interact with their environ¬ to be something rather than with Robert S. McNamara era it was the ments the Department would be trying to do something. There is no found toward the lower end of that Department of Defense, to a de¬ invisible hand that makes it inevi¬ scale, ft is insulated in that the gree. The changing role of the table that the internal processes of Foreign Service is: President’s staff has been more im¬ an organization must necessarily portant. The White House is not • A career service with little produce results that are in harmony insulated from its environment but lateral entry, with the formal objectives of the is, on the contrary, a focal point for • Its members have a high organization. The two may easily a great many pressures. The mem¬ level of interaction with one anoth¬ drift into conflict and when this bers of the White House staff do er and a relatively low level with happens it is as likely that the not belong to the State Department significant figures in the outside en¬ formal goals of the organization subculture, do not share its atti¬ vironment—Congressmen, individ¬ will suffer as that organizational tudes toward planning, and hence uals in other departments and imperatives will be disregarded. are free to plan. Furthermore, they agencies, young people, corporate The very absorption with Service are at the President’s elbow and a executives, academicians, and cer¬ matters that molding encourages, President is likely to feel the need tain categories of foreigners, and almost requires, can be coun- for effective policy planning. • It is unresponsive to chang-

26 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June. 1970 ing circumstances and to the emer¬ presses ideas from lower environment. One of the ways they gence of new skills, new informa¬ levels; propose to do this is by giving tion, new ideas, and new problems. • Fear of criticism and retalia¬ Foreign Service officers experience • It defines what is relevant to tion inhibit dissent and the in the nongovernmental sectors of its mission in a parochial way. expression of non-conformist the foreign affairs community. • It has developed ways of ex¬ ideas. Many individuals work profes¬ plaining away outside criticism and Each of these “problems” rep¬ sionally in foreign affairs outside has learned to ignore or sidetrack resents a feature of the Foreign the government. Together with most demands for change. Service system that is functional those in the government, they make It is easy to understand why from the point of view of a senior up a “foreign affairs community.” individuals in an organization may officer’s conception of the smooth Members of this community not in try to shield the organization from operation of the Service, i.e., a sen¬ the government represent a resource its environment. When the organi¬ iority system, personalized manage¬ that governmental agencies could zation is insulated, the need for ment, caution and conservatism on utilize more fully. Conversely, mem¬ disruptive adjustments to the envi¬ the part of senior officers, defer¬ bers of the community in the gov¬ ronment is reduced and uncertainty ence on the part of junior officers, ernment represent a resource from and felt pressure are minimized. the absence of vigorous debate that the point of view of overseas busi¬ Isolation makes life easier. Men might mar interpersonal relations. nesses, foundations concerned with can do things the way they are Yet each of these features is also international affairs, banks, non¬ accustomed to, and they can think counter-productive from the point of governmental organizations with in¬ accustomed thoughts. view of the Service’s long-term fu¬ ternational interests, and academic The drive toward isolation can ture and its formal purposes. Order institutions. be seen in many organizations but and discipline within the Service A larger degree of lateral move¬ has been particularly apparent in are purchased at the cost of imagi¬ ment of personnel among the vari¬ the Department of State. Since nation, flexibility and organization¬ ous sectors of the community could changes in the international envi¬ al drive. be a net gain for all concerned. The ronment in which it operates are The argument set forth here is attractiveness of the Foreign Serv¬ many, complex, and follow one an¬ that Departmental officers have ice would certainly be increased other in rapid succession, the at¬ crippled the Department of State and its competitive position would tractiveness of holding that envi¬ by promoting insulation and by fur¬ be improved if movement in and out ronment at arm’s length is particu¬ thering a variety of counter-produc¬ of it were made much easier. At larly great. Since the Washington tive doctrines. If this line of analysis present, a young man considering environment is also complex and is correct, it means that the subcul¬ the Foreign Service is asked to changing and, in addition, is some¬ ture these people represent will choose a way of life once and for what threatening and critical, it is have to be substantially modified all because the decision to go into not surprising that the Department before the Department can play its the Service usually forecloses other should have developed fairly elabo¬ proper role in foreign affairs. The options. An able young man would rate defense mechanisms. historical record of the Department be more likely to opt for the Service Structural characteristics of the discourages optimism. Examples of if he knew that he could move out career system also impede easy bureaucratic self-renewal are few of it for a few years with compara¬ adaptation. When entry into the and far between and certainly the tive ease and then back in if he Service is primarily at the bottom, Department of State does not have chose. the carriers of new ideas are apt to a history of success. Perhaps, in time, young men be young and to be low in rank, Nevertheless, in recent years there may be able to plan for a career in status, and influence. Power in the have been stirrrings that may prove foreign affairs that will involve organization will rest in the hands to be important. In 1967 a group of relatively easy movement among of older men who are likely to be Young Turks in the Foreign Service the various sectors of the foreign imbued with traditional ideas. Dur¬ gained control of the American affairs community. An individual’s ing a workshop in 1966, junior Foreign Service Association to use career would not have to be tied to Foreign Service officers identified a it as an instrument for service re¬ a particular organization, such as number of Departmental problems, form. Some of the reforms that the the Foreign Service, but could be including the following: Association’s leadership is con¬ planned with an eye to the broad • Assignment to jobs is based cerned with—improved training, arena of foreign affairs. Perhaps more on seniority than on more effective use of research, rap¬ also, in time, the Foreign Service competence; id promotion of able younger and the other governmental serv¬ • The Service is not making use officers, altered assignment prac¬ ices will be merged into a single of modern organizational tices—would have the effect of foreign affairs service. This would training, and assignment prac¬ weakening the hold of a number of do a good deal to overcome any tices; the doctrines that now tie up the tendency toward parochialism and • Older officers prevent prog¬ Department. would certainly open up the For¬ ressive, adaptive action by younger officers; The leaders of the Association eign Service. • The Service reserves decisions have also indicated that they intend The leaders of the Foreign Serv- to the highest levels and sup¬ to open the Foreign Service to its (Continued on page 63) FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 27 port we knew he could continue to expect from the For¬ eign Service. We were confident we could speak in this On Dissent regard for all AFSA members. The Board’s letter to the President endorsed the con¬ THE period since the last issue of the JOURNAL went cept of an open Administration and open channels of to press has been unique in the complexity of the contro¬ communications. The problem still before us—as it is versies that have engrossed our attention and in the im¬ also before so many different institutions in our society— portance for those in foreign affairs of the issues under¬ is that of defining the nature of openness, the means of lying those controversies. insuring candor, and the character of useful dissent. We At stake have been the future of AID and its person¬ are more than ever convinced that the foreign affairs nel, the direction of reform within the Department of agencies—and ultimately the nation’s interests abroad— State, the future of diplomacy in the face of the kidnap¬ require increased attention to encouraging reasoned and ping and murder of diplomats, and the cardinal issue of responsible dissenting views within the decision-making dissent. system. This is, we believe, the purpose motivating this The issue of dissent arose in particularly controversial Administration’s stress on the delineation of options and form for the official foreign affairs community following alternatives for NSC discussion. Some of the Macomber the President’s decision to send American troops into Task Forces can be expected to produce recommenda¬ Cambodia. That decision evoked expressions of concern tions to this end, such as an institutionalization of the to Secretary Rogers from various individuals and groups adversary procedure. The AFSA Board would support within the foreign affairs agencies. One such expression such recommendations, and is itself seeking new and became public. better ways of insuring this kind of interchange within To counter the incorrect impression which it antici¬ the Department. ■ pated might result from press coverage of this matter, the AFSA Board on May 11 sent the President this letter: On Kidnapping

Dear Mr. President: T HE incidence of kidnappings of diplomats in Latin The American Foreign Service Association is the America is cause for grave concern. Exorbitant ransoms major professional organization of foreign affairs per¬ can be demanded and host governments can refuse to sonnel in the Government. As a matter of principle, pay them, as was the case in the tragedy of German the Association does not take positions on substantive Ambassador Karl von Spreti. As the murder last year of Ambassador John Gordon Mein in showed, the foreign-policy issues. It does hold and hereby reaffirms very attempt to kidnap can be fatal. the principle that, when the President has taken a In other parts of the world as well, diplomats could be¬ foreign-policy decision, it is the duty of the Foreign come targets of opportunity. Each of us is compelled to Service to give him its full loyalty and support. consider what he would do if he or members of his family We welcome your reaffirmation of Friday evening should become such targets, and more broadly, what might [May 8] that yours is an open Administration and will be done to reduce kidnapping attempts. continue to be so, and we endorse Secretary Rogers’ Some partial solutions have been suggested. These cover repeated encouragement of candid communication with¬ a wide gamut, from appeal to world moral authorities to in the Department of State. We believe that the par¬ reprisals against the prisoners whom the kidnappers wish ticipation of the Foreign Service in the formulation of to have released. They include proposals to arm all diplo¬ mats and/or enclose them in guarded stockades—proposals American goals abroad is more important now than it which strike at the core of diplomatic effectiveness. has ever been. In the exercise of its official duties, the In kidnapping foreign officials, the kidnappers calculate Foreign Service owes you and the Secretary its best that the victim’s home government will either bring pressure advice in the development of foreign-policy decisions. on the host government to meet their demands or will Once a decision has been made, the Foreign Service itself be pressured into taking actions they desire. As long owes you and the Secretary complete support in its as the kidnappers believe that they can thus influence their implementation. own government or the foreign government involved, the The Foreign Service has deeply appreciated your kidnapping of foreign officials will be a tempting mode of support over the years, both public and private. We political action. will strive to continue to merit it. Every government has the solemn responsibility for pro¬ tecting the lives of the foreign officials it receives, and of Respectfully, their families. In the final analysis, however, it retains the Theodore L. Eliot, Jr. sovereign power to decide whether or not it will accede to President. the demands of the kidnappers. Governments, including that of the United States, could Some AFSA members contend that this letter raises a reduce the chances that political terrorists might continue false issue by linking the expression of concern to the to regard the kidnapping of foreign representatives as ad¬ Secretary on Cambodia to the support of the Foreign vantageous by agreeng in concert on the principle that they Service in the execution of foreign policy decisions. They would not pay ransom—political or financial—for the lives hold that the loyalty of the Foreign Service should be of their officials, and that they would not bring pressure on another government to undertake steps for the return of considered beyond question, and that the Board’s letter their nationals who were kidnapped beyond those the host to the President was therefore gratuitous. They also feel government would customarily take on behalf of its own that, by sending the letter when it did, the AFSA Board officials. acted contrary to the convictions of a substantial portion The Board believes that, if such a convention were adopted, it would lay down outer limits of policy which of the membership and by implication repudiated the would discourage would-be kidnappers. We urge that the actions of some Foreign Service personnel. United States Government take the lead. The Board disagrees. Its letter was a reaffirmation of We have not taken this position lightly. The issue is a fundamental principle, necessitated by possible press complex. There are bound to be differing opinions. The distortion and consequent misunderstanding. The pur¬ Board invites the views of AFSA members and other readers of the JOURNAL. We shall see that these are brought pose of the letter was to assure the President of the sup¬ to the attention of the appropriate authorities. ■ AFSA Joins the Space Age Home Leave Insurance ANNUITY RAISE Dues notices have been mailed to The Association is pleased to an¬ For the benefit of all those awaiting all AFSA members and some explana¬ nounce that in response to its inquiry the cost-of-living raise, AFSA NEWS tion of the change in format will to various insurance agencies, two prints below the most complete and perhaps be helpful. After many years have now arranged to provide auto¬ cogent explanation we have seen to date: of manual record keeping, AFSA’s mobile insurance for overseas person¬ Federal retirees and survivors con¬ membership has increased to the nel returning to the United States on tinue to wait on a day-to-day basis for point where its rolls can and should home leave. Several members had further assurances that they will be be computerized. The care of each written asking for assistance in this getting a cost-of-living raise in Septem¬ individual member in filling out the matter, citing instances when under¬ ber annuity checks. Many seem to be return portion of the dues notice will writers refused coverage on learning under the mistaken impression that the enable this change to be made com¬ that the member would be returning raise has already been authorized, and paratively painless and error free. It is overseas within a matter of two or they blame the Civil Service Commis¬ especially important that the infor¬ three months. sion for being slow to implement it. mation concerning agency and grade The two agencies advertising in this Most retirees—at least the ones on the reverse side of the card be issue of the JOURNAL and are trans¬ who call this office—don’t understand completed. There will of course be mitting letters and explanatory mate¬ the mechanism used to raise annuities. problems during the change-over but rial to posts and to members who At the risk of adding to their confu¬ we hope to keep these to a minimum contact them. sion, this is how it works. and we solicit the cooperation of all As previously announced, AFSA Living costs—the Consumer Price members in this giant step forward. also established through the Depart¬ Index—must rise by at least 3 per Prompt responses will save a great ment of State an arrangement where¬ cent over the amount of the last auto¬ deal of money on the mailing of sec¬ by overseas personnel may obtain Dis¬ matic retiree increase. The CPI for ond and third notices. trict of Columbia driving permits. The March went over the magic figure. driving permit, the insurance cover¬ Based on the March CPI, plus a 1 per House Unit Approves age, and the privilege members have cent bonus provided by the Daniels- AFSA-Supported of purchasing automobiles at $100 McGee law, retirees are due a mini¬ 50% Health Plan Payment over wholesale, all in the greater met¬ mum 4.5 per cent, effective Aug. 1. The House Post Office and Civil ropolitan area, should save time and The CPI must remain at the 3 per Service Commission in early May ap¬ expense for those who avail them¬ cent high level for three consecutive proved Representative Dominick V. selves of these services when they months—March, April and May— Daniels’ (D., N.J.) Bill to have the report in to their agencies. before the raise becomes effective. The April CPI figure won’t be out Government pay half of high-option Retirees premium cost of employees’ health until later this month, and May data benefit plans. Many a familiar face disappeared sometime in mid-June. This adds to It will be recalled that AFSA from view in the Department and in the frustration of retirees who keep strongly supported this legislation. A posts around the world during the calling CSC, the Labor Department, or letter was written to Representative month of April, as Foreign Service newspapers for new data. It just isn’t Daniels recalling AFSA’s success in personnel took advantage of PL 91- available yet. having the Government-proposed in¬ 201, which permitted them special If, as most people believe, the April crease for the Protective Association retirement benefits. and May living cost level remains (AFSPA) Foreign Service Benefit This new law authorized a 9.7 per- constant, the raise would be made Plan reduced. Savings amounted to cent-of-living increase effective May 1, effective in August. It would show up $89.70 on the premium for the family provided that the annuitant retired on in checks delivered around Sept. 1. plan, and a lesser amount for individ¬ or before April 30, 1970. Other pro¬ The lag is necessary because there are uals. A full account of AFSA’s action visions of the law provide all eligible 950,000 retirees and survivors who is in the December 1969 issue of the retirees with annuities based on aver¬ get the raise (whatever it is), and new scales must be computed for each. JOURNAL. age salary for the highest three years If passed by the House, where it is of consecutive service, adding unused Employees now eligible for retire¬ given a good chance, and the Senate, sick leave to service credit for annui¬ ment can get in on the bonus—if they the 50-50 payment would begin Janu¬ ty computation purposes. Generally retire on or before July 31. ary 1, 1971. The Government now speaking, retirees have be at least 50 Reprinted from the Federal Diary, pays about 24% of the premium for years old, and have 20 years or more by Mike Causey, Washington POST, Health Benefit Plans. of creditable service. May 10. Home Leave as Tax Deduction Births BOONSTRA. A daughter, Alexa Kath¬ The January issue of the JOURNAL the Government to provide a reorien¬ leen, bom to Ambassador and Mrs. carried a letter from Bruce C. Strat¬ tation to the United States way of life. Clarence A. Boonstra, on March 16, ton outlining the case he presented AFSA has now ascertained that in Boulder, Colorado. Ambassador before the U.S. Tax Court on home Mr. Stratton intends to pursue his case Boonstra is serving as diplomat in leave expenses as a tax deduction. The and, in response to AFSA’s question residence at the University of Colo¬ Tax Court held that, although the he would be willing to accept con¬ rado. expenses were reasonable (food, lodg¬ tributions to help defray expenses Deaths ing, car rentals, tutoring expenses for which will exceed $1,000. Since the children and so forth), they were outcome will be of major interest to ABERT. Kenneth G. Abert, FSS- personal and not deductible. Mr. members, they may wish to assist in retired, died on March 20 in Wiscon¬ Stratton stated in his letter that he had this effort. Others have raised the sin. Mr. Abert joined the Department decided to appeal through the Circuit issue, privately and officially, but so in 1957 and served at Rabat, Nairobi, Courts to the Supreme Court if neces¬ far as is known, no one has carried it Salisbury and Cairo. He is survived sary, on the basis that home leave is this far. Contributions may be sent to by his wife of R.R.2, Shawano, Wis¬ mandatory, involves unusual, extra AFSA marked “Stratton,” or directly consin. and heavy cash outlays and is not a to him at 7210 North Oleander Vista, personal vacation at all, but a way for Tucson, Arizona 85704. DOLLEY. Robert D. Dolley, AID- retired, died on April 7 in Cocoa Beach, Florida. Mr. Dolley served as Scholarship Report Political Development education adviser for AID from 1952 More than 400 inquiries have been The March issue of the JOURNAL to 1968. His posts were in Paraguay, received this year about AFSA schol¬ contained an article by Professor Rob¬ Saudi Arabia, Indonesia and Colom¬ arships available to foreign service ert A. Packenham, entitled “Political bia. He is survived by a son, Robert juniors. During the past two months Development Research.” This article D., Jr., 695 Timuquana Dr., Merritt the Committee on Education has been is a chapter from a book “Approaches Island, Fla., and two brothers. reviewing and evaluating more than to the Study of Political Science,” 200 formal applications for this edu¬ edited by Michael Haas and Henry S. GILCHRIST. Wayne R. Gilchrist, FSO- cational assistance. These applications Kariel, copyright 1970 by Chandler retired, died on March 9 in Washing¬ were received by the Association by Publishing Company, An Intext Pub¬ ton. Mr. Gilchrist joined the State February 15, the cut-off date. lisher, and reprinted by permission. Department in 1946 and served at The Committee, chaired by Frank¬ Havana, Mexico City and Seville be¬ lin J. Crawford, completed its work Marriages fore retiring in 1969. He is survived and made final recommendations to GEORGE - KAUFMAN. Lois Margaret by his wife of 10214 Stratford Ave., the Board by the end of April, there¬ George, daughter of FSO and Mrs. Fairfax City, two sons, his father and by allowing notification to award win¬ Scott George, was married to Dr. three sisters. ners before the end of the current Paul Kaufman on April 12, in Wash¬ ington. Dr. and Mrs. Kaufman will be HORNBECK. Vivienne B. Hornbeck, academic year. Committee members living in St. Louis where he will serve widow of Dr. Stanley K. Hornbeck, are Michael Calingaert, Mrs. George as resident at Barnes Hospital. former ambassador to the Nether¬ A. Furness, Ralph H. Graner, William lands, died on May 8 in Washington. H. Hallman, Miss Theresa Healy, PU-TAYLOR. Ching-Wen Pu was mar¬ Ellis O. Jones, David Nalle, Mrs. Peter ried to FSO Carl Taylor, Jr. on March MANCHESKI. Alexander C. Manche- Roberts, Thomas J. Scotes, and Dr. 20, in New York. Mr. Taylor is in ski, FSS, died on March 15 in New W. M. Williams. Burmese language training at FSI. York. Mr. Mancheski joined the State Department in 1948 and served at Praha, Brussels, Karachi, Dacca, Athens, Vientiane, Rio de Janeiro and Kingston. He is survived by a sister, Mrs. Minnie M. Washkovick, East Washington St., Wisconsin Rapids, Wise.

WAGNER. Joseph J. Wagner, FSO- retired, died on April 22 in Washing¬ ton. Mr. Wagner entered the Foreign Service in 1940 and served at Ha- bana, Bombay, Lisbon, Tehran, Ni¬ cosia, Athens, Addis Ababa and Lon¬ don before his retirement. He is sur¬ vived by his wife of 3214 Woodley Road, N.W. and two children. Con¬ tributions to the Heart Association in memory of Mr. Wagner are wel¬ comed.

WEINER. Jacob Weiner, father of FSO Herbert E. Weiner, died on March 28 in Washington. Mr. Weiner accom¬ Mrs. William Rogers joins Board members and Committee Chairmen of the panied his son to various posts includ¬ AAFSW for luncheon in the .library of the Foreign Service Club. ing Lisbon and Ottawa. More New Careers South Asian Affairs, as Ambassador to The Journal's Batik Cover Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, , and as What happens to diplomats when Minister to Yemen. Our cover artist this month is Adri¬ they decide to go on to different Thomas A. Linthicuni. Retired FSO enne Huey, wife of FSO George O. things? Breathes there an FSO who Thomas A. Linthicum is serving as Huey. The Hueys were stationed in hasn’t daydreamed about such a possi¬ Personnel Officer for the City of Es¬ India, where Mrs. Huey studied batik bility? AFSA NEWS has followed condido, California, a city of 36,000 with Devayani Krishna, one of India’s through on some former diplomats, whose population has doubled within foremost batik artists. In India, Mrs. and has come upon a wealth of mate¬ the last decade. Escondido is in South¬ Huey conducted a batik studio in her rial, which will be published from time ern California, located some 30 miles home, teaching the art to members of to time as space permits. Where are north of San Diego. Mr. Linthicum is the foreign community in New Delhi, they now? personnel officer for a City staff of and to young Indian girls preparing Howard R. Cottam. After six years some 215 employees. for marriage. as Ambassador to Kuwait, Dr. Cot¬ George C. McGhee. Hon. George To make a batik painting, the de¬ tam accepted an appointment as Di¬ C. McGhee has resumed the active sign is first sketched on drawing pa¬ rector of the Food and Agriculture direction of his own business interests per. When the final design is reached, Organization’s Liaison Office for and has gone on several corporate it is then drawn on a large piece of North America in Washington, D.C. boards—Mobil Oil Corporation, Proc¬ paper the exact size of the finished He took up his duties there early in ter and Gamble, and American Secu¬ batik. This is then transferred to the August 1969. rity and Trust, among others. He has white cotton cloth on which the batik Arthur L, Richards. On his retire¬ assumed the Chairmanship of the Busi¬ will be painted. ment from the Foreign Service, Hon. ness Council for International Under¬ The original of the cover was do¬ Arthur L. Richards took on the job of standing, which operates on a broad nated to the Foreign Service Club by Executive Director of the Washington front in assuring cooperation between Mrs. Huey and now hangs in the International Center of the Meridian business and government both at Buffet Lounge. House Foundation in Washington. home and abroad. His interests in The Hueys, are leaving in July for The Center provides an orientation Washington include work with the Ur¬ assignment to Panama. program each year for some six thou¬ ban Coalition (headed by Hon. John sand government-sponsored leaders, Gardner, former Secretary of Health, Erratum specialists, students, teachers and mili¬ Education, and Welfare). This work, A typographical error in the April which he describes as most interest¬ tary leaders from abroad. Assisting JOURNAL resulted in the crediting of ing, takes him to many parts of the Ambassador Richards in this unique the “Communication re: The Art of United States working on problems of program are a professional staff of 20 Communicating” to James D. Phillips. the inner cities and ghettoes. and more than 200 volunteers. Any¬ Mr. Phillips will be remembered as Harlan Cleveland. In September one interested in serving as a volun¬ the author of the “Communication re: 1969, Hon. Harlan Cleveland, former teer should communicate directly with Ambassador Galbraith’s Speech” in Ambassador Richards. Ambassador to NATO, became Pres¬ ident of the University of Hawaii, the February issue. Phillips Talbot. Serving as Pres¬ which has an enrollment of more than John R. Lepperd is the author of ident of The Asia Society is Hon. 35,000 students. Ambassador Cleve¬ “The Art of Communicating” and the Phillips Talbot, former Ambassador to land, a former Rhodes Scholar, re¬ yearly index will be corrected to show and Assistant Secretary of ports that he is delighted with his new this. The JOURNAL staff regrets the State for Near Eastern and South Asi¬ academic appointment. error. an Affairs. Ambassador Talbot was named to this organization, with head¬ quarters in New York, effective Janu¬ ary 1, 1970. Randolph A. Kidder. Former For¬ eign Service officer Randolph A. Kid¬ der has been serving since June 1969 as Director of the Institute of Interna¬ tional Education’s European office, with headquarters in Paris. He is con¬ cerned with liaison with European ed¬ ucation ministries and universities in¬ volved with educational exchange and university reform, and working with Fulbright Commissions in European countries. Parker T. Hart. After a thirty-year career in the Foreign Service, Ambas¬ sador Parker T. Hart is now serving as President of the Middle East Insti¬ tute, replacing retired Career Ambas¬ sador Raymond A. Hare, who became National Chairman of the Board of Governors. Ambassador Hart’s last assignment was as Director of the Foreign Service Institute. He had Richard M. Helms, Director of Central Intelligence, speaks to the members of served previously as Assistant Secre¬ the American Foreign Service Association at the luncheon on March 26. Mr. tary of State for Near Eastern and Helms’ speech was completely off the record. 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SECTION C: You and your family are protected in case of death, dismemberment and total disability due to an JAMES W. BARRETT CO., INC. accident involving any auto, bus or truck whether the injured party was an occupant or a pedestrian. The total 1140 Connecticut Ave. payable is $105,000 in any one year with accidental death Washington, D.C. 20036 benefit up to $50,000. PREMIUM—SECTION C: $65.00. asked that the Task Forces’ final re¬ JFSOC NEWS: Election Results and New Policy port recommend the formation of such The new officers of the Junior For¬ to encourage and not demoralize the a group. eign Service Officers Club are Bob career service. In a broader context, Commerce Evaluation Reports we are concerned with whether ‘the Maxim, president; John Curry, vice Committed to the principle of president; Pat Mulloy, treasurer; Da¬ system’ works to encourage its mem¬ bers to be creative, productive and to openness, JFSOC’s recent letter to the vid Loving, coordinator of commit¬ Director General requested that De¬ tees; and Norm Achilles, business find satisfaction in their work, or whether it serves as a self-perpetuat¬ partment of Commerce evaluation re¬ secretary. ports for State’s E/C officers be made The new officers issued the follow¬ ing bureaucracy. We need a person¬ nel system that has the support and available to the rated officer as are ing policy statement: “Few dispute regular foreign service reports. Ini¬ the need for change in the Foreign good faith of those affected by it. tial reaction has been favorable. Service nor Mr. Macomber’s view We see neither efficiency nor hope for that reform is better done from within junior officers in a system that period¬ Junior Officer Opinion than by outsiders. We believe that ically revises career prospects and the The first of a planned series of composition of the Service through those who will inherit the Foreign JFSOC polls of junior officer opinion ‘time-in-grade selection out.’ We need Service in the next decade must make was enclosed with the recent an¬ their voices heard effectively in a grievance system that must be lis¬ nouncement of election of a new lead¬ shaping the Service of the future. tened to and that will make openness ership slate and its platform. A tabu¬ “We feel JFSOC should be the possible. We need a promotion and lation of initial returns shows that 86 assignment process that will assure forum in which junior officers can per cent feel the Department can identify professional problems, come assignments on grounds of merit and undertake effective in-house reform, encourage real openness by protecting to a consensus and act together to and about an even split exists between implement their ideas. We do not the individual from punitive efficiency those who believe the FSO corps can believe in presenting the personal reports or assignments. The Depart¬ play a prime role in reform and those ment and the AFSA board will be views of JFSOC leadership as the who are skeptical. The vast majority views of JFSOC members. The first of made aware that salaries for junior of those answering supported the officers in Washington do not permit what we hope will be a continuing JFSOC technique of keeping in touch series of polls has already gone out to more than mere subsistence. These with junior officer opinion through salaries are neither commensurate our members. In this way there will be polls such as this one. no doubt as to the extent of members’ with those of Civil Service colleagues A surprising 87 percent believed support for views expressed by in positions of equivalent responsibili¬ that the Department does not ade¬ JFSOC’s officers. JFSOC should be ty in the Department or in other quately inform employees of the ways agencies, nor consistent with the high the vehicle for continuing reassess¬ in which personnel policies are formu¬ ment of our profession by junior standards by which junior officers are lated. Eighty-five percent feel that officers; it must also be a pressure judged. meaningful career planning does not group prodding AFSA as well as the 0 “We hope you will join us in our exist in the Foreign Service, and 80 area. This will require considerable endeavor to provide leadership for percent believe contacts and luck are time and effort, which we feel junior JFSOC that is responsive to its mem¬ the primary determining factors in officers can and should provide. bers.” assignments. “We also intend that JFSOC not Recent JFSOC activities with re¬ In reply to a question of which issue only see its suggestions realized but gard to CORDS assignments, the Ma- required the most urgent JFSOC ac¬ that it monitor their implementation, comber Task Forces, and an initial tion, by far the largest number re¬ so that reform cannot be thwarted by poll of the membership are discussed sponded that job responsibility was the the bureaucratic momentum of ideas below. Plans for future activity in¬ biggest concern followed closely by that have outlived their time. We look clude study of Executive Order 11491 promotion policy and assignment for more than the temporary flurry of on labor-management relations in the procedures. reform activity of Mr. Macomber’s Federal Government and its implica¬ present task forces. We want a contin¬ tions for the Foreign Service. JFSOC and the Task Forces uing conversation between policy Junior officers (FSO-5 and below) Thirty junior officers attended a makers and the rank and file of the who wish to participate in these or JFSOC-sponsored caucus of junior Foreign Service. There has been much other JFSOC activities may contact officer members of the thirteen Ma- talk in recent years about the need for David Loving in EUR/EX, room comber Task Forces on March 19. managerial skill. One reason why 5424, extension 20456. Participants in the meeting iden¬ management has not been ‘our bag’ JFSOC Action tified two key points in the Task Force in the past, is that policy makers have scheme which need special attention: failed to recognize the vital need for a In letters to the thirteen Task Force —the manner in which the propos¬ formal institutional mechanism to in¬ Chairmen, JFSOC called for forma¬ als emerging from the various over¬ sure continuing dialogue between all tion of an organization to represent lapping Task Forces can be brought ranks of the Foreign Service officer all officer levels of the Service with together into a coordinated and effec¬ corps and the administrative hierarchy the Department’s Administration un¬ tive call for reform; and of the Department. We have in mind der Presidential Executive Order —assuring that action is taken to consultative mechanisms similar to 11491. Citing managerial effective¬ implement the proposals. It was those already functioning in the Brit¬ ness JFSOC emphasized the need for agreed that JFSOC could play an ish and Canadian diplomatic services. an organization to provide continued important role in making certain that “We see the major issues for junior dialogue with the administration. It imaginative points of view were seri¬ officers as the need for better pay, underlined the necessity of insuring ously considered and in lobbying for more rational promotion policy, more the implementation of Task Force follow-up action where necessary. responsible jobs (particularly in the recommendations and providing offi¬ Further meetings of the caucus of wake of BALPA and OPRED), and cers the sense of full participation in junior officer Task Force members for selection-out provisions designed the service. The officers of JFSOC will be held later. Club Membership Responses from the circular sent to current as well as prospective Club members have been slow. Members who joined in April or May 1969 are reminded they re¬ ceived a bonus in the form of addi¬ FOREIGN SERVICE tional months of membership through June; prospective members also re¬ ceived a bonus period up to July 1 if they indicated their desire to join prior to that date. All were given the opportunity to choose the monthly Tips on Gratuities Happy Hour plan for their dues payment. Avoid the last minute rush—send in The Board of Directors has ap¬ In what we hope was only the first your completed circular soon to keep proved the recommendations made by of many mutually cooperative activi¬ the computer happy! the Club Manager that in lieu of cash ties for the benefit of the members of the respective organizations, the De¬ Club Wins Interior Award tips a 15 per cent gratuity be added The Foreign Service Club received automatically to all luncheon checks, partment of State and USIA Rec¬ an award for superlative achievement as has been the practice for group reation Association (DSRA) and the in interior design in Institutions In¬ affairs. American Foreign Service Association (AFSA) arranged a Happy Hour at ternational Awards Program 1970 on The purpose is to attract and keep the Club. It was held on Thursday, May 24. the kind of waitresses or waiters the The entry was displayed in the Club requires to serve members in the May 21, 5:30 to 7:30—and bever¬ ages were reduced in price for this booth at the International Amphi¬ way they have a right to expect. Sal¬ theatre in Chicago through the Na¬ aries are extremely low in the restau¬ “first.” All AFSA members were in¬ vited, regardless of whether they are tional Restaurant Show and an an¬ rant business, and trained personnel nouncement of the winners appears respond best to offers of a known also Club members. This occasion gave members of in the June issue of INSTITUTIONS level of gratuities, good hours and magazine. pleasant working conditions. The Club each organization a chance to meet in can now offer all three. a congenial atmosphere and get to First Art Exhibit know one another. AFSA hopes that The first exhibitor to take advan¬ Naturally, nothing will prevent a DSRA members will find the Club tage of the offer of space in the For¬ member from adding a cash tip as a facilities attractive enough, and its eign Service Club is Richard F. Wol¬ special mark of appreciation for extra services sufficiently flexible, to offer a ford, AID. Mr. Wolford spent six service requested or given. solution to some of the problems en¬ years in Lagos and sixteen of his The manager, Mr. Brandli, would countered by DSRA in finding suitable paintings were exhibited in the Club appreciate receiving written com¬ places for various functions. during the month of May. His paint¬ ments from members on the service We urge AFSA (and RA) members ings reflect his interest in the religion, they receive, compliments as well as to turn out in force for these get- art and mythology, as well as the constructive criticism. togethers. scenery, of Nigeria. One of his paint¬ ings, now in the collection of Dr. William Saltonstall, was reproduced on the cover of the January, 1966 JOURNAL. All four Wolfords, Richard, wife Jean, daughters Mimi and Betsy, are artists and have collected African art during tours in Addis Ababa and La¬ gos. The next exhibitor at the Club will be R. Gordon Arneson, whose paint¬ ing of a 16th century Norwegian farm¬ house appeared on the May cover. Identifications Needed Richard F. Boyce, who is preparing the bibliography of F.S. authors re¬ ported on earlier, needs help in identi¬ fying the following: Mrs. V. Roxor Short (1906) “Caravan Cookery,” Mildred Dunn (1967) “Ambassador Life,” Joan Gillespie (1960) “Algeria: Rebellion and Revolution,” Alice Rog¬ ers Hager (1949) “Washington: City of Destiny.” An additional list will follow next month. Anyone with in¬ Dr. John A. Hannah, Administrator, AID, joins Maurice Williams, Assistant formation about F.S. connections of Administrator for NESA, and Mrs. Frances Gulick, USAIDlIndia, during AlD’s these authors may communicate with Spring Review of Population Programs at the Foreign Service Club cm May 11. Mr. Boyce through the JOURNAL. AMERICAN FOREIGN

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] I am not a member of the AFSA. Please send details on membership. “The will for peace on the part of peace-loving nations must express itself to the end that nations that may be tempted to violate their agreements and the rights of others will desist from such a course.”—Franklin D. Roosevelt The Superpowers and Peaceful Coexistence ^■VEN a cursory examination of the conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union since World War II makes one realize that we are lucky to be alive. Yet, for the past fourteen years or so, the name given by the THOMAS C. CALHOUN Russians to this seemingly perilous state of affairs has An FSIO, Mr. Calhoun received his B.A. from Duke in been “peaceful coexistence.” Since this time span en¬ 1959 and his M.A. from Stanford in 1964. He joined compasses serious crises in many parts of the world, USIA in 1964 and has served in Canberra, Bangkok, numerous threats, mobilizations and provocations, it is Nakhon Phanom and Washington. Mr. Calhoun is enrolled well to ask what the words mean. in Greek language training at FSI. It is clear that peaceful coexistence has not meant an eschewing of competition or conflict. What it has meant, then discuss the way it has been practiced and the when it has been observed, is a set of ground rules, modifications of Soviet doctrine required to sanction it. mainly tacit in nature, governing relations with the This order, in my estimation, corresponds to the way in United States and its Allies: there still will be competi¬ which this policy (and almost any other) was adopted: tion, but this competition should halt short of war. The a response made to a situation, followed later by the term is sanctified in Soviet usage by having been used justification. by Lenin himself, but the way in which it has been Peaceful coexistence came about partly because more applied since about 1955 has forced the Russians to hostile Soviet policies had been failures and partly expand and modify Lenin’s definition to justify its more because the Kremlin leadership (or a majority of it, at recent practice. Thus, Lenin saw peaceful coexistence as least) saw positive benefits accruing to the Soviet state a tactic, useful merely to postpone the inevitable conflict by virtue of a less belligerent posture. Consider the first between socialism and capitalism. It could be used in decade after World War II: whereas in 1945 the periods of communist weakness to give the forces of Russian Army faced a prostrate Europe, in 1955 the socialism breathing space to build up their strength for western nations had rebuilt their economies to a re¬ the preordained battle, but it was never more than an markable degree. The Americans had not left the expedient; certainly not a permanent feature of ideolo¬ continent two years after V-E Day, as Roosevelt had gy. More recent Soviet leaders, particularly Khrushchev, predicted they would, but were there in strength ten gave peaceful coexistence a permanent place in Soviet years later, leading an alliance of anticommunist na¬ policy and produced suitable ideological modifications to tions. From the ruins of Hitler’s Germany had come the Leninism to give it proper sanction. But why did the Federal Republic, economically vigorous and rearming. Soviet Union feel compelled to enunciate this doctrine, Political and economic cooperation was on the increase and what were the practical and ideological manifesta¬ among these states. The communist parties in the west tions of this policy? The proper order for a reply, I had failed to take control. Many of the so-called Bloc believe, is first to examine the circumstances which I nations were restive, and Yugoslavia had been lost. think led to the adoption of peaceful coexistence, and In addition to NATO, other anti-communist alliances

FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June% 1970 41 had been formed throughout the world, and American Cuban crisis the atmosphere of detente with the United forces were poised in bases around the periphery of the States generally has prevailed despite Vietnam, communist world. A Soviet proxy, North Korea, had , a more confident Russian military pos¬ failed to unify the Korean peninsula by force. Finally, ture, and the conservative turn in the Kremlin hierar¬ even though the Russians had succeeded in developing chy. nuclear and thermonuclear weapons, they had come to The ideological underpinnings of peaceful coexistence realize their destructiveness. Activities undertaken by were new interpretations of vintage Lenin or new doc¬ the Russians to improve their security by “rationalizing” trine non-contradictory to Lenin but responsive to mod¬ the western boundary of Soviet power (e.g., the Berlin ern circumstance. Thus, war is no longer inevitable with blockade; the Czech coup of 1948) had served only to the capitalist powers, as Lenin had said it was, because increase western hostility and spur western military nuclear weapons have made all-out war unthinkable, or cooperation. at least unwinnable. Similarly, capitalist encirclement of Soviet planners also saw positive factors contributing the USSR is not possible because the Soviet Union is too to the decision for peaceful coexistence: Russian nu¬ strong to permit it, while it had been weak in Lenin’s clear weaponry made the USSR too strong for the day. Finally, the new policy even denied the inevitabili¬ capitalist powers to cow. With this mutual deterrent ty of violent revolution as prerequisite to communist enforcing an armed truce between the two giants, the rule. On the contrary, said Khrushchev, nations can Russians could engage the capitalists in an economic come to communism peacefully, even through parlia¬ and political competition which would obviously end in mentary means. In this he was evidencing the buoyant victory for socialism. As developed, the policy affirmed optimism of the late ’50s, when, as I have said, Russian that the true value of socialism as the best path to confidence in the “salability” of their system was high. development would be self-evident. Especially would this The practice of peaceful coexistence has contained a be true if the arms race could be slowed, because number of elements. First, it has been typified by a arms production placed an uneconomic burden on the number of Soviet proposals on disarmament, primarily Soviet Union, and produced nothing lasting. viewed as bilateral agreements with the United States. Another positive factor contributing to the decision to Many of the early Soviet proposals, particularly the ones push peaceful coexistence was the belief that by espous¬ demanding immediate and total disarmament, seem to ing peace and displaying the virtues of the socialist have been made strictly for purposes of propaganda and system the Russians would gain positions of leadership were treated by the West as such. Even the more limited in the “Third World.” The Russians would become proposals, such as for an atom-free Europe, were turned peace-loving pedagogues to the less fortunate of the down because the result would have favored the power world’s peoples. The genesis of Soviet interest in com¬ with the largest conventional forces in the area; i.e., the petition with the United States for influence in the lesser Soviet Union. But, as the big power detente developed, developed parts of the world was probably more a agreements were reached on the perimeter of the nu¬ reaction to American efforts in foreign aid than anything clear weapons question; i.e., banning the use of such else, but it dovetailed nicely with the supreme confi¬ weapons in Antarctica and in outer space, no atmos¬ dence shown by Khrushchev and other Russian leaders in pheric testing, and, most importantly (from a strategic the ability of the Russian system to sell itself on its own point of view), banning the dissemination of nuclear merits as the model for developing nations. This positive material and weapons technology. In concluding these assumption picked up momentum with Soviet advances agreements, Krushchev (who was in power during the in technology, particularly after the Sputnik shock of signing of the first three) had to make a significant modification in Leninist theory. At the time of the Test 1957. In general, then, what the Soviet Union sought Ban Treaty he claimed that there were distinctions to be from the policy of peaceful coexistence was not just an made among the leaders of the “imperialist powers,” end to the corrosive action-reaction syndrome vis-a-vis and agreements advantageous to the Soviet Union could the West, but also an increase in that elusive commodity be reached with the less reactionary among them. It was known as influence. also “proof” of a premise of detente which said that A knowledge of the background to the adoption of moderate Soviet policies would bring out moderation in the policy of peaceful coexistence makes the main western leaders, while the Stalinist hard line had only elements of its practice understandable. Nevertheless, it engendered reaction. must be understood that the practice of this policy was Allied with Soviet disarmament proposals has been a never uniform, but was characterized by fits and starts; penchant for calling conferences on such subjects as dovish cooing punctuated by the rattling of rockets. In European security, neutralizing the Mediterranean, dis¬ mantling foreign bases, and so on. Once again, much of part, the periodic bellicosity was due to conservative this has seemed to be mere public relations work ascendancy in Kremlin decision making; in part, it was establishing ’s bona fides as the champion of a reaction to events. For example, the hard line fol¬ peace, for they were offering little quid for our quo. For lowed by Russia in the period 1960-62, featuring a example, the call for a European Security Conference Berlin crisis and the chilling Cuban Missile Crisis, could was probably designed to maneuver the West into be explained in part as a reaction to specific events (the recognizing as a sovereign state, a signifi¬ downing of the U-2) or situations (larger US defense cant gain for the USSR, without giving up anything outlays; the Soviet ICBM inadequacy which led them to in return. try to put “legs” on their IRBMs by installing them Also, there was much talk and occasional action on ninety miles off our shores). But particularly after the cutbacks of conventional forces. When the cuts actually

42 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 occurred they were serving a dual purpose: giving tangible evidence of a desire for detente and reducing the “uneconomic” arms burden on the Soviet economy to enable socialism better to show its productivity. The competition with the capitalist world was to continue in the economic and political spheres, and the era of “peaceful coexistence” has been marked by a great deal of activity in those areas. The Russians took the world as a battleground, and Soviet officials began cropping up in most unlikely places. With the Soviet Union forswearing conspiratorial politics abroad for more open relations with leftist parties and national rulers, there were few places in the world off limits to Russian officials. The Soviet penchant for pushing too hard too soon got them into trouble here and there (e.g., Guinea and the Congo), but by and large the Soviets were successful in winning for themselves a new respectability in the somewhat new role of conventional diplomacy. A large aid program, geared to the visible and the spectacular, assisted in establishing the desired image of Russia as a modern state willing to help others along the path to modernization. One reason for their degree of success, however, was not particularly flatter¬ Here we must examine the Brezhnev Doctrine—Does ing to the Russians: many saw them as not so far ahead it spell the end of detente? Does it spell the end of of the lesser developed nations that they could not be peaceful evolution within the satellites? Or is it merely caught, or at least approached, but the Americans were an adjunct to peaceful coexistence; a modifying doctrine assumed to be totally out of reach. that limits the permissible goals of detente without Hand in hand with the peripatetic diplomats and supplanting it? officials went cosmonauts, exhibits, and trade fairs, all First, while the doctrine certainly counds ominous and designed to show off socialism’s accomplishments. clearly limits sovereignty granted to the satellites under Reams of statistics poured out of Moscow showing the other agreements (e.g., the Warsaw Pact), it is not strides that were being made in overtaking America’s nearly so significant as the action which spawned it. The lead in this product or that. action in Czechoslovakia choked off what the Russians Front groups were created or existing groups manipu¬ thought to be an alarming trend in a country vitally lated to give worldwide voice to certain tenets of Soviet important to their security; the justification is merely foreign policy. In this area the Vietnam war was a verbiage after the fact, designed to compel other satel¬ godsend, for anti-American groups sprang up like lites of similar inclination to think twice before allowing mushrooms everywhere and were joined piously by the such a situation to develop. The brutal intervention communists. spoke more eloquently than the lame doctrine which Also at this time Moscow began to tolerate more followed. The intervention was seen by the Russians to diversity among the satellites and among non-ruling be a security matter, an internal security matter, as it communist parties. The new interpretation of Leninism were, and that was that. It has not meant the end of that said there could be differing roads to socialism put detente by any means. In fact the Soviets were display¬ ideological clothing on a policy born out of necessity. ing eagerness to meet with the United States to discuss The communist parties of the west in the 1940s had said nuclear questions while the tanks were rolling, and just they would welcome the Red Army as liberators and last year Foreign Minister Gromyko made one of the had lost grievously as a result. Khrushchev allowed most conciliatory speeches of the decade—calling for them to express a degree of national feeling, and their talks on almost all of the major issues dividing east and strength was renewed. The ruling parties in the satel¬ west. Currently, with Soviet troops still in Prague, we lites had shown great restiveness from 1953 onward, are talking to the Russians about the Mideast and about and Khrushchev had been wise enough to loosen the Berlin, and about arms limitation. reins a bit. After his reconciliation with Tito and his The Brezhnev Doctrine and the invasion that subsequent denunciation of Stalin, the movement for spawned it also did not put a halt to evolutionary forces change in the satellites became irresistible. Some, like within the satellite countries, although I am sure it the Hungarians, moved too far and were crushed, but it caused East European leaders to set prudent limits to is significant that Kadar had soon adopted most of the evolution. For example, the Hungarians claim that they rebels reforms. This toleration of a degree of diversity have achieved or gone beyond the reforms of Dubcek’s among the satellite nations was not part of the policy of Czechoslovakia by being prudent and by maneuvering peaceful coexistence, because peaceful coexistence was reform measures through the usual communist party a relationship reserved to capitalist powers, which are channels, thus allaying suspicions of working through hostile to socialism. Nevertheless, the “liberal” approach “counterrevolutionary elements.” Moreover, they have to the satellites effectively complemented the “peaceful not allowed a reformist frenzy to develop, which would coexistence ’ line, for it reflected reasonableness and surely bring in the world press corps and probably set tolerance on the part of the Soviet Union. the stage for another Soviet intervention. Where liberal

FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 43. internal evolution has ceased it has often been due to Allies than they are themselves. Thus we face a dilem¬ strictly internal reasons, as in Poland. Thus, while it ma—detente holds both promise and danger; promise in seems to be true that the Soviet Union is on a conserva¬ that there seems to be reason to believe that a genuine tive tack for the moment, it has not frozen development reduction of tensions can be achieved, primarily through agreements of the two great powers; and danger, in that in the satellites. the very stability we seek and the way we seek it Therefore, I conclude that the events in Czech¬ (essentially over the heads of the Europeans) might oslovakia and the Brezhnev Doctrine have served bring about a weak, rather frivolous Europe which to define the permissible limits to detente, without would invite instability. closing off those avenues of cooperation which the What, then, do we want detente to do for us, and how Russians are most eager to explore. It was a warning to much can we realistically expect? Detente should mean the satellites, to be sure, but it was also a warning to the United States to adopt a more modest estimate of the a chance to begin eliminating instability or potential instability, particularly where it counts the most—in anticipated fruits of detente. Just as Russian commit¬ Europe. But what about the status quol We have lived ment to detente ebbed and flowed from about 1955 to with it so long that it seems stable enough. But much of the present, so has our national mood vis-a-vis. the that stability, it seems to me, is “unnatural,” depending Soviet Union rocketed between delight and despair. I as it does on such devices as a divided nation and large believe we tended towards over-optimism in the glow foreign military contingents. This is stability of a sort, of the post-Cuba phase of detente, and therefore greeted but stability achieved at a very high economic, political, the Dubcek reforms as a precursor of a general throwing social and psychic cost. It is stability purchased at a high off of communist shackles. It looked as if things would level of risk and anxiety. Nevertheless, attempts to go all our way—the satellites would loosen their ties to change the status quo might breed more instability than Russia, but we would make no concessions in our zone we live with today. Still, I think it would be desirable to of influence. Detente to us seemed to mean victory, or seek a more rational Europe which would draw its eventual victory. The Russian response in August, stability from a more natural system of national rela¬ 1968, brought back a degree of realism. It showed our tionships, rather than from bipolar military stalemate. policymakers that Russia would not allow winners and losers in the game of detente, especially when it stood to If the status quo must be changed in order to bring be the loser, and the Kremlin leaders felt strongly about a more natural and lasting stability, how can it be enough about this to accept the opprobrium they must changed without increasing the fears and anxieties of have known would be forthcoming. At worst, the inter¬ the principals? Clearly, whatever changes come about vention and the doctrine have plunged us into an must be gradual and nonthreatening on balance to overpessimistic view of our relations with the USSR, at either side. The changes that can possibly be made will best, it has brought a welcome measure of realism, be limited in scope by a number of considerations which caution, and prudence to our policymakers. must be kept in mind at all times by American and West European policymakers. First, Soviet security What has detente meant for the United States, and needs, or felt needs, cannot be ignored in any cross- what are the implications for the future? First, the European proposals. Czechoslovakia has taught us that limited relaxation of tensions permitted by the Soviet the Russian threshold of perceived injury is low, so policy of peaceful coexistence has reduced our once erring on the side of caution would be wise. Second, the total hostility to a more selective confrontation on fear of a rearmed Germany loose on the continent and grounds that seem to be desirable to both sides. It has unrestrained by supranational accord is still very much helped us to see that we have some common desires as alive in Europe, east and west alike. A Germany with well as some possibly irreconcilable differences. For control over nuclear weapons would be an even more example, we mutually desire not to have a nuclear alarming apparition to many Europeans. Third, the accident, hence the “hot line.” We mutually desire not complete withdrawal of the United States from Europe¬ to get dragged into a war by proxies, hence our joint, as an security arrangements would give Europe two unat¬ well as four power, talks on the Mideast situation. We tractive choices: build a deterrent force of proper size mutually desire not to allow non-nuclear powers to and weaponry, or put complete trust in the American acquire the technology necessary to build nuclear weap¬ nuclear umbrella three thousand miles away and rely on ons, hence the nuclear nonproliferation treaty. Thus the restraint of Russia and her allies. Europe does not have we achieved what some have called limited want and probably cannot afford the former, and if it adversaryism.” did attempt to build such a force there would have to be While this limited detente has permitted us to reach a German nuclear component, which would be seriously tension-reducing agreement with the USSR, it has also provocative and destabilizing. If it chose the latter spurred the European nations to practice more self- course what stability there might be would be at the reliance within the respective defense pacts. While the sufferance of the Soviets, and this would be a situation United States and the Soviet Union are essentially no European chancery would be happy with. stalemated militarily, the “unthinkability” of war has Having set out all the caveats, I do not mean to imply had an erosive effect on western unity. France has opted that no movement is possible, but only that drastic out of NATO, Canada has cut its forces severely, and solutions suggesting victory for one side and defeat for other members have never achieved the desired force the other are just not in the cards. What, then, is possi¬ levels. And, true to human nature, the more we try to ble, and what should we do? tighten the screws the more reluctant or indifferent our Allies become, and we are in the embarrassing position First, we should continue to seek agreement with the of appearing to be more interested in the defense of our Russians in those areas of the world where we have

44 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 mutual interest in settlements, e.g., the Middle hast detente, what of the reverse; a loosely organized western Also, we should encourage the Russians to conduct Europe, free to be as individualistic as circumstances constructive, tension-reducing diplomacy in those areas permit? Certainly the trend seems to be that way— where our influence or our room to maneuver is limited, NATO seems to be slowly disintegrating; its critics e.g., the Kashmir dispute. Finally, we should continue to asserting that it is anachronistic for a number of reasons seek meaningful ways to limit the amount and destruc¬ that have to do with politics as well as strategy. Even tiveness of the weaponry we have amassed in the course the US commitment, at least in numbers, reportedly is of our long confrontation. under examination. The Common Market has found When our discussions with the Soviets concern Eu¬ cooperation harder to come by in recent years, and it rope, we must make sure that we calm any European has proved to be vulnerable to conflicting national fears that we are negotiating their fate without bothering policies. This seems to be the evolutionary trend—is it to consult them. But the most important thing we must not for the best? do is decide once and for all just what kind of Europe My answer would be a qualified “no.” A loosely we want. We seem to be of two minds on this question. organized western Europe, particularly one with a very Our military strength, as reflected in NATO, makes us much less active American partner, would be an inher¬ more than equal partners within the alliance. We domi¬ ently unstable Europe. Even the east European states, I nate the alliance; we control the nuclear option. Talk of believe, would be reluctant to see such a situation an all-European defense force has died down. It develop, because it would leave a strong Soviet Union gestated for years but could not be delivered. Such essentially unchallenged on the continent. The key grotesque ideas as the Multilateral Nuclear Force were danger here would be ambiguity, a confusion and a floated as a sort of halfway house; more a sop to West fuzziness as to what responses would be forthcoming in European sensitivities and pride than an increase in the event of Soviet or Soviet-sponsored initiatives along military strength. But, at the same time we perpetuat¬ the East-West border. It was, in part, this kind of ed an unequal defense arrangement in the “Atlantic” ambiguity that led North Korea to attack South Korea approach, we also seemed to be encouraging greater in 1950. Here, then, is the value of NATO. However West European unity. At times we have seemed to debilitated and anachronistic it might seem, it represents envision three great blocs: The United States, Europe an unambiguous statement of intent. It is stabilizing in and the USSR. But this Europe would have to have a the sense that it gives communist policymakers a rather credible defense, more than merely the French and clear idea of the probable western reaction to provoca¬ British national nuclear forces, hence it might tend to tive communist moves. Fortunately, NATO seems to be become something to which the Soviet Union would be riddled with spies, who serve the useful purpose of sure to react violently: a sort of super-Germany; a revealing to the USSR the fact that NATO does indeed German dominated, nuclear-armed, anti-communist, have firm contingency plans. Thus NATO permits a highly organized Western Europe. rather loose Western European political structure to One reason for the strength of the supranational exist without destabilizing weakness. western Europe idea, besides the anticipated economic NAT O, run by professional military men unified by a benefits it would bring to its members, is the idea, common purpose, is the most highly unified of all west seductive to some western statesmen, that such a united European and Atlantic institutions. And that is as it Europe would act as a giant magnet, drawing the east should be, because it is more natural. That is, it is European satellite countries out of the Soviet orbit and natural for NATO to express a unity of purpose, but it into a pan-European arrangement which would permit is difficult for me to conceive of a supranational western them to replace communist one party rule with more Europe which could enunciate sufficient unity of pur¬ “natural” multiparty liberal coalitions. That the Soviet pose in the political, economic or social spheres to long Union is aware of this sentiment is attested to by a endure. The nation states have enough grave problems recent article in the Soviet magazine, NEW TIMES, that seem to approach insolubility at the national level which calls this a plot to replace socialist governments to make me doubt the ability of a supranational authori¬ 5n Russia’s borders with governments giving only the ty to deal effectively with them. Perhaps I am being appearance of socialism. Clearly, a drive for such a unduly pessimistic, but the thought of a European Dowerful, unified Europe would provoke a response government attempting to deal with disparate groups of from Moscow, especially if the communist buffer states Flemings, Walloons, Bretons, Bavarians, Irish Catholics, of Russia’s western “glacis” were openly courted. But Irish Protestants, Italian trade unionists and German there is another reason for opposing an overt effort bankers taxes my imagination. towards this supranational western Europe with its Another reason for valuing NATO is, oddly enough, supposedly irresistible appeal to the remainder of Eu¬ the fact that its creation spawned a counterpart, the rope: it is not needed. What the reformers in communist Warsaw Pact. These two entities are valuable in a time Europe are seeking is the institution of such concepts as of detente because their strength and their deployment for example, self-determination (to a degree), free (or can be the subject of east-west talks, and any change in freer) enterprise, and freedom from arbitrary arrest. their strength or disposition would be tangible evidence These are ideas that flourish in the nation states of the of detente. Mutual military reductions, whether between West; they are just as visible and alluring in a frag¬ the US and the USSR or between NATO and the mented Europe as they would be in a more highly Warsaw Pact are, in my estimation, easier to accomplish organized Europe—and less provocative to the Soviets. than, say, mutual political concessions because the end But if a strong, highly unified Europe is potentially results are more clear. One wing of tactical aircraft destructive of east-west detente, or at least of bipolar (Continued on page 61)

FORIIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 45 “Millions for defence, but “First and foremost, you must be rich,” he said, vowing that he not one cent for tribute.” would not have later “to ask alms from the Republic.” The Austrians, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney the Germans, the Portuguese paid— (1797) it is said he amassed 30 million francs while in office. Naturally, he expected the Americans to pay too. He met with the envoys in¬ Citizen formally, but delayed from month to month an official audience. Meanwhile he repeatedly dispatched Logan emissaries (later delicately de¬ signed by Adams as X, Y, and Z) to ask and press a bribe of $250,- 000, plus a “loan” to the Directory ■ HE negotiations at Paris had and the of 12 million dollars. gone badly; had failed in penetrat¬ ing even preliminary courtesies. “It is no, no—not a six-pence!” Two of the discomfited American IVar declared Envoy Pinckney when envoys were returning to America badgered by Talleyrand’s hench¬ bearing lurid tales of bribery and man; but it was less from moral perfidy in protocol. Hundreds of K. C. TESSENDORF outrage than from the fact the Americans continued to languish in Americans had neither the money foreign jails, and the armed intran¬ Mr. Tessendorf is a frequent con¬ nor the authority. After consulta¬ tributor to the JOURNAL. His most sigence of the adversary increased. tion they intimated a deal might be recent article was “Pardon My made, but diplomatic settlement Before the crisis ended, the Pres¬ Conquest" in the November issue. would have to be made in advance ident would cry out in exasper¬ Mr. Tessendorf served as a diplo¬ matic courier from 1952 to 1954 of payment. ation: “This damned army will be and is now a free-lance writer. the ruin of this country!” Now, But Talleyrand had no interest however, anticipation of full-scale in a settlement. French spoliation war absorbed the energies of Con¬ several of the Cabinet owed total of American commerce was profita¬ gress and the nation, and buoyed allegiance to Alexander Hamilton, ble, and as long as the status quo by the feverish tide he told a wildly Adams’s great rival within the Fed¬ continued—without outright war— acclaiming crowd: “The finger of eralist party. the Minister was content to dally destiny writes on the wall the Thus Hamilton in effect operated with the envoys. He expected that word: War!” Yet there was great the levers of power from his law Jefferson and his pro-French party division, a polarization of opinion office in New York—by mail¬ would soon be preponderant—he in the land. Students at the College order. Adams would ask Cabinet believed many politically active of William and Mary burned the advice, and Hamilton’s minions Americans owed more allegiance to President in effigy. would write to him in New York. France than to the Federalist Ad¬ Oh yes—perhaps clarification is He would then pontificate by return ministration. in order: The year was 1798, John mail—with Adams usually follow¬ After five months of diplomatic Adams was president, the adver¬ ing Cabinet advice. This was shadow-boxing Pinckney and John sary France, the incendiary inci¬ markedly so in the instance of Marshall returned home. Talley¬ dent the X Y Z affair. Secretary of State Pickering: “I rand interceded in persuading the Franco-American relations, once wish you were in a situation not third, Gerry, to stay on, for he so cozy and cordial, had soured only ‘to see all the cards’ but to believed the Americans would not when the United States signed Jay’s play them. With all my soul I declare war as long as “negotia¬ Treaty with England, with its pref¬ would give you my hand” is blush- tion” continued. Gerry, who was erential trade clauses. The new ingly typical of his correspondence not a fire-breathing Federalist, pa¬ American ambassador was refused with Hamilton at this time. triotically believed his continued at Paris, and the French corsairs Since Hamilton favored peace at presence prevented needless war. began preying on American ship¬ this point, in due time Adams an¬ He was probably right. ping assigned to Britain or her nounced a plenipotentiary trio The XYZ affair was presented overseas possessions. would go over to treat with the to the nation in its most garish, Such was the major foreign prob¬ French. Arriving in Paris in the insulting context; for Adams suc¬ lem facing the new president in autumn of 1797, the Americans ceeded in mouse-trapping the encountered M. Talleyrand, now 1797. Adams, gingerly stepping into Jeffersonians into demanding publi¬ handling foreign relations for the the shoes of the Father of Our cation of full details. A great flush Country with only a three vote Directory. A man of parts certain¬ of war fever afforded unaccus¬ margin over Jefferson in the Elec¬ ly, Talleyrand was superbly amoral tomed popularity to President toral College, felt constrained to re¬ in the practice of statecraft; fur¬ Adams, who responded as char- tain Washington’s Cabinet intact. ther, he was anxious to restore his ismatically as he could. From New This was a miscalculation, for fortune lost in the revolution.

46 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 fork however, Hamilton decreed acquainted with all the giants that The Alien and Sedition Acts lay through the Cabinet that instead of stud our history books—Washing¬ in the balance in the Congress at war, the issue should be turned as a ton, Franklin, Madison, Monroe, the time. Logan’s secretive maneu¬ club against the Jeffer¬ John Adams; he seems to have been ver can only have inflamed the sonian Republicans. a confidant of Jefferson. It was great xenophobic “Jacobin Phrenzy” of The Federalist press thundered: fun to host a political salon; to dab¬ the period. “The man who does not warmly ble at amateur statecraft. In Paris Talleyrand became in¬ reprobate the conduct of the As a pastoral conservative he creasingly alarmed at the course of French must have a soul black abhorred the rise of cities, industry, events in America, as he divined enough to be fit for treasons, strat¬ and the vulgar money-getting of the them from the reports of official agems, and spoils.” Here is Noah Federalist merchants. His political French representatives in the New Webster on the party of Jefferson: thinking seems fuzzy, since though World. Also, the new American “I believe such a pack of scoun¬ an aristocrat he embraced the Navy was sweeping the Caribbean drels as our opposition and their French Revolution at its bloodiest, of French corsairs and commerce creatures was never before collect¬ when the notorious Citizen Genet alike. The last thing he desired was ed into one country—indeed they attempted to revolutionize the an effective wartime alliance be¬ are the refuse, the sweepings of the United States on the French model. tween the United States and Brit¬ most depraved part of mankind.” His Quaker sensibilities appear ain. So the perceptive statesman Never before had so much libel, unaffected at this dinner of Gen¬ altered course and tacked strongly slander, innuendo, been collected et’s: for peace. He buttered up the in this country. Even the normally willing Gerry, provided him with apolitical sex became involved: “I The head of a pig was severed apologies and protestations of cor¬ remember well the time when party from its body; and being recog¬ rect future conduct, and sent him spirit in this country ran so high nized as an emblem of the mur¬ off to Adams. Through an interme¬ dered King of France, was car¬ that even ladies wore different diary he adroitly curried favor with ried round to the guests, each cockades as badges of party attach¬ one placing the cap of liberty the nearest legitimate American ment, and to have seen them meet upon his head, pronounced the ambassador, William Vans Mur¬ at the church door and violently word “Tyrant!” and proceeded to ray, in the Netherlands. Murray pluck the badges from one anoth¬ mangle with his knife the head of began writing letters positing his er’s bosoms.” the luckless creature doomed to belief that Talleyrand was genuine¬ Between issuing warlike broad¬ be served for so unworthy a ly conciliatory. sides, the Adams Administration company. Events had thus been set in a settled down to preparing the re¬ newly pacific course by the time pressive Alien and Sedition Acts, to In the summer of 1798 Dr. Lo¬ Dr. Logan arrived at Paris (Mur¬ building a Navy to combat the gan was among those informally ray tried to have hint arrested in French corsairs, and to increase under surveillance by an incipient the Netherlands). The practical vastly the Army complement. As Federalist Inquisition. Logan knew Talleyrand was of no mind to waste the latter proceeded, Hamilton’s that the extreme Federalists craved time with non-designate Logan; he sentiments became very hawkish; France to take the initiative in de¬ was affable and offered to intro¬ for he dreamed of conquering the claring war, so that they could duce him to the French agriculture Western Hemisphere as its com¬ openly smash the “traitorous” op¬ man—so that they could talk about mandant. In the summer of 1798 position. Giving thought to this, Dr. fertilizers. However Logan perse¬ Adams vacillated between outright Logan decided he would journey to vered in getting an audience with war, and measured defensive retali¬ warn the Directory, and thus stave Merlin of the Directory, through ation. He was jealous of Hamilton’s off a war certain to be disastrous to contacts afforded by the American martial ploy, and he wondered if free domestic politics. He procured expatriate colony in Paris. Merlin Gerry was accomplishing anything from Vice-President Jefferson a tes¬ too was affable, and eventually in Paris. timonial certificate (a kind of early Talleyrand decided to further sweet¬ passport), and slipped out of the At this point a footnote in the en American relations by releasing country. When discovered, this oc¬ history of the time surfaced. He American vessels sequestered in casioned a new crescendo from the was Dr. George Logan, a Quaker French ports, and liberating some Federalist press: gentleman farmer of rural Philadel¬ of the imprisoned sailors. phia. When we scan his portrait by “For can any sensible man hesi¬ Logan arrived back in Philadel¬ Stuart, we see the smoothly confi¬ tate to suspect that his infernal phia bursting with these portentous dent profile of an 18th Century design can be anything less, than good tidings. Secretary of State patrician, whose refined features the introduction of a French Pickering brusquely told him he could have been those of an early Army, to teach us the genuine had already learned of these de¬ American president. However, the value of true and essential liberty velopments, and showed him to the talents of George Logan ran heavi¬ by re-organizing our govern¬ door, his voice trembling with bare¬ ly toward rural economics; espe¬ ment, through the brutal oper¬ ly repressed wrath: “Sir, it is my cially as a virtuoso of improved ation of the bayonet and guillo¬ duty to inform you that the govern¬ tine. . . Their demagogue is gone fertilizers. ment does not thank you for what to the Directory for purposes de¬ He lived in that entrancing era structive of your lives, property, you have done.” It was the same when a man of position was well liberty, and holy religion.” (Continued on page 64)

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FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970

Chicken feed and a personal interest in problems build a bridge between peoples The Importance of the “Unimportant” Issues in Image Building

| T is a widely held belief, which JOHN R. BARROW have striven energetically to over¬ most of us who have lived in un¬ The author is serving as the State come the Communist advantage. Department representative to the However, limitations of resources derdeveloped areas accept as fact, Armed Forces Staff College. He that generally speaking the Com¬ wrote this article as an accompani¬ and an inclination to get bogged munist countries have done a more ment to a unit of instruction en¬ down in paper work have caused effective job than has the United titled “Psychological Aspects of our efforts to be centered mainly in National Strategy” which is part States in creating a favorable image the national political capitals and a of the curriculum. Mr. Barrow few of the principal cities while among peoples of the underde¬ writes, "My previous job, and the veloped areas. They have succeed¬ one on which this article is based, meager attention has been paid to ed in doing this despite the fact was Consul General in Aleppo the small towns and the country¬ where my staff and I achieved a side. that the peoples concerned are for small measure of notoriety by slid¬ the most part highly nationalistic ing down a rope from an upper Also, in the beginning, our psy¬ and deeply religious and hence op¬ story to escape a rampaging mob chological approach was wrong. posed to Communism as a doc¬ during the Arab-lsrael War of The main thrust of our activity was trine. By way of contrast, the God¬ 1967.” to prove that the United States was fearing, liberty-loving Americans If the local governor is a tyrant, the the greatest country in the world. have acquired the reputation of Communists will try to have him This needs no proof since even being fat, overfed cats concerned removed. the most ignorant peasant already only with becoming richer and The cells of the Communist Par¬ knows this and to some extent re¬ more powerful while other peoples ty, organized either overtly or cov¬ sents the power and affluence we become poorer and weaker. ertly in nearly every locale, have have achieved. The Communists’ success as prop¬ an enormous advantage in observ¬ In more recent times, we have agandists does not stem from su¬ ing local problems and relating to improved by tailoring our activities perior ideology, which, as indi¬ them in an effective way. By con¬ to take into account local attitudes, cated, is often rejected by the peo¬ trast, there is no “American Party” but even so they remain directed ples concerned. It stems rather operating overseas. It would have mainly at problems as defined in from a superior ability to exploit been alien to our beliefs to have the national capital or main politi¬ local aspirations to their own ad¬ created one in the first place and cal centers, problems of high pol¬ vantage. If a school building needs would now, in any case, be too late itics which are of concern to high repair, the Communists are agitat¬ since most underdeveloped peoples officials but not necessarily the ma¬ ing for it. If a peasant farmer is have already been conditioned by jor concern of the common man. I confused about how to submit an anti-American propaganda. am not saying that programs de¬ application to the government, Our Embassies overseas and our veloped at the national level and Communist lawyers will help him. United States Information Services directed toward national problems

50 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 are not important, but I am saying discipline him or even to remove But the fact that a local problem that even under the best of circum¬ him from his job. On the other cannot be solved is not necessarily stances they are not enough to hand, he did not speak or write a barrier to making some mileage combat, at the provincial and rural English and was at a loss as to how out of it in terms of image-building. level, the virulent Communist activ¬ to communicate with the American On another occasion, I visited a ity which, while not totally ignoring company. In considering his predic¬ farmer in Idlib, a small agricultural international problems, is directed ament, I asked him if he had a center southwest of Aleppo. The toward much more circumscribed typewriter and when he told me he access road to the farms in his local situations. did, I went to his office and person¬ neighborhood was in horrendous If this is the case, how can we do ally typed out a letter for his signa¬ condition and about the only thing better? Perhaps I can best illustrate ture describing the situation to the the farmer would talk about was by examples in my own personal American company. The whole op¬ the poor state of the road and the experience as Consul General in eration took about twenty minutes failure of the government to do Aleppo, Syria prior to the 1967 of my time and none of the United anything about it. In terms of being Arab-Israel War. Part of my Con¬ States Government’s money. able to solve the problem of the sular district was the town of Hama Some weeks later, I visited road, there was nothing I could do a little less than midway between Hama again and stopped at the for I had no funds for this purpose, Aleppo and Damascus. The people poultry station and was greeted there was no AID mission in Syria of Hama have a long-standing rep¬ effusively by a smiling poultry sta¬ or any other United States facility utation, antedating the “cold war,” tion manager. It appears that the that could be tapped. However, I for being among the most fanatical¬ American company, being a repu¬ said to the farmer that as I was ly anti-foreign of any in the Middle table one, had replaced the dam¬ meeting the Governor of Idlib that East. For a foreigner to develop aged shipment and my friend—and day, I would mention the poor state friendships in the town was consid¬ he was now truly my friend—was of the road to the Governor in ered a virtual impossibility. Indeed, off the hook with his government. hopes of engendering some Syrian my initial activities in the town From then on, the town of Hama Government initiative to fix the were confined to a stiff and formal was entirely open to me, for the road. I subsequently made good on courtesy call on the governor. poultry station manager was a man my word in my talk with the Gov¬ of some local repute and had many ernor. However, one day as I was driv¬ friends in the town to whom he As far as I know, the road has ing through Hama, I noticed a gov¬ introduced me as his good Ameri¬ still not been fixed. When I men¬ ernment-operated poultry station, can friend. Consequently, the tioned it to the Governor, he ac¬ and thinking I might be able to buy prestige of Americans as helpful knowledged the sad state of its con¬ some chickens, I stopped in and fellows rose considerably •—in a dition and said that he had been introduced myself to the manager. town hitherto closed to us. My good trying to get funds to fix it, but had Now it must be remembered that at fortune in Hama was directly at¬ gotten no favorable response from that time, as now, the Syrian Gov¬ tributable to the fact that I had met his superiors in Damascus. Thus, ernment was strongly anti- a man with a problem that fortu¬ this was a problem that I could not American and this man was an nately I was able to do something solve. Nevertheless, whenever I re¬ employee of that government. But constructive about. turned to Idlib to visit my farmer in negotiating the purchase of the Not all problems are so easily friend I received a warm and chickens, I discovered he had a tractable; in fact, not many are. friendly reception, for he knew that problem. It seems that contrary to I had taken an interest and had the advice of his superiors in the tried to be of help and even though Syrian Ministry of Agriculture, he I failed he was grateful. The Com¬ had decided to purchase some munists work by agitation, which is poultry feed from an American not possible for us, but we can company. He did this, he told me, display interest and sympathy and not because he was pro-American sometimes sympathy is enough. but simply in the belief that the These are but two of many ex¬ American feed was superior in amples of local problems encoun¬ quality to anything produced local¬ tered by me and my staff, in all of ly. He had “gone out on a limb” by which we tried to be of as much paying a far higher price than was help as possible. Unimportant, per¬ normal. haps in the large order of things, Unfortunately, the feed had ar¬ but extremely important to the in- rived partially water-damaged in shipment and he took me to the warehouse to show me the damage. He said he would like to communi¬ cate with the American company, but he feared to do so through the Ministry of Agriculture which might well take the occasion to dividuals concerned. Fortunately, be alert to opportunities to exploit often the easiest target for Congres¬ our office was not overburdened local problems to our advantage. sional cuts in appropriations and with paper work so that we could The important thing is the dis¬ we were thus severely limited in do a good deal of traveling and covery of what the primary inter¬ what we could do. But it should be engage in more “good-will” activi¬ ests of the local people are. One stressed that the limitations came ties than might normally be the case. cannot know this a priori. One may from the US side; not from the There is another point to be make assumptions about some of Syrian side. made here. In the national capital the things that might be of interest It would appear self-evident, es¬ at Damascus, the focus of attention to the local people but one can only pecially in this day and age when was the Arab-Israel question. find out what actually is of major universities all over the world are Thus, it had always been assumed interest by circulating among them looming large on the political hori¬ that the principal thrust of our in¬ and finding out directly. Once the zon, that we ought to have a first- formation program must be to ex¬ primary interests have been discov¬ rate cultural program, strongly led plain United States policy on the ered, more than half of the battle and adequately financed. There are Arab-Israel question and on related has been won, for it usually takes rich dividends in doing this, both questions of high Near Eastern pol¬ just a little imagination to find ways short-term and long-term. Short¬ itics. However, since US policy on to relate to the problem in some term, in that promoting cultural and most of these questions was anathe¬ constructive way. Moreover, as I educational exchange creates a net¬ ma to the Syrian-Arab people, in¬ have said above, sometimes mere work of American-oriented officials formation activities directed to this sympathy is enough. with whom we can communicate end were bankrupt from the start. I have often wished that in effectively. This is not to say that But in the provinces, whenever I our overseas Embassies there could these officials are going to be “pat¬ was able to set aside the Arab- be one or two officers of outstand¬ sies” for the United States. Often Israel problem and focus instead on ing personality and resourcefulness the contrary is the case. However, local problems and issues (as I who would have no substantial they do, for the most part, under¬ invariably tried to do), the strain desk responsibilities whatever, but stand us and the possibility of rela¬ and tension almost immediately who could merely “float” about in tionships going astray through mis¬ evaporated and the Syrians perked the countryside talking to people, conception and misunderstanding up their ears with interest. The discerning problems and endeavor¬ are thereby significantly reduced. poultry farm manager had a ing to portray a helpful American In the long term, the cultural peripheral interest in the Arab- attitude toward them. I am not exchange program is effective for Israel question, but he had a major talking here about large doses of the contribution it can make to the interest in the operations of the United States Government aid; I modernization process in the un¬ poultry farm. The Idlib farmer felt am talking about adequate doses of derdeveloped countries concerned, a vicarious relationship to the Arab US interest and sympathy. With a process which we have come to cause but he had a direct relation¬ due regard to the demands of high understand as essential to the ship in the success of his Idlib politics, we should not overlook the maintenance of stability and inde¬ farm. In both cases I was success¬ importance of the seemingly minor pendence. ful because I could relate to the local problems as a means of “get¬ It may be argued by some that major interest while setting aside ting through” effectively to the peo¬ promoting inter-personal relation¬ the secondary interest. ple. ships on the level I have described I do not claim that what I have I also feel that we do far too is fine, but what about its impact on said above is particularly novel. little to exploit our tremendous cul¬ national policies? In fact, despite Any FSO who is worth his salt tries tural leverage overseas. Even years of hard work on the part of to engender goodwill wherever he though the Syrian Government was the staff in Syria, we could not goes. The military have done much thoroughly hostile to us, I always prevent the severance of official of this in their civic action pro¬ had students hanging on my coat¬ relations during the Arab-Israeli grams. AID could point to many tails trying to find out how they War, nor has it been possible to instances of the goodwill engen¬ could get an American education or restore relations since the war. dered by their personnel, as could at least an American-type educa¬ The answer is that despite the the Peace Corps whose principal tion. Moreover, the faculty of the rupture we still retain a large meas¬ business is to be helpful at the local Aleppo University were prepared ure of friendship and good-will level. However, neither the military even to defy the anti-American pol¬ among the people we were able to services nor the Peace Corps can icy of their own government, in know, and this is directly due to be operative everywhere, whereas order to establish closer rapport assiduous interpersonal activity. To Embassy and AID officers are fre¬ with American educational institu¬ the extent these personal relations quently too preoccupied with their tions and facilities. The programs exist, the more quickly could we activities at the national level—the of the Aleppo University in both expect to rebound from the 1967 “milk run to the Foreign Office” as engineering and agriculture were disaster. In any case, in a hostile we used to call it—to devote much American-oriented. There was not political atmosphere, interpersonal of their attention to provincial and a single Soviet Bloc instructor at the and cultural activities may be the rural problems. Nor, as has been University, despite the pro-Soviet only acceptable means of maintain¬ said, do we have an “American policy of the government. Unfortu¬ ing any relationship at all and thus Party” established at local levels to nately, the cultural program was should be developed to the fullest. ■

52 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 From diplomacy to teaching college students is a long step in a long career but Ambassador Beaulac enjoyed taking it

l HAVE completed one of the most WILLARD L. BEAULAC in foreign policy matters. Those interesting three year periods of my Ambassador Beaulac is a retired were important objectives not only life. For a person who spent 40 Foreign Service officer who has of educators but also of the Depart¬ years in the Foreign Service before served as A mbassador to Paraguay, ment of State which requires a cer¬ Colombia, Cuba, Chile and Argen¬ tain level of interest and understand¬ retiring in 1962 that is quite a state¬ tina. He is the author of "Career ment! Nevertheless it is true. Ambassador” and “Career Diplo¬ ing by citizens if it is to operate I came to Southern Illinois Uni¬ mat.” Southern Illinois University effectively. The course offered the versity in January, 1967, for a six Press published his book, ‘‘A Dip¬ added advantage that it compelled months tour as Diplomat-in- lomat Looks at Aid to Latin Amer¬ me to do a good deal of studying in ica” this spring. Ambassador order to broaden my own back¬ Residence and Visiting Professor in Beaulac is now serving as Visiting the Department of Government. As Professor at Ball State University. ground which has been principally six months grew to three years the in Latin American and Spanish fascination of the job also grew, duties but should be left free to affairs. and it seemed to me that quite give public lectures and to consult I have taught “Introduction to logically my usefulness to SIU grew with professors and students con¬ American Foreign Policy” to some as well. cerning international relations and seven hundred students. Only a My invitation from SIU came the Foreign Service. However it handful have flunked. A majority out of the blue. Webster Ballance, was finally decided that since I was have shown moderate to consider¬ a retired Foreign Service officer, to receive the salary of a full pro¬ able interest in the subject. A few, was already employed at the Uni¬ fessor, administrators and trustees fifteen per cent perhaps, have been versity as an administrator. One would feel better about the experi¬ enthusiastic and even brilliant stu¬ day, almost casually, he wrote a ment if I should also teach a dents. memorandum suggesting that SIU course. That was a happy decision In addition to “Introduction to engage the services of a diplomat- from my viewpoint because I have American Foreign Policy” I have in-residence. His memorandum was derived greatest satisfaction from given, at various times, “Organiza¬ circulated to the various university teaching and, I believe, made my tion and Administration of Ameri¬ departments. Dr. Orville Alexand¬ greatest contribution as a teacher. can Foreign Policy” and “Introduc¬ er, Chairman of the Department of I was given a wide choice of tion to Latin American Govern¬ Government, told me later that courses at both the undergraduate ment and Politics.” I have guest- when he read it his first thought and graduate level. Some persons lectured in other courses in Gov¬ was, “Why didn’t 1 think of that thought I should offer “Problems ernment and in History and Jour¬ myself?” He recommended that of American Foreign Policy” and I nalism. I also have given some ten SIU engage its first diplomat-in¬ should be left free to select the or twelve public lectures on a vari¬ residence. problem or problems I would con¬ ety of subjects as well as a series of Universities give importance to centrate on. Instead, with the five public lectures on aid to Latin publication, and of course publica¬ Chairman’s hearty approval, I America which I have since con¬ tion makes people known. I had chose “Introduction to American verted into a book. SIU Press pub¬ published two books, both of which Foreign Policy,” a General Studies lished it this spring. were known to SIU faculty mem¬ course for undergraduates. The I had been on the lecture circuit bers in Government and History, course offered several advantages. for three years before coming to and I was therefore a logical person Classes were large. Therefore the SIU and I was therefore quite ac¬ for them to think of. The thought course was capable of arousing a customed to lecturing. Nevertheless was soon translated into action and continuing interest in international I approached university teaching I became SIU’s first diplomat-in- relations on the part of a corre¬ with some trepidation. My lectures residence. spondingly large number of stu¬ had been based solidly on my own What does a diplomat-in¬ dents. Also it gave students a more experience. But university profes¬ residence do? It was suggested at sophisticated background for un¬ sors are concerned with “the litera¬ first that I should have no fixed derstanding and forming judgments ture” of international relations, and

FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL. June, 1970 53 there was a great amount of litera¬ tie of “the literature” or of the The idea of using the experience ture that I was not familiar with. A “jargon” of political science. I and talents of retired Foreign Serv¬ person who, during most of his life, probably was a little fearful of re¬ ice officers at universities has has spent ten to twelve hours a day vealing a degree of ignorance con¬ caught on rapidly. The reaction of in the conduct of international rela¬ cerning a subject I was teaching. many university administrators and tions has not had much time to There was a corresponding department heads has been, as it read what people have been writing timidity on the part of some faculty was at SIU, “Why didn’t I think of on the subject. Not as much as he members toward me. Those who that myself?” or “Why didn’t I would like at least. had been out -in the world a good think of that earlier?” The State This relative unfamiliarity with deal, who had served our govern¬ Department’s External Placement “the literature” turned out not to be ment in Washington or abroad, or Division has a list of some eighty a major impediment however. With who had taught abroad, were out¬ retired officers it has helped to much more time for reading than I going and immediately friendly. place in universities. But many had ever had before I found that I They were as easy to know and be officers who have gone out to uni¬ could overcome it, at least in part. I with as Foreign Service officers versities are not on the list. Such found also that students were much were. Others were not so outgoing. names as Kennan and Kohler are more interested in what 1 had done I suspect that some had the same not there, nor are the names of and observed than in what I had feeling of inadequacy concerning scores of others who have made read and that recounting and inter¬ the real international world -that I arrangements with universities in¬ preting one authentic experience had concerning “the literature,” a dependently of the State Depart¬ might convey more to them than a natural fear of saying things that ment. dozen pages of text could. might sound naive to a person who Not all Foreign Service officers Students never ceased to be fas¬ had inhabited that world and who have gone into academic life cinated with the discovery that per¬ worked in it as I had. (or in some cases returned to it) sons whom they had read about Acquaintance soon dissipated have become diplomats-in-resi- with only moderate interest—re¬ those hesitancies however. I discov¬ dence. Indeed the largest group mote figures in history to them— ered that “the literature” of inter¬ have gone out as professors or visit¬ were real flesh and blood people, national relations was so vast and ing professors. And, as in my case, with their own human characteris¬ was growing so rapidly that none of some diplomats-in-residence have tics, their own idiosyncracies, many my colleagues could keep up with served also as visiting professors. of them friends of mine. Charles it. They, in turn, discovered -that Some Foreign Service officers have Evans Hughes and Cordell Hull while my experience was direct and gone into research. Some have be¬ became more than names to them, in some respects impressive it also come deans, heads of departments, as did such recent figures as Harry was limited and that they knew and directors of area institutes. Truman, Dean Acheson, and John many things about international So far as I can ascertain univer¬ Foster Dulles. relations that I had never had time sities -that have had experience with A diplomat-in-residence could or opportunity to learn. When we all these persons are uniformly make people come alive. I had had all reached that point we had pleased with the results. I believe dined with Kosygin, lunched with no trouble communicating with we can look forward to the day, Willy Brandt. I knew Franco, had each other and helping each other. not far distant, when universities talked to Indonesia’s Sukarno and We no longer had any fear of re¬ will be asking for more experienced Korea’s General Park. I had been vealing inadequacies that all of us Foreign Service officers than the host to President Eisenhower and knew we possessed. State Department will be able to Vice President Nixon. I was inti¬ After I left SIU at the end of supply. mate with presidents in Latin the summer quarter I was fol¬ The number of persons involved America because I had literally lowed by another Foreign Service in the best of circumstances will not grown up with some of -them. I had officer who was in the process of be large, -of course. Even if all known democratically elected pres¬ retiring. I helped select him. His Foreign Service officers went out to idents who became dictators and background of experience is differ¬ universities following retirement dictators who were democratically ent from mine. It has been princi¬ they would constitute only a tiny minded. I could communicate the pally in Germany and Eastern Eu¬ percentage of persons teaching in flavor of living abroad and conduct¬ rope. When he has been here a few the international relations field. In ing our nation’s business abroad. years SIU plans to engage another practice only a limited number will Any Foreign Service officer with retired Forign Service officer with decide to enter teaching. However long experience can do that. It still a different background. In this the factor, experience, which they helps to convert what can be a dry manner students and faculty, over will be able to contribute will help subject into something living, rele¬ a period of time, will have opportu¬ measurably to improve the quality vant, and familiar. nities to capitalize on the experi¬ of teaching. And since teaching, I quickly got used to students ence of Foreign Service officers in like diplomacy, -is essentially com¬ and felt a bond of common interest various parts of the world and in munication, it will provide a re¬ with them. With faculty members, various substantive fields—the po¬ markably familiar as well as a sat¬ particularly in Government, it took litical and economic fields, for ex¬ isfying second career for those a little longer. With them I was ample, intelligence, disarmament, -officers -who may decide to take it conscious that I knew relatively lit- and multilateral diplomacy. up. ■

54 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1910 something once in a while, even A Slice of History though one is too poor to spend THE GREAT WEAPONS HERESY, by Thom¬ much. At first Thomsen is disgusted as W. Wilson, Jr. Houghton Mifflin, by the drinking bouts on Saturday $5.95. night, and finds it hard to enter into the spirit of the occasional fiesta POR those who have followed, even which frequently ends up in drunken since his death, the J. Robert Oppen- brawls pitting friend against friend. heimer story, this is presumably re¬ But he soon understands the villagers’ quired reading. Whether one agrees or urge to gain some occasional respite disagrees with the security-risk from grinding poverty. In one episode findings against this outstanding the spirit of exhilaration aroused by American intellectual, here is how, the match of La Cooperativa Futbol and to a large extent, why, it hap¬ de Rio Verde with a rival team is pened. FSO Wilson has put together The Meaning of Poverty painted in gay colors by the author, principally from records and tran¬ LIVING POOR, A Peace Corps Chronicle, only to be tinged with ironic despair scripts, an account of the event of the by Moritz Thomsen. University of Wash¬ as the soccer match disintegrates into late ’30s and on into the ’50s which ington Press, $6.95. a free-for-all, but what a glorious brought the United States to the scien¬ memory for the villagers! And that is tific-military posture it now “enjoys,” L IVING POOR is the story of a Peace what counted. if that’s the word. Through it all plods Corps Volunteer’s failures, but as a The author clearly questions the the inexorable figure of J. Robert compelling portrait of poverty it is a worth of “success” to those few peo¬ Oppenheimer, in all his charisma, great success. Moritz Thomsen spent ple who prosper by following him in suffering the psychic shock, as Wilson three years in Rio Verde, Ecuador, his projects. The three people to has it, of his transformation from and he takes you right there with him. whom the book is dedicated have theoretician to “manager,” at the You feel personally involved as he clearly raised themselves above their Manhattan Project. Oppenheimer’s tries to convince villagers to make fellows by the time the author leaves, imaginative grasp of the powers which investments in proper coops and feed but at a cost of broken friendships, move the universe, and of how they for the chickens he brings to the vil¬ general alienation, and personal rival¬ could, if they should, be harnessed to lage, knowing that the money involved ries so strong that the village cooper¬ man’s will, qualifies his mind as one of constitutes most of their savings. You ative has been torn apart until only America’s most outstanding, in his suffer with him as the garden plots he these three members remain. They own field as well as in others. But it planted are washed out by floods, and must have asked themselves if it was appears also from Wilson’s story that the corn crop, planted in jungle land worth the effort. One wonders what Oppy’s was a mind vulnerable to being laboriously cleared by the village co¬ has happened to them since. victimized by the forces of the society operative he helped establish, is eaten In this struggle to make a living the in which it flourished. This is not a by worms despite copious doses of subsistence economy is a far harsher unique experience; only the very insecticide. tyrant than any government official purest of the pure scientists, who have Author Thomsen writes in a could ever be. Author Thomsen de¬ rejected any opportunity even to serve straightforward, even humble style. tails his struggles to keep on working their country in a political/manage¬ He turns his analytical eye on himself in the jungle clearing project, such as ment atmosphere, have avoided such and the Peace Corps almost as often how much work he can do on the fuel schizophrenia. as he does on the villagers. He does value of three or four bananas. And “Heresy” will spellbind only the not preach, and he brings you gradu¬ he explains that his diet was far richer most avid analysts of the great debate ally into the local scene before he than those of the men working with between science and society . . . the starts making any judgments about him. Is it any wonder that farmers in body politic. Wilson has written a their ways. I think the best passage in subsistence economies are frequently one-slice-of-history book with a point the entire book is this wondrously seen chatting and resting? in Oppenheimer’s favor, but he has perceptive and sympathetic descrip¬ Since most of the world does live in sacrificed style to his argument and in tion of the poverty: poverty, it seems ironic that we need a the pedantic process of tracing a be¬ Living poor is like being sen¬ book to tell us what it is like to live ginning, a middle, and an end of the tenced to exist in a stormy sea in that way, but surely we do. This book story, he has raised questions which a a battered canoe, requiring all should be read by everyone who plans more complete, many-faceted history your strength to keep afloat; there to work in an underdeveloped coun¬ of the science-society debate, includ¬ is never any question of reaching try, because it puts across with star¬ ing the Oppenheimer case, would a destination. True poverty is a tling clarity the human side of poverty doubtless have answered. There is, for state of perpetual crisis, and one economics. instance, frequent reference to the wave just a little bigger or com¬ At the end of the book the reader Haakon Chevalier critique of Oppen¬ ing from an unexpected direction wonders whether Rio Verde felt any heimer’s attitudes and activities, with¬ can and usually does wreck lasting benefit from the stay of PCV out explanation, on the assumption things. Some benevolent igno¬ Thomsen. Perhaps Rio Verde is best that Wilson’s readers have kept up rance denies a poor man the left alone unless it can be caught up in with all the documentation available ability to see the squalid sequence a comprehensive and well-financed de¬ and all the books extruded therefrom. of his life, except very rarely; he velopment program which can register It’s hard to imagine who might be so views it rather as a disconnected permanent gains. But would a remote involved, at this late date, as to want string of unfortunate sadnesses. village ever merit such attention from to add to his collection this and other Never having paddled in a calm planners? Perhaps it is still better to books in the same vein which even sea, he is unable to imagine one. light three small candles than to curse today continue to roll from the pub¬ In this kind of life one can under¬ the darkness. lishers’ presses. stand the desperate need to celebrate —A. M. BOLSTER —JOHN M. ANSPACHER

FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 55 The Spirit of Geneva • The delegates from the United probe more deeply into the questions States and South Vietnam did not of perception and cognition than Col¬ GENEVA 1954. The Settlement of the “associate” their governments with onel Rosser’s generalized study can Indochinese War, by Robert F. Randle. Princeton University Press, $17.50. the terms of the final declaration. hope to do. Although the Zimmerman • Only four of the nine powers gave volume is not labeled as such, it has their unreserved assent to the terms many of the earmarks of the Ph.D. A DECADE of bitter conflict in Viet¬ of the final declaration. dissertation, and presumably is the nam together with new trials and • The necessity for new accords in lineal descendent of such an effort. threats of disaster in Cambodia and Laos in ’62 together with the re¬ The work abounds with footnotes and Laos produce an oft-heard and plain¬ sumption of “the Second War in the author’s intention seems to be self¬ tive cry from harrassed western diplo¬ Vietnam” in the ’60s were the in¬ consciously directed at reassuring his mats for “a return to the spirit of evitable consequences of imprecise Geneva.” The phrase instantly con¬ examiners that he has read all of the and inadequate Accords in ’54. available literature on the subject jures up soothing visions of weary, Professor Randle’s work represents patient diplomats, from East and rather than communicating any con¬ a significant contribution to our un¬ clusions he may have arrived at as a West, working together in a spirit of derstanding of one of the major in¬ compromise, to end the nightmare of result of perusing his very impressive ternational agreements of recent times. list of American and Soviet sources. violence and discord that has become While the style is dull, pedagogic and the normal state of existence on the There is also a studied effort to per¬ monotonously repetitive it is also a form a kind of cross-cultural synthesis Southeast Asian peninsula. What was well-documented and justifiable cri¬ the true “spirit of Geneva”? How between the academic fields of inter¬ tique of the shortcomings of the Ac¬ national relations theory and Soviet much "accord” was there in the Ac¬ cords. cords? foreign policy. Professor Zimmer¬ —JAMES D. MCHALE Columbia University’s Professor man’s book does, however, draw some Robert F. Randle has, in his own persuasive conclusions about the words, “tried to tell as complete a changing role of ideology in the form¬ More Sources On Soviet Conduct story of the Geneva Conference of ulation of Soviet foreign policy as 1954 as available documents permit.” AN INTRODUCTION TO SOVIET FOREIGN well as about the limited convergence Nine delegations representing South POLICY, by Richard F. Rosser. Prentice- of views which has been taking place Vietnam, North Vietnam, Laos, Cam¬ Hall, Inc. between the academic communities in bodia, France, the United States, SOVIET PERSPECTIVES ON INTERNATIONAL the US and the USSR on the nature Mainland China, the USSR and Great RELATIONS, 1956-67, by William Zim¬ of international politics. Britain met in Geneva in April 1954. merman. Princeton University Press, —EDWARD L. KILLHAM The USSR and Britain acted as co- $9.50. chairmen. Three months of intense The New Radicalism negotiations and hard bargaining by PROFESSOR ZIMMERMAN and Colonel THE LIMITS OF PROTEST, by Peter Buck- the conferees produced six unilateral Rosser have each attempted to add man. Bobhs-Merrill, $5.95. declarations, three cease-fire agree¬ their individual contribution to the ments and a final declaration. It is growing literature on Soviet foreign A young English critic looks at these documents plus the minutes of policy. Both, however, have distinc¬ youthful protest in the West and finds the last plenary session which are tively different audiences in mind and it wanting, mired in vacuous rhetoric commonly referred to as “the Geneva they have accordingly adopted rather and the politics of gesture. Yet Peter Accords.” different approaches to their common Buckman seconds the aims of that Professor Randle has divided his subject. Colonel Rosser, who is also a protest, agrees with its targets and study into three sections. The focus in Professor and head of the Political hopes for its success. To engender that Part I is on the jockeying for position Service Department at the Air Force success, he counsels a new hard- by the Powers before the Conference Academy, is probably the more suc¬ headedness to radicals, a recognition began. In every respect the implica¬ cessful of the two. He has evidently of the limits of protest. tions of Geneva were global. Part II striven to produce a basic text book Buckman’s critique of Western soci¬ is a study of the hard, day-by-day bar¬ for use in college courses on Soviet ety is bedrock New Left. He sketches gaining at the Conference while Part foreign policy and, as his title sug¬ a vision of the “system” comprised of III is a detailed, legal analysis of the gests, does not pretend to bring overly centrist politics and corporate central¬ defects of the Agreements and the sophisticated concepts to bear in his ism, C. Wright Mills’ “power elite” difficulties facing their implementa¬ analysis. His book is, however, objec¬ linked to William G. Domhoff’s tion. tive, dispassionate and well informed American ruling class. A sympathetic Professor Randle leads the reader so that it does the job Colonel Rosser overview of recent protest is offered, to an inescapable conclusion. In the sets for himself with admirable dis¬ particularly the anti-nuclear and civil strictly legal sense there were no Ac¬ patch. He explains the varying inter¬ rights campaigns. Buckman traces cords. Only in the cease-fire agree¬ pretations which have been offered to protest from a vague and vicarious ments and the technical arrangements account for Soviet external political stage attempting suasion to an in¬ for military withdrawal was there activities and, while clearly indicating creased precision on issues in appeals agreement or consensus among the his own preferences, does not fail to to direct action. nine parties. The author presents his give competing interpretations their Wishing the Movement well, Buck- legal brief: due. man sees it too often going astray. • The final declaration was unsigned. Professor Zimmerman’s objective is The new radicalism leaves the majori¬ Can an unsigned treaty create obli¬ at the same time more limited and ty to its preoccupations and provides gations among the states who nego¬ more ambitious. He is concerned pri¬ no pointers to a viable future. He tiated that treaty? marily with Soviet perspectives on in¬ scores the incantation of “the people” • The final declaration was an expres¬ ternational relations rather than the without their involvement. Black mili¬ sion of pious attitudes and not hard full range of Soviet political behavior tants are chastised for being too rigid obligations. abroad and he is thus enabled to towards the white allies they need.

56 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 Mass identification with issues be¬ well informed indeed of the diplomat¬ comes less likely as extreme radical foreign policy and diplomacy will take ic establishment. some doing. It demands a lot of ex¬ positions turn off more of the mass. In addition, some chapters have a perience in the business and one can Buckman has hopes: campus radi¬ patronizing tone, as though Professor be fairly certain it will not be done by cal bases attracting the disgruntled Frankel regarded his bureau as a kind short-termers. This is why the initial teeny-bopper, political awareness aris¬ of classroom of undergraduates who, and continuing education of career ing among ghetto citizens, communes for all their experience, had failed to officers is so important. lasting. The author’s real hopes lie scale his own Socratic heights. His —SMITH SIMPSON with self-supporting bases, “liberated points in these chapters, it seems to areas” offering alternatives to the me, could have been made without present society. The Movement needs this irritating quality. Many of us in Russophobia success in American terms. Without the diplomatic establishment do in¬ RUSSIA: HOPES AND FEARS, by Alexander it, it is seen as degenerating into that deed lack vision. We do indeed tend to Werth. Simon and Schuster, $6.95. one thing that contemporary society operate on pedestrian rather than So¬ cannot abide—a bore. cratic levels but the time for berate- FOR someone in the Soviet field, a One unfortunate aspect of this kind ment seems to me past and the time book like this is very scary. It is scary of book is that it tries to pin down the for analysis of why and constructive to see someone who knows Russia so Now Generation. Already beyond the suggestions very much with us. We are well (the author, who died while the ken of “The Limits of Protest” are the engaged in a serious effort to redeem book was being printed, was born in anarchist acts of the radical fringe, ourselves and we need not so much Russia in 1901, left for England in the continued fragmenting of the New flailings to get on with the redemptive 1922, spent the war years in the Left, the wider schisms between black process as suggestions of what it USSR and was close friends with and white radicals—none of this sug¬ should produce, how to get it vigor¬ some of the best-known Soviet intel¬ gesting the directions Mr. Buckman ously going and how to make it self- lectuals) make his judgments not on would like to see. A revolution by renewing. any facts but on his feelings about the increments would appear to be upon This being said, I must add that country. In this respect he is part of hard times. Chapter 3 (“Plans and Prejudices”) is the grand old tradition of Russophilia —MICHAEL CANNING well worth reading. From it comes a (Sir Bernard Pares is the best-known major and valid point—that we of the example) which let love of the Rus¬ Philosopher in the State Department diplomatic establishment are conduc¬ sian people form understanding of the ting foreign affairs alongside what Soviet regime. Alas, the parallel grand HIGH ON FOGGY BOTTOM, by Charles Voltaire called an intellectual or cul¬ old tradition, of Russophobia, or Sovi- blanket. Harper & Row, $6.95. tural “republic” as well as within a etophobia, or anti-Communism in its civilization “whose intellectual and ed¬ classic form, also bases itself on an PROFESSOR FRANKEL’S memoir of his ucational leaders, on both sides of two and a half years as Assistant attitude rather than on realistic judg¬ most political boundaries, have come ment. I used to think the press should Secretary of State for Educational to look upon such boundaries as in¬ and Cultural Affairs is as difficult to be excused any tendency to whitewash creasingly artificial and inconvenient.” aspects of Soviet reality because there characterize in a few paragraphs as A government in a free society which was a higher duty to educate Ameri¬ those of other short-termers in the ignores or underrates these two facts can opinion away from unrealistic So- diplomatic establishment. It is a book will “alienate its intellectual and edu¬ of considerable penetration but also of vietophobia. Increasingly, though, I cational leaders” and set back "the feel that the press has a duty just slap-dash generalization, and thus a gradual evolution of an international as does the diplomatic and scholastic book of truth and half-truth, of saber- political community.” Amen to that. like thrusts at the heart of some of establishment—to face the complexi¬ So where do we go from there? How ties of Soviet reality and condemn any our problems and random lopping off do we bring about such a vision in the of conveniently exposed limbs. Like judgment-making (or policy-making) minds of our diplomatic officers? And on the basis of intuitive attitude. It is Professor Galbraith’s “Ambassador’s politically appointed policy makers? scary to me, then, that a book like this Journal,” it is a strange mixture and, One final point should be made in like it too, extraordinarily lean of can still—in 1969—judge Stalin’s la¬ appraising this memoir and the views bor camp system as if the truth were suggestions as to how we get from which it expresses. Considerable au¬ to be found in one’s feelings about here (where they claim we are) to tonomy has been granted the Bureau socialism. Or that the author can write there (where they think we should of Educational and Cultural Affairs be). on page 255 that aside from litera¬ from its beginning. Keeping political ture, “Everything else seems to be Such memoirs therefore strike this considerations to a minimum in this going marvelously well.” I had reviewer as period pieces, belonging to area has been a good thing. One the 1950s rather than to the 1960s, to thought that apologetics of this kind gathers Dr. Frankel approves of it. had been outgrown by now. Still, the world of Stanton Griffis (“Lying But autonomy, as everything, carries a there are some excellent conversations in State”), James S. Childer ("The price, and this he seems to overlook. Nation on the Flying Trapeze”), Earl recorded in the book, including one If the general policy makers in the with Ehrenburg, shortly before his E. T Smith (“The Fourth Floor”) Department and White House leave and “The Ugly American” rather than death, in which Ehrenburg speculated the Bureau largely to its own devices, on the possibility of eventual indepen¬ to our present world. We are now in a it must expect hard going when it period of reform and have been since dence for his native . I cannot wants to enlist their interest in new recommend the book except for these 1963 when William J. Crockett be¬ educational and cultural policies came Deputy Under Secretary for conversational passages, and for the which depart from tradition so greatly startling bit of information (footnote Administration, to be followed by the as to require their approval. “Indiffer¬ Young Turks, Elliot Richardson and page 149) that Kirov’s murder, which ence” to such efforts may be sympto¬ was used to justify the death of multi¬ William B. Macomber. Since 1963 it matic not only of a lack of vision but is the rare critique which can hope to tudes was the deed of a jealous hus¬ of the Bureau’s autonomy. To com¬ band. make sense if the critic is not very bine autonomy with the dynamics of —JACK PERRY

FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL. June, 1970 57 Sino-American Relations putting China’s foreign policy into his¬ torical perspective. His views are lu¬ CHINESE FOREIGN POLICY IN AN AGE OF cidly, cogently expressed and backed TRANSITION, by lshwer C. Ojha. Beacon Press, $5.95. with scholarly citations. Students of Communist China will find his inter¬ pretations stimulating and reasoned; R ECENT US initiatives towards an improvement in relations with Com¬ the casual but informed reader on munist China add timely interest to things Chinese will enjoy his highly readable, thoughtful account of Com¬ this concise study of “Chinese Foreign Policy in an Age of Transition” by a munist Chinese attitudes and policies. Boston University professor of gov¬ —ROBERT W. RINDEN ernment. In discussing Sino-American mis¬ Libya in the Modern World perceptions, he notes that most an¬ LIBYA, by John Wright. Praeger, $7.50. alysts of relations between the two countries see Taiwan as the chief ob¬ I N view of the rapidly growing impor¬ stacle to rapprochement. Taiwan is tance of contemporary Libya as a not primarily a territorial problem but burgeoning oil exporter and an actor a political, symbolic one. It signifies to in the arena of Arab politics, the Peking’s leaders the survival of a rival If government and a challenge to the timely publication of this book is a legitimacy of their rule of mainland welcome addition to the Praeger “Na¬ China. “The only solution, therefore, tions of the Modern World Series.” John Wright, a British journalist and “was little understood in is either to return Taiwan to China, civil servant, has skillfully woven a Libya in 1943” and that it was “trans¬ which would be impossible under the highly readable descriptive-historical planted from Egypt, Syria and Le¬ present balance of world power, or banon.” Such statements do injustice slowly to strip Taiwan of its status as account of Libya which effectively fills a void in the literature on North to the effect of Omar Mukhtar and an alternative symbol of legitimacy.” other Libyans on the evolution of both Our involvement in Vietnam has Africa. Until it is complemented by more serious scholarship, this book is Libyan and Arab nationalism. It is profoundly influenced our relations equally misleading to suggest that “for with China and Chinese perceptions of therefore likely to serve as a basic reference. In the short space of 280 most of their history Tripolitania, America’s role in Asia. Soviet com¬ Cyrenaica, and Fezzan had been ruled mentators have accused Peking of bel¬ pages the author covers the full span of Libyan history from pre-historic separately.” Wright to the contrary, licosity in words but passivity in these three territories were ruled in deeds—a charge privately echoed by times to early 1969. The reader interested in Libyan his¬ common for four centuries prior to Communist parties in other lands. Libyan independence with the brief “For China to respond to American tory from a purely Libyan perspec¬ tive, however, will find the book less exception of the period 1943 to 1951. overtures while the Vietnam War con¬ —FRANK RALPH GOLINO tinues to rage would only corroborate than satisfying. Fully one quarter of the text is devoted, for example, to this charge.” Youth on the Rampage Because of China’s drive to gain the motives and dynamics of Italian colonization. In this respect Wright’s THE STUDENT REVOLUTION: A Global world status commensurate with her Confrontation, by Joseph A. Califano, current and potential power, the for¬ book might be compared to Robert L. Jr. Norton. midable American presence in Asia Hess’s “Italian Colonialism in Somal¬ and the American bases on China’s ia.” The reader is offered a vivid J OSEPH A. CALIFANO’S essay length periphery tend to induce in her rulers description of the personalities and book is the result of a 1969 Ford a mood of claustrophobic anxiety. proclivities of figures such as Balbo, Foundation grant, under which he Yet, despite more than 400 “serious Graziani, Volpi and other Italians, traveled to several countries in Europe, warnings” to the United States and while the Libyan protagonists remain Africa, the Middle East and Asia to two decades of perfervid anti- less clearly delineated. No reference is study the issue of student/youth un¬ Americanism, the leadership of the made to Arabic sources such as the rest. The book purports to be a sum¬ Maoist regime has been cautious to works of Ali Mustafa Misurati, a con¬ mary of the situation in the several avoid direct Sino-American hostilities. temporary Libyan writer and historian countries visited, a comparison of Its prudence may be attributed largely who has published more than 30 vol¬ similar threads found there, and his to its appraisal of American military umes relating to Libyan history based views on the significance these have capabilities and to its fear of US on his research in Libyan archives and for the United States. readiness—with slight pretext—to de¬ the first hand accounts of Libyan na¬ Since the literature on the subject stroy Chinese nuclear installations. tionalists. Similarly no reference is of youth activism is large and In the past two decades vehement made to Tahir Zawi’s Jihad al-Abtal growing, presumably the purpose of anti-American attacks have served to fii Tarablus al-Gharb. which describes Mr. Califano’s grant was to contribute maintain internal unity and patriotic the Tripolitanian resistance to Italian something new to the field. Unfortu¬ fervor in mainland China. Between its occupation. These and other Libyan nately, this is not the case. Most re¬ many ideological campaigns, the sources should be assessed if a more cent writings in the student/youth Maoists have found anti-Americanism accurate and complete picture of the field cover certain countries or areas; convenient “filler.” A certain degree historic evolution of contemporary Li¬ rarely of late has the specific theme of of tension in Sino-American relations bya is to be reflected. cross regional comparison been under¬ seems useful to Peking. While this imbalance does not de¬ taken. It is precisely here that Mr. In addition to his analysis of Sino- tract from the basic accuracy of Califano could have made his con¬ American relations, the author consid¬ Wright’s narrative, it does on occasion tribution. Perhaps the limits of time ers China’s policies vis-a-vis the Soviet lead to somewhat misleading conclu¬ and funds excuse the small sampling Union and the Third World, as well as sions. He states, for example, that of countries visited, but certainly the

58 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 extensive reading and study he claims ernment positions and told her to to have undertaken in the United corral Esther Peterson at the Depart¬ States after his return should have ment of Labor and appear with her at THE resulted in something more profound a Cabinet meeting the next morning and less duplicative of that already in with facts and figures to prove there print. were many women able to handle high NUCLEAR The impression one gets in that the executive positions. trip was all too “impressionistic”—and For all those wanting a fill-in on the YEARS that Mr. Califano observed little and Johnson years at 1600 Pennsylvania talked and studied even less. Perhaps Avenue, “Ruffles and Flourishes” The Arms Race the terms of the Ford grant required makes good reading. and Arms Control, him to turn in a written report. The —ALVADEE ADAMS range and importance of his experi¬ 1945-70 Intelligence in Israel ence forces one to conclude that he is Chalmers M. Roberts capable of far better work than shown THE SILENT WARRIORS, by Joshua Tad- mor, ed. and trans. by Raphael Rothstein. in “The Student Revolution.” The Macmillan, $5.95. The diplomatic reporter for The book seems to be the equivalent Washington Post, who has cov¬ of a mediocre semester paper handed "I" HIS monograph on selected aspects ered most of the events and in by a bright graduate student to get of Israeli espionage since World War negotiations of the nuclear quar¬ his courtesy passing mark from an II is primarily valuable as a contribu¬ ter-century, has written a lively understanding but disappointed profes¬ tion to the non-fiction literature on the account of the development of sor. The meaningful task of compari¬ role and significance of national clan¬ the arms race and efforts to son still remains to be done. destine intelligence. It also provides control it. Mr. Roberts traces —PETER P. CECERE some specialized insights into the his¬ American and Soviet activities tory of the virulent Arab-Jewish na¬ in the nuclear arena from 1945, No Potted Palms tionalistic conflict in the Middle East RUFFLES AND FLOURISHES, by Liz Car¬ when the atom bomb was penter. Doubleday, $6.95. during the same period. A former dropped on Hiroshima, to the Haganah intelligence officer, the au¬ preliminary Moscow-Washing- Liz CARPENTER is described on the thor uses the “case method” of organi¬ ton SALT talks last fall. Five dust jacket of her new book, “Ruffles zation to describe Israeli successes in trenchant cartoons by Herblock and Flourishes,” as a simple girl who clandestine operations and counteres¬ illustrate the text. $6.95 found adventure in the White House. pionage. By far the outstanding exam¬ If Liz arrived in Washington simple, ple is the chapter on Eli Cohen (alias she learned fast. By the time she was Kamal Amin Tabas), the Israeli oper¬ Praeger Publishers appointed by her good friend Lady¬ ative in Damascus in the early 1960s 111 Fourth Ave/New York 10003 bird Johnson to be press secretary and whose exploits won for him the status head of her staff, she was a sophisti¬ of national martyr-hero. Regrettably, cated Washington journalist who was the story of Adolf Eichmann’s capture rated by her colleagues, including the in Argentina is omitted, probably for AUTHORIZED EXPORTER males, as one of the brightest political security reasons. The American wits in the nation’s capital. So this academicians and journalists who take GENERAL ^ ELECTRIC biography of her Washington days, a doctrinaire, jaundiced view of -U.S.A- and particularly those she served in American national intelligence as the the White House, is more than a “invisible government” or all powerful Cinderella story. It is a lively, humor¬ monster threatening American free¬ Refrigerators • Freezers • Ranges ous account of what it’s like to run a doms might benefit from the final press office for the nation’s First chapter. It deals briefly with Israel’s Washers • Dryers • Air Conditioners Family, which could, and did, include national intelligence system and the planning the press coverage of two close security surrounding its directors Dishwashers • Radios • Phonos super weddings as well as the usual and operations. gamut of political tours, speaking en¬ The author’s nationalistic bias is Small Appliances gagements and state dinners. present of course yet admirably re¬ Available for All Electric Currents Through it all Liz handled the strained. The style is lucid and the brief Washington press corps as only a pro¬ background paragraphs on the politi¬ Local Warehousing for Immediate fessional newswoman with long ex¬ cal situation are helpful; but the gen¬ perience in Washington could. Under eral result is somewhat lackluster con¬ Shipment her regime newswomen didn’t hide be¬ sidering the inherently exciting mate¬ hind the potted palms. They donned rials. Obviously writing under restric¬ evening gowns and mingled with the tions, Tadmor should not be criticized guests, and the result was often news for not exposing any new “methodolo¬ General Electronics, Inc. worthy of the front page. gy” or techniques in espionage and Liz, who was already familiar with counterespionage. However, the very SHOWROOM: 4513 Wisconsin Ave., the way LBJ worked because she had survival of Israel against tremendous Washington, D. C. 20016 EMerson 2- served him as an Executive Assistant odds is proof in part that its intelli¬ when he was Vice President, describes gence system is highly proficient in 8300 Lyndon Johnson as “The Long Arm,” implementing the time-honored tech¬ WRITE FOR CATALOG. Our catalog is due to his frequent reaching out when niques. Excepting the one chapter he saw her to do tasks beyond the call mentioned above, the vital details of sent to administrative officers of em¬ of duty as press secretary. Like the this proficiency are not effectively por¬ bassies and consulates throughout time he decided there were not trayed in this book. the world. enough women serving in high gov¬ —FRANK A. KNAPP, JR.

FOREIGN SERVICE .JOURNAL, June, 1970 59 DIPLOMATS from page 14 try, Trade & Commerce. the cost of living, moving, changing “We worry about this,” Sharpe As a union, the diplomats’ group schools etc. compared to those faced admits. “Can our relations with our faces many frustrations. by a home-based civil servant) and seniors withstand the constant buf¬ For one thing, the public reac¬ over incentive payments (to com¬ feting of this adversary arrangement? tion tended to be jocular. pensate for the nomadic life). We represent the interests of our “I’ll tell you this,” Sharpe says In the end, the union refused membership and we have to keep with feeling, “if I read one more Treasury’s proposals for changes at it. There are questions of promo¬ story about the striped pants union, and settled for the old allowances. tion policy, redundancies that really I’m going to be sick.” But they will be high on this year’s upset some of our members. We Perhaps, above all, there was the list for stiff bargaining when the cannot fail to keep pressing.” frustration of the government’s own diplomats want improvement. If they get a full-time director, attitude. The union failed completely to this would ease some of the bur¬ “Before collective bargaining,” get entertainment and representa¬ den, he would be able to be the Marshall explains, “the government tional allowances included in the man to keep annoying the top took a paternalistic attitude towards package, the government insisting brass. its employees—at least in fits and that this remains a management But he may find he has to do starts. Now they say we don’t need prerogative. more than that. to worry about you, you are on They also got an agreement on “Our new recruits are a very your own. They forced us into the working hours—a 37Vi hour week different breed,” Marshall says. adversary system. —and overtime that looks great on “They don’t think the way we do, “We feel we are professionals, paper. they come from the activist atmos¬ but, when we got down to negotiat¬ How long can men such as Mar¬ phere of today’s universities where ing, the Treasury Board treated us shall, Sharpe and Copithorne go on they are used to burning down the just like the postal workers. They talking like that without beginning, dean’s door when they don’t get were afraid to set any precedents even subconsciously, to come to what they want. that might be used by other groups. be thought of as troublemakers by “As they take over, this could It made life very difficult.” their seniors? In theory, of course, become a very much more militant Union and management skir¬ they are doing exactly what Parlia¬ association.” mished over compatibility allow¬ ment ordered them to do, but, in In fact, the foreign service looks ances (the money paid to equalize reality it can be a problem. like never being the same again.

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60 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 SUPERPOWERS from page 44

disbanded by each side is just that and no more, but altered political arrangements are open-ended and the ultimate results are more elusive. Looking to the future, then, I see hope for gradual relaxations of tensions as long as western statesman retain a calm, serene frame of mind, shun “statesman¬ ship” by public pronouncement, and refrain from look¬ ing at detente as a zero-sum game and a cheap way of winning at the expense of the other side. Barring unforeseen circumstances, I foresee the two superpowers reaching agreement on a number of issues peripheral to the European political situation, such as the settlement of non-European crises, and on such things as cultural and technological exchanges. Also, it is quite possible that arms limitation talks will be successful in certain areas. These will be important, but they do not neces¬ sarily presage a general political rapprochement. I do think that certain stabilizing arrangements might be possible in central Europe, both two sided (US and USSR) and four sided (US-NATO and USSR-Warsaw Pact). However, in order to bring these arrangements about I think the US will have to refrain from prodding the west Europeans into greater unity than they desire, so as to avoid triggering that well known Russian paranoia. Moreover, I think we should indicate to the West Germans that something less than complete reu¬ nification with East Germany would be a more desirable goal. Fortunately, the current FRG government seems to be more favorably inclined toward some sort of association, as distinct from complete integration, than any preceding German government. At the same time, we should continue to support NATO for the reasons I enumerated above, realizing that some kind of associa¬ tive arrangement between the Germanies might provide opportunities for expanding the settlement by mutually agreed upon force reductions or redeployments in the two opposing military alliances. I expect to see a continued emphasis on “bridgebuild¬ ing,” but, hopefully, low-keyed and sotto voce. After Czechoslovakia, it might be well for the United States to be the reacting power rather than the initiating power in this area. I think there will continue to be interest in bilateral industrial, technical and cultural arrangements, such as those between Russia and Italy on the produc¬ tion of automobiles and motion pictures. Here again, post-Czechoslovakia, I would expect the satellites to exercise caution and follow the Soviet lead. The pace will be slow, perhaps glacial. It is possible that the pace could be accelerated by a number of factors: one might be a Russian decision to make settlements in the west that would permit it to concen¬ trate more strength and energy on the Chinese problem. Another might be a swing away from the current conservative ascendancy in the Kremlin and a decision to concentrate on Russia’s internal economic and social problems, which might lead it to adopt a more permis¬ sive attitude in its relations with its satellites and with the West. While our planners should be ready for such contingencies, they should realize that peaceful coexist¬ ence as practiced by the Soviet Union demands from us alertness, nerve, aplomb, serenity, and, above all, truly Oriental patience. ■

FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 61 MOVING TO THE TABLE tion to postpone additional actions impending, set off a new round of from page 24 on US offensive systems this year in congessional and public debate on order to advance prospects for suc¬ the Safeguard system, the MIRV - at Malmstrom Air Force Base in cess at SALT.” program, and their relationship to a Montana, and the other at Grand Nixon, in January, repeated the possible strategic arms limitation Forks Air Force Base in North two major reasons he had given the agreement with the Soviet Union. Dakota. The President indicated at previous March for fashioning the The problems ahead in arms his press conference that the first Safeguard system: protection of the control were highlighted on Febru¬ phase was to be enlarged and com¬ American ICBM force from Soviet ary 18 in the President’s report to pleted, and the second phase was to attack and defense of the general Congress on United States foreign be initiated, but he did not disclose population against the possibility of policy for the 1970s. He informed any details. a Chinese attack a decade hence. In the Congress and the nation, “We On February 24, Laird an¬ speaking of China, Nixon said that are now entering an era in which nounced the new program. He within ten years, “It will be very the sophistication and destructive¬ called for congressional authoriza¬ important for the United States to ness of weapons present more for¬ tion of an additional Safeguard site have some kind of defense so that midable and complex issues affecting at Whiteman Air Force Base in nuclear blackmail could not be our strategic posture.” He found Missouri and of advance prepara¬ used against the United States” (or a serious threat to the retaliatory tion work on five more sites, but its Pacific allies). He appeared to capability of the United States in without a commitment for deploy¬ be thinking of the effect his Guam the growing forces of Soviet missiles, ment. The five new sites were to be doctrine—the pulling back of con¬ land- and sea-based, with greater ac¬ located in the northeast, the north¬ ventional American military power curacy and with multiple warheads. west, the Washington, D.C. area, —would have on the balance of pow¬ He suggested three categories of the Michigan-Ohio area, and at er in Asia. Thus he argued that the proposals for the SALT talks that Warren Air Force Base in Wyom¬ Safeguard system would give the would enable the United States to ing. Laird called this “modified United States “a credible foreign respond to a broad range of Soviet phase II” Safeguard program a min¬ policy in the Pacific it otherwise proposals, a limitation on the num¬ imum effort and added that he be¬ would not have.” bers of missiles, limitations on the lieved it to be the only viable course, The Nixon decision, with the capabilities of missiles, and a reduc¬ “given President Nixon’s determina¬ second round of the SALT talks tion in offensive forces. ■ ASSIGNMENT WASHINGTON STIJART & MAURY, Inc. TOWN OR COUNTRY: Top Virginia locations for REALTORS city, suburban or rural properties. “TOWN & COUN¬ TRY” has an excellent selection of available homes in Sales • Rentals • Insurance beautiful Northern Virginia. FHA In-Service, G.I., and Conventional Financing. Six offices to serve you. Specializing in Residential Properties A complete property management and rental service. Northwest Washington • Bethesda, Write for our free brochure .Chevy Chase and Potomac in Maryland TOWN & COUNTRY PROPERTIES, INC. Member: Multiple Listing Service REALTORS 5010 Wisconsin Avenue, N.W. 3807 Mt. Vernon Ave., Alexandria TE 6-8915 4701 Old Dominion Dr., Arlington, Va. 525-6900 Washington, D. C. 20016 4205 Evergreen La., Annandale, Va. CL 6-9100 Telephone: 537-1366 1384 Chain Bridge Road, McLean EL 6-1323 6556 Backlick Road, Springfield 451-0111 Let Vs Know You Sate Our Ad In The Journal 9637 Lee Highway, Fairfax 591-7000

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62 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 ENVIRONMENTAL CHANGE leaven in the Foreign Service since between top appointive officials in from page 27 they would be likely to have per¬ the Department and the dissident spectives varying from those nor¬ elements in the Foreign Service, the ice Association are interested in mally found in the Service. entire situation in the Department opening up the Service by making Some FSOs have misgivings could become malleable. Together greater use of lateral entry. This about the extension of lateral entry they might be able to do that which would have a number of advan¬ on the ground that it will tend to neither could do alone. tages, particularly if it could be cou¬ undermine the concept of a career The external environment in pled with short terms of service. At service. Their instincts are probably which the Department of State must present the Foreign Service does right. The guild-like characteristics operate is going to become more not have enough technical special¬ of the Service would be strained by rather than less demanding with the ists. Given the Service’s predisposi¬ extensive use of lateral entry. If a passage of time. The Department is tion toward the “generalist,” such choice must be made between a charged with conducting the foreign specialists are not likely to be de¬ closed Service, on the one hand, policy of one of the world’s most veloped within the Foreign Service and an open, adaptable Service on powerful nations and the insulation and must therefore be recruited the other, however, there can be no and lack of effectiveness that were from outside. Many of the special¬ doubt where the long-term interests irritating but tolerable in the era ist candidates for appointment of the nation and of the Depart¬ before World War II are too costly might not be interested in giving up ment of State lie. and dangerous to be tolerated any their professional careers in order One of the features of the Young longer. The costs associated with to spend a large part of their lives Turk rebellion that makes it en¬ non-adaptation, errors made, imag¬ abroad but might be interested in couraging is that it has received the ination not exercised, problems not entering the Service for four or five backing of the Secretary of State understood, and opportunities over¬ years. The adoption of a different and of Under Secretary Elliot Rich¬ looked are not borne by the De¬ philosophy with regard to lateral ardson. The Under Secretary has partment alone but by many peo¬ entry would make it easier for the endorsed a number of ideas of the ple, in the United States and else¬ Service to draw on the vast reser¬ American Foreign Service Associa¬ where, whose destinies will be voir of trained men in the middle tion, has instituted some changes shaped to some extent by the suc¬ years of their lives. More impor¬ and is considering others. If a cesses and failures of the Depart¬ tant, these men might be a valuable working alliance can be achieved ment. ■

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64 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 sions of the problem, the liberal Polish if they were still listed. I found 47 author Leopold Tyrmand, who came names were no longer listed. to the United States to settle in 1966, There were enough by-products of scores two points in connection with my simple study to write a doctoral revolution. Writing in the NEW YORK dissertation. For example, consider TIMES, he states, "in our time, revolu¬ that of the 53 officers who survived tion is quite impossible in: a genuinely the 10 years, 2 had become AEPs; 8 democratic country where a majority FSO-ls, and 14 each FSO-2s, 3s, and does not want revolution; a totalitari¬ 4s, while one poor fellow had only an state equipped with all the modern reached FSO-5. devices of control and suppression.” One could also hypothesize about How many nation-states in the world promotion rates from my study. Of today can be so described? the 53 survivors, 22 had been pro¬ Where We Go From Here Few will disagree with President moted only once in the 10 year peri¬ Nixon’s assessment in March of last od, 16 had been promoted twice, 11 year that “as far as commitments are had been promoted three times, and H AVING served in Vietnam from concerned, the United States has a 1963-65, I read with interest Barry four fast rising stars had been pro¬ full plate.” Until such time as the moted four times. Zorthian’s article “Where Do We Go United States decides to drop the I can not forbear to mention one From Here?” in the February issue of plate, the burden of sharing the re¬ the JOURNAL. Of the four major points other conclusion of my study. This is sponsibilities accruing from world that for survival in the Service it is raised, the one concerning itself with leadership remains. communication merits attention. That best that one’s family name begin with Two points are at issue. The first E, H or J. However, this conclusion “the failure to communicate effective¬ arises from our own evolvement as a ly can leave an information vacuum needs further study inasmuch as my nation born of revolution only two random selections carried me only which will inevitably lead to an ero¬ hundred years ago. How do we sion of support” has been proven by through the letter J. present ourselves as a nation and peo¬ I do not pretend to infallibility of hard field experience and has the sup¬ ple to the progressive elements in port in principle of most eminent my methodology or conclusions and many of the developing, emerging would welcome any good-natured or academicians concerned with commu¬ nations in the world today? nications and national development. ill-humored controversy they may Secondly, counterinsurgency as a arouse. Mr. Zorthian’s call for a strategy, national strategy is at best defensive however, should not be limited to and negative by nature, if not para¬ DONALD S. HARRIS Berlin counterinsurgent doctrine as such nor doxical. What strategy is being de¬ set apart in a new organization for use veloped (or can be developed for that Title IX the Key in time of need as the panic button is matter) which is offensive and positive pushed when an allied strategic nation in nature, one that is designed to put 0 ONGRATULATIONS for your Title IX wakes up to face a full-fledged insur¬ the opposition on the defensive and presentation in the March 1970 issue. gency. The establishment of effective place it in the position of having to The several articles by scholars and communications approaches at this counter the inroads of modernization practitioners on non-economic aspects point is a bit tardy and is, as Mr. and national development? of development provide a unique Zorthian points out, harder to estab¬ Is this where we should be going to source of expert analysis on a subject lish and less effective as the struggle from here? of special interest to the foreign affairs continues. And, speaking in the con¬ GEORGE P. HAVENS specialist. I hope that you will experi¬ text of communications, he cites Viet¬ Washington ment further with this format in con¬ nam as a case where “the effort of the sidering equally pertinent topics. United States Government fell short Survival in the Service The articles caused me to reflect on of the needs.” my own experiences as an aid admin¬ Be that as it may, his central ques¬ THE current plethora of studies has istrator and stimulated me to spell out tion is one of the most important to inspired me to make one on a subject why I have come to believe that, for be asked as new overseas communica¬ about which I have occasionally been both conceptual and operational rea¬ tions approaches and policies are curious; namely, the rate of personnel sons, Title IX may be the key to shaped, particularly for the less ad¬ attrition (to coin a phrase) among successful development programing vanced societies. For it is in these Foreign Service officers. From my and implementation. countries that are found most readily study, I have discovered that it is 47 The development effort cannot be the ingredients upon which insurgen¬ per cent over a ten year period, as¬ an inanimate economic or engineering cies feed. suming, of course, the correctness of exercise which is planned in ivory- Insurgencies do not happen over¬ my methodology and the validity of towered isolation. Since development night. Organization for the Vietnam the various factors I fed into it. must be sustained, usually over dec¬ insurgency first began during World Some of your readers may be curi¬ ades if it is to transform the life style War II. The trenches of organized ous to know how I uncovered this and institutions of a nation which is dissent ran silently and dug deep into hitherto unknown figure of 47 per seeking change, a development plan the wellstreams of the population for cent. My method was simplicity itself. must be made realistic and imperative almost two decades. Perhaps we were As tools I used “The Biographic Reg¬ to the people. They must be helped to not fully conscious of the original ister for 1959” and “The Biographic understand that development is no sore, the spreading infection, or in Register for 1969 (July).” During a short-term miracle or wonder drug possession of the know-how to come few pleasant hours of browsing over and that their work, sweat and tears to grips with it. The consequent cost the Easter weekend, I made a random spent in the effort will be rewarded. to the United States in men and mate¬ selection of the names of 100 FSOs Hence, the structuring of incentives rials and national prestige has been appearing in the 1959 Register and must be responsive to people’s needs astronomical. Indicative of the dimen¬ then checked the 1969 Register to see and wants. FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 65 Title IX reminds us that this proc¬ esting issue which stimulated this improved channels of communication ess cannot be ignored or shied away reflection and reaction. with outside fountains of thought— from. It reminds us that the structur¬ IRVING G. TRAGEN academic and other. ing of incentives for private action Washington Receptivity to innovation at each and individual response is as much a command level is a sine qua non. Mr. Verbal Imagination part of development plans as infra¬ Macomber suggests that older officers structure and capital investment sched¬ MY many years in the UK entitle me may be encumbered in their thinking ules. It reminds us that grass-roots to refute the hoary old canard that the because they “know too many reasons institutions to mobilize the energies of British have no sense of humor. A why too many things won’t work.” the people and to extend incentives to recent NEW STATESMAN “Weekend Maybe. But may not this seeming them are as critical as upgrading the Competition” set in answer to a wish intellectual ossification be as much the public administration. And, it reminds for astronauts with “a bit of verbal result of past discouragement from that the dialogue and inter-action be¬ imagination” elicited this entry from past supervisors? For creativity to tween government and people is as Martin Fagg: flourish, each new proposal from the important as that between govern¬ May I primarily place on record how ranks of the Service should be ac¬ ment and foreign adviser. profoundly obligated I am to you, Mr. knowledged and discussed with its au¬ What I believe we can do under President, for temporarily manumitting thor. Meritorious proposals should be Title IX is first to learn to understand me from the onerous discharge of my am¬ rewarded by being given a place in the the political dynamics and sociology bassadorial prerogatives in London—the foreign policy corpus of the nation. seat of that very gracious and lovely per¬ No other encouragement will be of each developing country—each is son, Her Britannic Majesty, the Queen— different from its neighbor, and each needed. so that I may accompany, in person, the With regard to the second area, is in constant change. Hence, Con¬ Apollo Moon Project. I hope to achieve gressman Fraser’s emphasis on research some due measure of reciprocity by the Mr. Macomber has pointed the way into and knowledge of the political elevated propriety of the sentiments I to the solution in the current drive to and social realities should be a critical enunciate. This whole experience has had reduce the quantity of reporting. The element of each external assistance a transcendently prayerful effect on us all over-burdened action officer will wel¬ program. All too often, I have found —I have observed how, during the three come the time this allows to put to¬ myself talking and advising when I days of our encapsulated spatial pilgrim¬ gether his ideas; and he will use it if should have been listening and receiv¬ age, while I have been addressing them, he has confidence that his effort will ing advice. The need to communicate my fellow astronauts have withdrawn into be hospitably received. a state of bemused and, I sincerely trust, In my view, the third area is the with, not talk at, those being advised reverent taciturnity. ... As for the moon is an imperative imposed by Title IX. itself, on whose exterior epidermal sur¬ most important and presents most To learn and to understand the politi¬ face I am promenading at this present difficulties. Creative thinking does not cal process at work and the nature of time—I tell you, Dick, as a piece of real arise spontaneously. It comes as the challenges to it are indispensable estate, I wouldn’t give you a dime for the sparks struck off from contacts with for an effective assistance program. whole goddam joint—that is, I mean to other probing minds. The Foreign And, the acquiring of this knowledge say, Mr. President, that it appears cur¬ Service community is too restricted, is not susceptible to the neat time- rently insusceptible of being advantaged too ingrown, and too narrowly spe¬ phased programing documentation of by the inauguration of those manifold cialized to find within its own ranks most donor organizations, and formu¬ cultural and economic blessings inherent the kind of stimuli it needs for radical¬ lae which try to fit Title IX into in the American way of life. In fact, ly new thinking. We must therefore looking at its potential domicile-wise, it project form and allocate funds for implies possibilities of discomfiture at¬ find ways to widen and deepen chan¬ such projects do not comply with its tendant upon the obvious necessitation nels of communication between the spirit or meet its goals. for some due elements of refurbishing.... Foreign Service and private groups To introduce these Title IX consid¬ FSO-retired interested in foreign affairs. The schol¬ erations into the conceptual and oper¬ La Mesa, California ar-diplomat seminars should be an ational system of foreign assistance, excellent device for this purpose; they let me suggest the need for: For Creativity are, however, still too brief in duration to have full effect. The proposed State (1) special knowledge of each re¬ I N responding to the JOURNAL’S invi¬ cipient country’s sociological, political tation to comment on the issues raised Department Fellows Program should and motivational norms; by Deputy Under Secretary Macom- prove even more effective; and I hope (2) imagination in finding new ap¬ ber in his important January 14 it can soon be realized. The Depart¬ proaches to and mixes of aid activi¬ speech, I would like to draw attention ment’s Diplomat in Residence Pro¬ ties; to the point he made about “creativ¬ gram, now six years old, has been (3) patience while change evolves; ity.” particularly beneficial because of the and Mr. Macomber is, I think, quite opportunities it has provided for deep (4) capacity to innovate and to right in his judgment of the Foreign and continuing contacts in vital aca¬ awaken the will to innovate in nation¬ Service’s poor record in innovative demic centers throughout the country. al co-workers. thinking in recent years. The problem It should be enlarged and a particular effort should be made to extend it to Successful application of Title IX of finding, fostering, and furthering mid-career as well as senior officers. approaches will require full credit to new ideas in foreign policy is a serious and for the host country operators one. If the nation cannot look to its When we speak of creativity in and anonymity for the foreign aid foreign policy brain, the Foreign Serv¬ foreign policy thinking, I am sure we agents. Indeed, it will require even ice, for new foreign policy ideas, do not have in mind tired old propos¬ greater capacity to listen to, under¬ where can it look? als for abrupt changes of direction stand and communicate with the host It seems to me that we should seek which neglect practical considerations country at executive, bureaucratic, bus¬ remedies in three areas: (1) greater and can lead nowhere. New policy iness, farmer, labor and grass-roots receptivity at all command levels of does not come from overlooking levels. the Service, (2) better opportunities facts. Nor, I think, does it come from Again my thanks for a most inter- for thinking and writing, and (3) a simple reshuffling of known facts.

66 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 The AMERICAN FOREIGN SERVICE PROTECTIVE ASSOCIATION WE ARE MOVING

Early in June 1970 the Protective Association will move from 1908 G Street, N.W. where we have been for nearly 20 years to: Suite 1305, 1750 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W., 20006 Telephone: 338-7711 ♦ ♦ ♦ + ♦ ♦

Annual Report for the Insurance Year Ended February 28, 1970

I. Operations As of March 1 1968 1969 1970 Members carrying Group Life 3120 3089 3052 Group Life in Force $60,213,600 $59,578,300 $58,387,250 (exclusive of Reversionary) Enrolled in Foreign Service Benefit Plan 9600 9273 9122 Claims paid during year: Group Life, Number 24 25 22 Amount $371,240 $294,000 $346,000 Family Coverage, Number 10 11 17 Amount $10,000 $16,000 $34,000 Accidental Death, Number 2 4 1 Amount $35,000 $43,750 $27,500 Foreign Service Benefit Plan $1,307,026.91 $1,516,052.49 $1,771,483.33

II. New Benefits Added During Year 1. Although not entirely a new benefit, we have maintained the very large reversionary bonus at 30% for the year March 1, 1970 to February 28, 1971 without an increase in premium. This reversionary does not apply to AD&D, additional insurance or Family Coverage but for this year the basic $17,500 policy will pay benefits at $22,750 and the $5,000, over 65 coverage, at $6,500 (others in proportion). 2. Additional benefits were added to the Foreign Service Benefit Plan, in that maternity will now be paid as an ordinary illness and the baby's charges included, the total benefits for each illness have been raised from $20,000 to $40,000 effective January 1, 1970 and the in-hospital deductible abroad has been eliminated.

The Board of Directors, John H. Burns, President Herbert P. Fales, Vice President William L. Kreig, Secretary-Treasurer Fraser Wilkins, Director John M. Steeves, Director Address applications and inquiries to: The American Foreign Service Protective Association c/o Department of State, Washington, D. C. 2052Q

FOREIGN SfiBYiCS JOURNAL, June, VJJQ 67 We must look to other sources for depth of knowledge and experience non-“scientists” have some difficulty inspiration, and I suggest that there needs to include, as Mr. Macomber understanding must conceal thought are two: (1) modem techniques of made clear, modern methods of man¬ that is bright and helpful. analysis (in political science, econom¬ agement, but it also needs to include a Happily Daniel S. Lev contributed ics, psychology, etc.) which will yield great deal more. reality to the discussion. Why do we new data suggesting new policy direc¬ On the matter of the functional leave him in Berkeley? There would tions and (2) experimentation with specialization career system, I think seem to be a real need for him in the different sets of values which would the Foreign Service might find the State Department. enable us to look at the world from experience of universities over the last WILLARD L. BEAULAC fresh angles and liberate us from fro¬ twenty years with their traditional sys¬ Visiting Professor of zen modes of thought. tem of dividing knowledge into disci¬ Political Science This latter is most important. There plines with corresponding departments Muncie, Ind. are many exceedingly well informed relevant. Increasingly many universi¬ Americans whose outlook on foreign ties have found that their professors A Question of Taste affairs is not ours; their conclusions on and students do better working within vital matters often are very different inter-disciplinary programs such as I r seems to me that Charles Maech- from ours. Perhaps they are not whol¬ American studies. Inter-disciplinary ling's review of Henry Brandon’s Anat¬ ly right; but are they wholly wrong? programs seem particularly appropri¬ omy of Error” (JOURNAL, March They often reach their differing con¬ ate for the continuing education of 1970) raises at least a question of clusions by using new and unconven¬ Foreign Service officers because for¬ editorial taste. The slurs and invective tional starting points of thought. eign affairs are essentially inter-disci¬ that mark Mr. Maechling’s treatment I agree heartily with Mr. Macorn- plinary. I don’t know whether “inter¬ of President Johnson and his principal ber’s setting it up as an important aim functional contact” can be made a foreign-policy colleagues are common to stimulate creative policy thinking. structural element of a new Foreign enough coin in the wrangling over Success will lead not only to better Service, but if the education of For¬ Vietnam. But I wonder if “the journal foreign policy formulation, but to a eign Service officers inclined them to of professionals in foreign affairs” is revivified Foreign Service which will operate that way, it would come down an appropriate forum for this kind of better serve—and represent—the to the same thing. personalized and denigratory argu¬ American people. H. CLAY BLACK mentation. There may well be a con¬ JOSIAH W. BENNETT Minneapolis siderable range of discussion about Diplomat in Residence Vietnam to which your magazine can Manhattan, Kansas On Title IX Issue usefully lend its columns. This profes¬ sional, however, would hope that such aspects as insider views on the charac¬ For Cross-Specialization DEVOTING the March, 1970, issue of the JOURNAL to Title IX of the For¬ ter and competence of the honorable eign Assistance Act was an excellent men who bore the heaviest responsi¬ T HE comments on Deputy Under idea even though the articles were bilities in the last administration could Secretary William B. Macomber’s heavily slanted in the direction of po¬ be left to other publications. speech of January 14, 1970 in the litical pseudo-science, and dedicated HARRY W. SHLAUDEMAN March issue of the JOURNAL struck me to the proposition that language which Santiago as reasonable qualifications on the plan for a more structured framework Life and L^ve in the Foreign Service / Nadler for the Foreign Service. My own ex¬ By s perience leads me to support strongly two of Peter F. Krogh’s points—“that the Department has been relatively oblivious to education” and “that great care will have to be taken to promote inter-functional or cross¬ specialization contact.” If, as Russell O. Prickett suggests, there are too many of us at work on foreign affairs operations, perhaps the Congress could be convinced to allow a larger number of us than at present to go to universities and engage in other educational projects which would better prepare the Foreign Serv¬ ice to provide the country with ideas and leadership in foreign affairs man¬ agement. The fact that in recent years both Republican and Democratic ad¬ ministrations have turned to universi¬ ties for foreign affairs ideas, ap¬ proaches, general expertise and even diplomats suggests that either the For¬ eign Service has not had a sufficiently broad conception of its role or, and probably nearer the truth, it has not “You are entirely correct, Miss Rowndeelz: nothing in the Regulations says you been provided the funds to support cannot date host country nationals. But neither is there anything which says such a conception. Foreign Service Security cannot have an occasional routine chat with you.’’

68 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, June, 1970 Winston

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