The Two-Row Wampum: Has This Metaphor for Co-Existence Run Its Course?
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Proquest Dissertations
Seeking Unanimous Consent Consensus Government in the Northwest Territories By Stephen J. Dunbar, B.A.H. A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Political Science Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario Canada © Stephen J. Dunbar, 2008 Library and Bibliotheque et 1*1 Archives Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-43456-7 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-43456-7 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives and Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par I'lnternet, prefer, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans loan, distribute and sell theses le monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, worldwide, for commercial or non sur support microforme, papier, electronique commercial purposes, in microform, et/ou autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. this thesis. Neither the thesis Ni la these ni des extraits substantiels de nor substantial extracts from it celle-ci ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement may be printed or otherwise reproduits sans son autorisation. -
Patterns of Democracy This Page Intentionally Left Blank PATTERNS of DEMOCRACY
Patterns of Democracy This page intentionally left blank PATTERNS OF DEMOCRACY Government Forms and Performance in Thirty-Six Countries SECOND EDITION AREND LIJPHART First edition 1999. Second edition 2012. Copyright © 1999, 2012 by Arend Lijphart. All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, including illustrations, in any form (beyond that copying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the US Copyright Law and except by reviewers for the public press), without written permission from the publishers. Yale University Press books may be purchased in quantity for educational, business, or promotional use. For information, please e-mail [email protected] (US offi ce) or [email protected] (UK offi ce). Set in Melior type by Integrated Publishing Solutions, Grand Rapids, Michigan. Printed in the United States of America. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Lijphart, Arend. Patterns of democracy : government forms and performance in thirty-six countries / Arend Lijphart. — 2nd ed. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-300-17202-7 (paperbound : alk. paper) 1. Democracy. 2. Comparative government. I. Title. JC421.L542 2012 320.3—dc23 2012000704 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. This paper meets the requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48–1992 (Permanence of Paper). 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 for Gisela and for our grandchildren, Connor, Aidan, Arel, Caio, Senta, and Dorian, in the hope that the twenty-fi rst century—their century—will yet become more -
The Limits of the Parliamentary Critique of the Separation of Powers
William & Mary Law Review Volume 34 (1992-1993) Issue 3 Article 5 March 1993 The Limits of the Parliamentary Critique of the Separation of Powers Thomas O. Sargentich Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Repository Citation Thomas O. Sargentich, The Limits of the Parliamentary Critique of the Separation of Powers, 34 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 679 (1993), https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr/vol34/iss3/5 Copyright c 1993 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr THE LIMITS OF THE PARLIAMENTARY CRITIQUE OF THE SEPARATION OF POWERS THOMAS 0. SARGENTICH* I. INTRODUCTION It is commonly asserted that the United States government is ineffective in addressing major social needs.' Such criticisms have come from widely varying political perspectives and have focused on a host of problems confronting the nation 2-including budget deficits, unemployment, homelessness, unequal access to health care, and many more.3 One prominent critique holds that the government's asserted in- effectiveness derives from its constitutional structure. This cri- tique takes particular aim at the separation of powers between the legislative and executive branches. It contends that the division of * Professor of Law, Washington College of Law, American University. A.B., Harvard Uni- versity; M.Phil., Oxford University; J.D., Harvard Law School. I thank a number of col- leagues for helpful comments and discussions about this Article or topics raised in it, includ- ing Charles Tiefer, Robert Vaughn, Burt Wechsler, Herman Schwartz, Christine DeGregorio, Patricia Sykes, James Thurber, Ira Reed, and Timothy Evanson. -
Presidential Or Parliamentary Democracy: Does It Make a Difference?
PLEASE READ BEFORE PRINTING! PRINTING AND VIEWING ELECTRONIC RESERVES Printing tips: ▪ To reduce printing errors, check the “Print as Image” box, under the “Advanced” printing options. ▪ To print, select the “printer” button on the Acrobat Reader toolbar. DO NOT print using “File>Print…” in the browser menu. ▪ If an article has multiple parts, print out only one part at a time. ▪ If you experience difficulty printing, come to the Reserve desk at the Main or Science Library. Please provide the location, the course and document being accessed, the time, and a description of the problem or error message. ▪ For patrons off campus, please email or call with the information above: Main Library: [email protected] or 706-542-3256 Science Library: [email protected] or 706-542-4535 Viewing tips: ▪ The image may take a moment to load. Please scroll down or use the page down arrow keys to begin viewing this document. ▪ Use the “zoom” function to increase the size and legibility of the document on the screen. The “zoom” function is accessed by selecting the “magnifying glass” button on the Acrobat Reader toolbar. NOTICE CONCERNING COPYRIGHT The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproduction of copyrighted material. Section 107, the “Fair Use” clause of this law, states that under certain conditions one may reproduce copyrighted material for criticism, comment, teaching and classroom use, scholarship, or research without violating the copyright of this material. Such use must be non-commercial in nature and must not impact the market for or value of the copyrighted work. -
Some Thoughts on Consensus Government in Nunavut
Some Thoughts on Consensus Government in Nunavut by Kevin O'Brien, MLA Nunavut is one of two jurisdictions in Canada (the other being the Northwest 2003 CanLIIDocs 240 Territories) where there are no political parties in the legislature. This article argues that consensus government is a northern variation of the standard Westminster model of responsible government. It describes the theory and practice of consensus government in Canada's newest territory. 1\4 any elements of The spending of public money and the raising of pub- consensus government lic revenue through taxation may only be initiated by are the same as in a cabinet ministers; regular members certainly have the legislature with political parties. power to approve or reject such measures when they We have a Premier, cabinet and come before the legislature but bringing them forward private members; three readings remains a cabinet prerogative. Similarly, control and di- for a bill, Hansard, question rection of the permanent bureaucracy rests firmly in cab- period, a politically neutral inet's hands. Speaker, motions of non- Ministers, both as political heads of individual depart- confidence and so on. Moreover, ments and as members of a unified cabinet, are answer- in terms of constitutional able to the legislature for the policies and decisions of fundamentals, we follow the government; this enables the public service to operate in principles of the British a non-partisan fashion whereby bureaucrats answer to parliamentary model of "responsible government". MLAs through their ministers. The government — premier and cabinet — hold and re- People often wonder how we can truly have a parlia- tain power by maintaining the "confidence" of the ment on the British responsible government model with- House, which in practice means winning the votes in out political parties. -
The Future of Consensus Democracy in Central and Eastern Europe
Central European University Compulsory Consensus? The Sources of Elite Political Culture and the Consolidation of Central and East European Democracies By Maximilian Spinner Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment for the degree of PhD Central European University, Department of Political Science Budapest, January 2007 Supervisor András Bozóki (Central European University) PhD Committee Zsolt Enyedi (Central European University) Sorina Soare (Université Libre de Bruxelles) Jürg Steiner (University of North Carolina) Summary: The transitions of 1989/90 in Central and Eastern Europe led to the installation of democratic systems with high numbers of veto players (i.e. democracies close to Arend Lijphart’s concept of consensus democracy). The existing consensus democratic arrangements are the result of contingent dynamics and the political vacuum following the break-down of communism, as well as the product of external conditionalities, with particular regard to EU integration. However, when looking at contemporary Central and East European politics it appears doubtful that a consensus-democratic institutional set- up actually led to accommodative, consensus-oriented political elites boasting a “spirit of accommodation” and showing commitment to consensus democracy. In short, political culture does not seem to have adapted to the institutional context more than 15 years after the transition to democracy and has yet to converge with more stable West European patterns. This leaves some to wonder about the likelihood for the future persistence of these systems (i.e. the consolidation of democracy in the region). The apparent absence of an appropriate political culture stands against the classical approach to political culture by Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba (to which Lijphart also subscribes) which expects political culture, in the form of individual level attitudes, to adapt to institutions over time. -
The Muddle of the 'Westminster Model': a Concept Stretched Beyond Repair
The Muddle of the ‘Westminster Model’: A Concept Stretched beyond Repair Meg Russell¹ and Ruxandra Serban² ¹ University College London ² London School of Economics and Political Science Government and Opposition, Published online July 2020 Abstract The term ‘Westminster model’, widely used in both the academic and practitioner literature, is a familiar one. But detailed examination finds significant confusion about its meaning. This paper follows Giovanni Sartori’s advice for ‘reconstructing’ a social science term whose meaning may be unclear through review of its use in the recent literature. It finds that many authors in comparative politics use the term ‘Westminster model’ without definition, while those providing definitions associate it with a large (and sometimes conflicting) set of attributes, and a set of countries often not demonstrating those attributes. Some have sought to respect this diversity by proposing variants like “Washminster” or “Eastminster”, while others suggest that the term should be seen as a loose ‘family resemblance’ concept. But on examination it no longer meets even the – relatively weak – requirements for family resemblance. To end the muddle, and the risk of flawed inferences and false generalisation, comparative scholars should drop this term, and select cases based on more precise attributes instead. Introduction The term ‘Westminster model’ appears frequently both in the academic and practitioner literature, and will be familiar to many specialists in comparative politics, public administration and law. But what precisely does it mean, and is there consistency in its application? If put under the microscope, can any clear meaning actually be discerned? This paper suggests that while ostensibly serving as a ‘model’ in the comparative literature, the term instead risks inducing muddle and unclear thinking. -
Northwest Territories: Westminster with a Northern “Twist”
Consensus Government in the Northwest Territories: Westminster with a Northern “Twist” Tim Mercer Clerk of the Legislative Assembly of the North West Territories Studies of Provincial and Territorial Legislatures 2015 Series of Papers on Provincial and Territorial Legislatures The Canadian Study of Parliament Group (CSPG), as part of its efforts to foster knowledge and understanding of Canadian parliamentary institutions, is publishing a series of papers describing and analyzing the thirteen provincial and territorial legislatures. The papers are being made available free of charge, in both official languages, on the CSPG Web site. The views and opinions contained in these papers are those of the authors and are not necessarily reflective of those of the CSPG. The current boundaries of the Northwest Territories (NWT) are what remain of a vast land originally purchased by the Dominion of Canada from the Hudson’s Bay Company in 1870. Rupert’s Land, as it was known at the time of purchase and sale, included most of current day NWT, Nunavut and Yukon and the provinces of Alberta, Saskatchewan, most of Manitoba, northern Ontario, and Quebec. The Territories’ first premier, Frederick Haultain, actively discouraged the introduction of party politics to its nascent legislature during the late 1800s. When the provinces of Saskatchewan and Alberta were carved from the Territories’ boundaries in 1905, the Territories’ responsible and representative legislature was abolished and replaced by an appointed Commissioner and Council. For nearly half a century the Commissioner and Council consisted exclusively of federal civil servants residing in Ottawa. As such, they acted more as an interdepartmental committee of the federal government than a representative legislative body.