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The EU and South Caucasus: Learning Lessons from Moldova and Ukraine
Nicu Popescu ________________________________________________________________________ IPF Policy Brief 2 (draft) The EU and South Caucasus: learning lessons from Moldova and Ukraine Nicu Popescu , [email protected] Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, included into the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) in 2004, started recently their negotiations on Action Plans with the European Union. This will allow them to foster cooperation and integration with the EU in the framework of the ENP. In order to make the ENP Action Plans (AP) exercise more effective the countries of the South Caucasus can learn from the experience of first wave ENP countries such as Ukraine and Moldova, which have been at the implementation stage of the Action Plans for more than a year. The present paper discusses the ENP for the South Caucasus and makes a number of recommendations for the countries of the region on how to proceed with the negotiation and eventual implementation of the ENP Action Plans. The objective of the paper is rather limited. Its aim is not to describe all the actions that the countries of the South Caucasus have to undertake. The objective of the paper is to highlight a number of challenges that arise at the very start of the implementation period. Thus, the recommendations of the paper concern the negotiation phase, and the efforts of the governments of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia to start the process of ENP AP implementation, while keeping in mind the experiences of Moldova and Ukraine. Nicu Popescu is an International Policy Fellow at the Centre for European Policy Studies in Brussels and PhD candidate at the Central European University in Budapest. -
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security and human rights 27 (2016) 273-288 brill.com/shrs osce Mediation in an Eroding International Order Philip Remler retired u.s. diplomat Abstract The feeling is widespread in the West that the post wwii normative international or- der has been under severe challenge since Russia’s seizure of Crimea, now exacerbated by statements from the American president casting doubt on the institutions that un- derpin that order. Is there a future role for osce mediation as this order erodes? Study of the Ukraine crisis in light of other protracted conflicts on the territory of the former Soviet Union shows that the same challenges have existed for a generation. Because the conflicts were small, however, the international community chose to accept a fic- tion of convenience to isolate them from an otherwise functioning international order: the narrative that the separatists sought independence, not (as in reality) a re-drawing of post-Soviet borders. This isolation is under pressure both from the new experience in Ukraine and from the extension of ever-greater Russian control over the separatists, amounting to crypto-annexation, despite a backlash from Moscow’s clients, including in Armenia. There is little likelihood of a resolution to the Ukraine crisis, including Russia’s annexation of Crimea, and prospects for mediation to resolve the conflicts remain dim. However, continued talks may resolve some humanitarian issues and pro- vide a release valve to prevent pressures boiling over into renewed open warfare. In 2015 the present author published an article outlining some effects of the Ukraine crisis on protracted conflicts in the osce area and on osce mediation in those conflicts.1 He has been asked to revisit his assessment of that time in * Philip Remler is a retired u.s. -
2021:Time to Upgrade Us-Moldova Relations
2021: TIME TO UPGRADE USPolicy – M BridgesOLDOVA with RELATIONS the EU: Securing Europeanisation process of the Republic of Moldova DEC 2020 NICU POPESCU AND CRISTINA GHERASIMOV 2021: TIME TO U PGRADE US -MOLDOVA RELAT IONS POLICY BRIEF Nicu Popescu and Cristina Gherasimov EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Considering the start of a new political cycle both in Washington and Chisinau, time is ripe for a major upgrade in US-Moldova relations . But partnerships are truly sustainable if they are a two-way street. Moldova can, of course, continue being a major beneficiary of US support, but it is important for it to bring more to this bilateral partnership as well. An upgraded US-Moldova partnership could rely on even stronger US support for the rule of law and anti-corruption efforts: the fight against money laundering, investigations of financial crimes, recovery of stolen assets, increase the efficiency and reform of the justice sector. The US and Moldova should deepen their cooperation in the field of security by seeking ways to intensify institutional partnerships between their respective security sectors on several policy fronts such as cyber security, defense cooperation and intelligence matters. Continued support for civil society and independent media, not least through medium and long-term institutional funding, will play a key role in defining the extent of success of reforms in the following years. Should Moldovan authorities be able to pursue several years of sustained anti-corruption reforms it is important for both parties to look into ways to open the possibility for Moldova to benefit from a second Millennium Challenge Corporation program. -
Eurasian Union: the Real, the Imaginary and the Likely
CHAILLOT PAPER Nº 132 — September 2014 Eurasian Union: the real, the imaginary and the likely BY Nicu Popescu Chaillot Papers European Union Institute for Security Studies EU Institute for Security Studies 100, avenue de Suffren 75015 Paris http://www.iss.europa.eu Director: Antonio Missiroli © EU Institute for Security Studies, 2014. Reproduction is authorised, provided the source is acknowledged, save where otherwise stated. ISBN: 978-92-9198-247-9 ISSN: 1683-4917 QN-AA-14-002-EN-N DOI : 10.2815/42011 Published by the EU Institute for Security Studies and printed in Condé-sur-Noireau (France) by Corlet Imprimeur. Graphic design by Metropolis, Lisbon. EURASIAN UNION: THE REAL, THE IMAGINARY AND THE LIKELY Nicu Popescu CHAILLOT PAPERS September 2014 132 The author Nicu Popescu, Ph.D, is a Senior Analyst at the EUISS where he deals with EU-Russia relations and the post-Soviet space. He is the author of EU Foreign Policy and Post-Soviet Conflicts: Stealth Intervention (Routledge, 2011) and a former advisor to the Moldovan Prime Minister. European Union Institute for Security Studies Paris Director: Antonio Missiroli © EU Institute for Security Studies, 2014. Reproduction is authorised, provided the source is acknowledged, save where otherwise stated. Contents Foreword 5 Antonio Missiroli Introduction 7 The real Eurasia 9 1 Decision-making 11 Economics 11 Political commitment 13 The Russian debate 14 Russkii Mir vs Eurasia? 17 The geopolitical Eurasia 19 2 Deepening vs widening 19 The current members 20 The future members 22 The Chinese neighbour -
Hacks, Leaks and Disruptions | Russian Cyber Strategies
CHAILLOT PAPER Nº 148 — October 2018 Hacks, leaks and disruptions Russian cyber strategies EDITED BY Nicu Popescu and Stanislav Secrieru WITH CONTRIBUTIONS FROM Siim Alatalu, Irina Borogan, Elena Chernenko, Sven Herpig, Oscar Jonsson, Xymena Kurowska, Jarno Limnell, Patryk Pawlak, Piret Pernik, Thomas Reinhold, Anatoly Reshetnikov, Andrei Soldatov and Jean-Baptiste Jeangène Vilmer Chaillot Papers HACKS, LEAKS AND DISRUPTIONS RUSSIAN CYBER STRATEGIES Edited by Nicu Popescu and Stanislav Secrieru CHAILLOT PAPERS October 2018 148 Disclaimer The views expressed in this Chaillot Paper are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Institute or of the European Union. European Union Institute for Security Studies Paris Director: Gustav Lindstrom © EU Institute for Security Studies, 2018. Reproduction is authorised, provided prior permission is sought from the Institute and the source is acknowledged, save where otherwise stated. Contents Executive summary 5 Introduction: Russia’s cyber prowess – where, how and what for? 9 Nicu Popescu and Stanislav Secrieru Russia’s cyber posture Russia’s approach to cyber: the best defence is a good offence 15 1 Andrei Soldatov and Irina Borogan Russia’s trolling complex at home and abroad 25 2 Xymena Kurowska and Anatoly Reshetnikov Spotting the bear: credible attribution and Russian 3 operations in cyberspace 33 Sven Herpig and Thomas Reinhold Russia’s cyber diplomacy 43 4 Elena Chernenko Case studies of Russian cyberattacks The early days of cyberattacks: 5 the cases of Estonia, -
Protracted Conflicts in the OSCE Area
Protracted Conflicts in the OSCE Area OSCE Network of Think Tanks and Academic Institutions Protracted Conflicts in the OSCE Area Innovative Approaches for Co-operation in the Conflict Zones OSCE Network of Think Tanks and Academic Institutions Working Group | Philip Remler (Principal Drafter) | Atanas Dimitrov | Samuel Goda | Konstanze Jüngling | Nino Kemoklidze | Bidzina Lebanidze | Ida Manton | Sergey Rastoltsev | Sebastian Relitz | Raymond Saner | Hans-Joachim Schmidt | Tanja Tamminen | Oleksandr Tytarchuk | Tony van der Togt | Stefan Wolff | Wolfgang Zellner This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically those of translation, reprinting, re-use of illustrations, broadcasting, reproduction by photocopying machine or similar means, and storage in data banks. Under § 54 of the German Copyright Law, where copies are made for other than private use, a fee is payable to »Verwertungsgesellschaft Wort«, Munich. Design and typesetting | red hot 'n' cool, Vienna Cover Photo © Philip Remler 2 Table of Contents 2 Executive Summary 6 Maps 9 1. Introduction 9 Purpose of the Project 10 Introduction to the Conflicts 15 2. Security 15 2.1 Security Aspects of the Conflicts 17 2.2 Confidence- and Security-Building Measures in the Context of the Conflicts 20 2.3 Approaches to Take 23 3. Economics 23 3.1 Economic Aspects of the Conflicts 24 3.2 The Strengths and Limitations of Trade 25 3.3 The Strengths and Limitations of Economic Assistance 27 3.4 The Strengths and Limitations of Capital Infrastructure Co-operation 30 3.5 Approaches to Take 30 3.5.1 Trade 30 3.5.2 Capital Infrastructure 33 4. -
A New Neighbourhood Policy for the EU
A new neighbourhood policy for the EU By Charles Grant ★ The European neighbourhood policy has failed to convince most of the countries around the EU to adopt democratic systems of government. The revolutions in North Africa give the EU a chance to learn from its mistakes and design a new policy, more focused on support for democracy. ★ If the EU wants to influence its neighbours it will need to increase its offer to them. This means more money and easier visa regimes. It should scrap the last restrictions on trade with its southern neighbours and bring them into a customs union. It should speed up the negotiation of free trade agreements with the eastern neighbours. And it should invite the most politically-advanced neighbours to join its discussions on foreign policy. ★ The EU should tie the delivery of aid to a neighbour’s performance on democracy and human rights. The neighbourhood policy should be less technocratic and focus more on what the EU and its neighbours want to achieve politically. The Union for the Mediterranean should be shaken up. ★ Turkey is in many ways an inspiration for Arab countries, showing that a political movement inspired by Islam can co-exist with democracy in a fairly stable manner. And if its bid for EU membership falters, it may become another sort of example: a country that has close and constructive ties with the EU, without being a full member. Introduction and Turkey to become more democratic and to entrench the rule of law. In contrast, the influence of The EU has been much criticised for being slow off the EU on North African states has, if anything, the mark to react to the turmoil in the Arab world, bolstered authoritarianism. -
Newsletter on Foreign Policy and European Integration Issues of the Republic of Moldova
Foreign Policy Association together with Friedrich- Ebert-Stiftung offer you a newsletter on foreign policy and European integration issues of the Republic of Moldova. The newsletter is part of the “Foreign Policy Dialogue” joint Project. NEWSLETTER MONTHLY BULLETIN JULY 2019 NR.7 (161) Synthesis and Foreign Policy Debates The newsletter is developed by Sorina Ştefârţă, editor-coordinator TOPICS OF THE EDITION: 1. Ion Sturza, businessman, former Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova: “The new Government should communicate rather internally, and instead of Brussels - go to Comrat or Otaci” 2. Editorial by Marc Behrendt and Gina S. Lentine:“Moldova’s crisis offers a chance to reform a captured state” 3. Iulian Rusu, Deputy Executive Director, Institute for European Policies and Reforms:“In a politically subjugated system, there will always be a “better” offer” 4. Expert Opinion. Dionis Cenușa: “Release of the European assistance for Moldova - with or without conditionality?” News in Brief The European Commission announced on July 23 that it resumed budget support to the The stormy summer of 2019: is it or Republic of Moldova, allocating EUR 14.54 million to support the implementation of the EU- Moldova Free Trade Area, education and vocational training programmes, and the Action Plan for the liberalization of the visa regime. According to a statement issued by Brussels, the payments were resumed because the new is it not for the change to happen? Government made a number of important decisions, which prove that the conditions for the -
Kesarev Memo | Moldova's New Government | August 2021
MOLDOVA’S NEW GOVERNMENT Parliament of Moldova approves pro-EU cabinet headed by Natalia Gavrilița August 2021 Issues & Sectors Moldovan Snap Parliamentary Elections, Change of Government in Moldova Stakeholders Government of Moldova, Maia Sandu, Natalia Gavrilita, European Union, Russia Almost a month after the Party of Action and Solidarity (PAS), supporting pro-EU Moldovan President Maia Sandu, scored a landslide victory during Moldova’s long-awaited snap parliamentary vote on July 11th, Natalia Gavrilița, an economist and former Finance Minister, has been confirmed as the country’s new Prime Minister. Facing extremely high expectations from the Moldovan public, the Gavrilița Cabinet has already outlined a number of plans for the country’s immediate future, as Moldova continues its recovery from the COVID-19 crisis. Both the European Union and Russia have taken initial steps towards future cooperation with Chisinau, which so far appear to be constructive and focused on the economy rather than politics. Below we provide an introduction into the current state of Moldovan politics, prospects for the country’s political stability, the priorities of the Gavrilița Government, likely future post-election scenarios. as well as initial reactions to the change of government from the EU and Russia. This memo will cover: Post-election landscape 2 The “integrity” government 2 Government priorities and implications for investors 3 Conclusion 5 Moldova’s New Government Page | 1 POST-ELECTION LANDSCAPE On July 11th, Moldova held much-anticipated snap elections to elect the country’s new parliament. The parliamentary vote came as a follow-up to last November’s Presidential elections, when former Prime Minister Maia Sandu, the then-leader of the pro-European Party of Action and Solidarity (PAS), defeated1 her long-standing political rival, Igor Dodon, the country’s former President who was backed by the pro- Russian Party of Socialists of the Republic of Moldova (PSRM). -
European and Russian Power in the Troubled Neighbourhood Nicu Popescu & Andrew Wilson
THE LIMITS OF ENLARGEMENT-LITE: EUROPEAN AND RUSSIAN POWER IN THE TROUBLED NEIGHBOURHOOD Nicu Popescu & Andrew Wilson The European Council on Foreign Relations does not take collective positions. This paper, like all publications of the European Council on Foreign Relations, represents only the views of its authors. Copyright of this publication is held by the European Council on Foreign Relations. You may not copy, reproduce, republish Acknowledgements or circulate in any way the content from this publication except for your own personal and non-commercial use. Any other use requires the prior written permission of the European Council on Foreign Relations. © ECFR June 2009. Published by the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR), 5th Floor Cambridge House, 100 Cambridge Grove, London W6 0LE [email protected] ISBN: 978-1-906538-13-2 Special thanks are due to our research assistant Stanislav Secrieru for all his hard work on the report. This report has benefited from data and analysis provided by experts from the six eastern neighbourhood states – Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. Each expert conducted a survey of his or her country’s economic and political relations with the EU. Our thanks go to Tevan Poghosyan, Tabib Huseynov, Vlad Lupan, Oleksandr Sushko, Vitali Silitski and Archil Gegeshidze. Although we have been informed by their research, responsibility for the arguments and analysis advanced in this paper lies with the authors alone. At ECFR we are indebted to Tom Nuttall, Mark Leonard, Rob Blackhurst, Ulrike Guérot, Thomas Klau, Alba Lamberti, Katherine Parkes, Vanessa Stevens, Vessela Tcherneva, José Ignacio Torreblanca and Nick Witney. -
NICU POPESCU Democracy in Secessionism: Transnistria and Abkhazia’S Domestic Policies 6 2 0 0 5 / 2 0 0
CENTRAL EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY CENTER FOR POLICY STUDIES OPEN SOCIETY INSTITUTE NICU POPESCU Democracy in Secessionism: Transnistria and Abkhazia’s Domestic Policies 6 2 0 0 5 / 2 0 0 CPS INTERNATI O N A L P O L I C Y FELLOWSHIP PROGRAM NICU POPESCU Democracy in Secessionism: Transnistria and Abkhazia’s Domestic Policies Abstract Despite varying levels of political pluralism, democracy is not at home in either of the secessionist entities of Transnistria and Abkhazia, where the development of a siege syndrome hampers democratic developments and conflict settlement. In Transnistria there is no credible opposition, no active civil society, foreign funding for NGO’s is prohibited and it is policed by a strong repressive apparatus guided by the ministry of state security. The economy is highly concentrated and even if big businesses are dissatisfied with the current political leadership they do not dare to challenge the authoritarian leader who has held power for a decade and a half. While Abkhazia is certainly no beacon of democracy it does enjoy a higher degree of pluralism than Transnistria. It has held elections and its civil society is active and well developed for the region. Elements of democracy exist but the ethnic Georgians who account for about a third of the population have been excluded from such developments. This paper inquires into the origin of these developments and addresses such questions as how undemocratic the secessionist entities really are, whether they are inherently undemocratic and why are some less democratic than others. It gives an account of domestic policies in Transnistria, and the political processes in Abkhazia and part of South Ossetia and concludes with an analysis of the factors that determine divergent political patterns in the secessionist entities. -
Toplanti 24 Yeni Layout 1
AVİM Conference Book 24 THE CENTENNIAL OF THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE THREE SOUTH CAUCASUS STATES: HISTORICAL BACKGROUND, CONTEMPORARY DEVELOPMENTS AND PROSPECTS OF PEACE AND PROSPERITY Proceedings of the International Conference Organized by Center for Eurasian Studies (AVİM) in Turkey on 9 November 2018 Türkmeneli İşbirliği ve Kültür Vakfı AVRASYA İNCELEMELERİ MERKEZİ CENTER FOR EURASIAN STUDIES The Centennial of the Independence of the Three South Caucasus States: Historical Background, Contemporary Developments and Prospects of Peace and Prosperity International Conference AVİM (Center for Eurasian Studies) Conference Book No: 24 October 2019 Ankara AVİM CONFERENCE BOOK No: 24 EDITOR Tutku Dilaver Nigar Shiralizade REDACTION Mehmet Oğuzhan Tulun TRANSCRIPTION Alperen Ünlü DESIGN Ruhi Alagöz PUBLICATION DATE October 2019 PRINTING Özyurt Matbaacılık Saray Mahallesi 123. Cadde Kahramankazan / ANKARA Tel: 0 312 384 15 36 - Faks: 0 312 384 15 37 Statements of facts, or opinions appearing in this book are solely those of the authors and do not imply endorsement by the editor or publisher. Copyright © AVİM (Center for Eurasian Studies) 2019 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, transmitted or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without permission in writing from the Publishers. To get your own copy of this or any of AVİM publications please visit http://www.avim.org.tr/ CONTENTS Contributors .....................................................................................................................................................................................5