The Real Situation in Pre-Olympics China
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Standoff at Tiananmen: Recollections of 1989: the Making of Goddess of Democracy
2019/4/23 Standoff At Tiananmen: Recollections of 1989: The Making of Goddess of Democracy 更多 创建博客 登录 Standoff At Tiananmen How Chinese Students Shocked the World with a Magnificent Movement for Democracy and Liberty that Ended in the Tragic Tiananmen Massacre in 1989. Relive the history with this blog and my book, "Standoff at Tiananmen", a narrative history of the movement. Home Days People Documents Pictures Books Recollections Memorials Monday, May 30, 2011 "Standoff at Tiananmen" English Language Edition Recollections of 1989: The Making of Goddess of Democracy Click on the image to buy at Amazon "Standoff at Tiananmen" Chinese Language Edition On May 30, 1989, the statue Goddess of Democracy was erected at Tiananmen Square and became one of the lasting symbols of the 1989 student movement. The following is a re-telling of the making of that statue, originally published in the book Children of Dragon, by a sculptor named Cao Xinyuan: Nothing excites a sculptor as much as seeing a work of her own creation take shape. But although I was watching the creation of a sculpture that I had had no part in making, I nevertheless felt the same excitement. It was the "Goddess of Democracy" statue that stood for five days in Tiananmen Square. Until last year I was a graduate student at the Central Academy of Fine Arts in Beijing, where the sculpture was made. I was living there when these events took place. 点击图像去Amazon购买 Students and faculty of the Central Academy of Fine Arts, which is located only a short distance from Tiananmen Square, had from the beginning been actively involved in the demonstrations. -
Testimony of Zhou Fengsuo, President Humanitarian China and Student Leader of the 1989 Tiananmen Square Demonstrations
Testimony of Zhou Fengsuo, President Humanitarian China and student leader of the 1989 Tiananmen Square demonstrations Congressman McGovern, Senator Rubio, Members of Congress, thank you for inviting me to speak in this special moment on the 30th anniversary of Tiananmen Massacre. As a participant of the 1989 Democracy Movement and a survivor of the Massacre started in the evening of June 3rd, it is both my honor and duty to speak, for these who sacrificed their lives for the freedom and democracy of China, for the movement that ignited the hope of change that was so close, and for the last 30 years of indefatigable fight for truth and justice. I was a physics student at Tsinghua University in 1989. The previous summer of 1988, I organized the first and only free election of the student union of my department. I was amazed and encouraged by the enthusiasm of the students to participate in the process of self-governing. There was a palpable sense for change in the college campuses. When Hu Yaobang died on April 15, 1989. His death triggered immediately widespread protests in top universities of Beijing, because he was removed from the position of the General Secretary of CCP in 1987 for his sympathy towards the protesting students and for being too open minded. The next day I went to Tiananmen Square to offer a flower wreath with my roommates of Tsinghua University. To my pleasant surprise, my words on the wreath was published the next day by a national official newspaper. We were the first group to go to Tiananmen Square to mourn Hu Yaobang. -
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2003: China (Includes Tibet, Hong Kong and Macau)
Page 1 of 66 China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau) Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2003 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor February 25, 2004 (Note: Also see the section for Tibet, the report for Hong Kong, and the report for Macau.) The People's Republic of China (PRC) is an authoritarian state in which, as directed by the Constitution, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP or Party) is the paramount source of power. Party members hold almost all top government, police, and military positions. Ultimate authority rests with the 24-member political bureau (Politburo) of the CCP and its 9-member standing committee. Leaders made a top priority of maintaining stability and social order and were committed to perpetuating the rule of the CCP and its hierarchy. Citizens lacked both the freedom peacefully to express opposition to the Party-led political system and the right to change their national leaders or form of government. Socialism continued to provide the theoretical underpinning of national politics, but Marxist economic planning has given way to pragmatism, and economic decentralization increased the authority of local officials. The Party's authority rested primarily on the Government's ability to maintain social stability; appeals to nationalism and patriotism; Party control of personnel, media, and the security apparatus; and continued improvement in the living standards of most of the country's 1.3 billion citizens. The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, in practice, the Government and the CCP, at both the central and local levels, frequently interfered in the judicial process and directed verdicts in many high-profile cases. -
China's Fear of Contagion
China’s Fear of Contagion China’s Fear of M.E. Sarotte Contagion Tiananmen Square and the Power of the European Example For the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), erasing the memory of the June 4, 1989, Tiananmen Square massacre remains a full-time job. The party aggressively monitors and restricts media and internet commentary about the event. As Sinologist Jean-Philippe Béja has put it, during the last two decades it has not been possible “even so much as to mention the conjoined Chinese characters for 6 and 4” in web searches, so dissident postings refer instead to the imagi- nary date of May 35.1 Party censors make it “inconceivable for scholars to ac- cess Chinese archival sources” on Tiananmen, according to historian Chen Jian, and do not permit schoolchildren to study the topic; 1989 remains a “‘for- bidden zone’ in the press, scholarship, and classroom teaching.”2 The party still detains some of those who took part in the protest and does not allow oth- ers to leave the country.3 And every June 4, the CCP seeks to prevent any form of remembrance with detentions and a show of force by the pervasive Chinese security apparatus. The result, according to expert Perry Link, is that in to- M.E. Sarotte, the author of 1989: The Struggle to Create Post–Cold War Europe, is Professor of History and of International Relations at the University of Southern California. The author wishes to thank Harvard University’s Center for European Studies, the Humboldt Foundation, the Institute for Advanced Study, the National Endowment for the Humanities, and the University of Southern California for ªnancial and institutional support; Joseph Torigian for invaluable criticism, research assistance, and Chinese translation; Qian Qichen for a conversation on PRC-U.S. -
Reporters Without Borders Xiaoning-31-08-2012,43312.Html
Reporters Without Borders http://www.rsf.org/chine-cyber-dissident-wang- xiaoning-31-08-2012,43312.html Asia - China Free at last Cyber dissident Wang Xiaoning freed but many Chinese netizens still in prison 2 September 2012 Reporters Without Borders acknowledges the release today of the cyber dissident Wang Xiaoning. “We are relieved to know that Wang Xiaoning is finally free and we share the joy of his family and friends,” the press freedom organization said. “However, we note that he served his sentence in its entirety and there has been no question of leniency on the part of the Chinese authorities. We urge the latter to allow Wang Xiaoning to lead a normal life and spare him the surveillance and intimidation to which many dissidents are subjected after they leave prison. “We repeat our appeal for the release of the 67 netizens and journalists still in prison in China for their reporting activities. In particular, we would like to draw attention to the case of the dissident Chen Pingfu, whose trial is due to open on 5 September. The charges against him must be dropped and he must be released as soon as possible. “As regards the leadership of Yahoo!, it would be best if they communicated more clearly how they deal with requests from the Chinese authorities for personal data and other possible instances of collaboration with China’s censors which may not have been made public up to now. It is also vital that the company uses its influence in China to obtain the early release of the journalist and cyber dissident Shi Tao.” Wang was arrested in September 2002 and sentenced the following September to 10 years’ imprisonment and two years’ deprivation of his civil rights for “incitement to subversion”. -
Contemporary Public Leadership in China: a Research Review And
Faculty Research Working Papers Series Contemporary Public Leadership in China: A Research Review and Consideration Todd L. Pittinsky and Cheng Zhu February 2005 RWP05-008 This paper can be downloa ded without charge from: http://ksgnotes1.harvard.edu/Research/wpaper.nsf/rwp/RWP05-008 or The Social Science Research Network: http://ssrn.com/abstract=379855 The views expressed in the KSG Faculty Research Working Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the John F. Kennedy School of Government or Harvard University. Copyright belongs to the author(s). Papers may be downloaded for personal use only. Contemporary Public Leadership in China: A Research Review and Consideration Contemporary Public Leadership in China: A Research Review and Consideration Todd L. Pittinsky Cheng Zhu Harvard University Keywords: public leadership, China Correspondence should be directed to: Todd L. Pittinsky John F. Kennedy School of Government Harvard University 79 J.F.K. Street Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138 [email protected] Phone: (+1) 617-384-7283 Abstract China garners great international attention due to its large population and rapid economic development. Contemporary public leadership in China is a major force for its growth. This article reviews the academic literature on that leadership, providing an overview of interest to scholars, teachers, and practitioners whose work deals with cross- cultural studies of leadership development. The review focuses primarily on materials published between January 1999 and June 2004 that explicitly address public leadership in China. The review identifies six areas of research to date: (1) leadership transition, (2) democratization, (3) prominent political figures, (4) local leadership, (5) cultural and historical traditions, and (6) other identified forms of public leadership (military vs. -
Tiananmen Square
The Tiananmen Legacy Ongoing Persecution and Censorship Ongoing Persecution of Those Seeking Reassessment .................................................. 1 Tiananmen’s Survivors: Exiled, Marginalized and Harassed .......................................... 3 Censoring History ........................................................................................................ 5 Human Rights Watch Recommendations ...................................................................... 6 To the Chinese Government: .................................................................................. 6 To the International Community ............................................................................. 7 Ongoing Persecution of Those Seeking Reassessment The Chinese government continues to persecute those who seek a public reassessment of the bloody crackdown. Chinese citizens who challenge the official version of what happened in June 1989 are subject to swift reprisals from security forces. These include relatives of victims who demand redress and eyewitnesses to the massacre and its aftermath whose testimonies contradict the official version of events. Even those who merely seek to honor the memory of the late Zhao Ziyang, the secretary general of the Communist Party of China in 1989 who was sacked and placed under house arrest for opposing violence against the demonstrators, find themselves subject to reprisals. Some of those still targeted include: Ding Zilin and the Tiananmen Mothers: Ding is a retired philosophy professor at -
The Legacy of Tiananmen: 20 Years of Oppression, Activism and Hope Chrd
THE LEGACY OF TIANANMEN: 20 YEARS OF OPPRESSION, ACTIVISM AND HOPE CHRD Chinese Human Rights Defenders (CHRD) Web: Hhttp://crd-net.org/H Email: [email protected] THE LEGACY OF TIANANMEN: 20 YEARS OF OPPRESSION, ACTIVISM AND HOPE Chinese Human Rights Defenders June 1, 2009 Twenty years since the Tiananmen massacre, the Chinese government refuses to accept responsibility, much less apologize or offer compensation, for killing, injuring, imprisoning and persecuting individuals for participating in peaceful protests. The number of the victims, and their names and identities, remain unknown. Families continue to be barred from publicly commemorating and seeking accountability for the death of their loved ones. Activists are persecuted and harassed for independently investigating the crackdown or for calling for a rectification of the government’s verdict on the pro‐democracy movement. Many individuals continue to suffer the consequences of participating in the pro‐democracy movement today. At least eight individuals remain imprisoned in Beijing following unfair trials in which they were convicted of committing “violent crimes”. Those who were released after long sentences have had difficulty re‐integrating into society as they suffer from continued police harassment as well as illnesses and injuries resulting from torture, beatings and mistreatment while in prison. Many of those injured have had to pay for their own medical expenses and continue to struggle as the physical and psychological scars leave them unable to take care of themselves or to work. Some who took part in the protests still find it difficult to make ends meet after they were dismissed from comfortable jobs or expelled from universities after 1989. -
Atheist Political Activists Turned Protestants: Religious Conversion Within China’S Dissident Community
Atheist Political Activists Turned Protestants: Religious Conversion within China’s Dissident Community by Teresa Wright Professor and Chair Department of Political Science California State University, Long Beach Long Beach, CA 90840 [email protected] and Teresa Zimmerman-Liu M.A. Candidate Department of Asian/Asian-American Studies California State University, Long Beach Long Beach, CA 90840 [email protected] Prepared for delivery at the 2012 Annual Meeting of the International Studies Association San Diego, April 1-4, 2012 *Please do not cite or quote without the authors’ permission Atheist Political Activists Turned Protestants: Religious Conversion within China’s Dissident Community Two related questions most compel China scholars and observers today: (i) why, despite dramatic economic liberalization and growth, has China not democratized? and (ii) will China democratize in the future? While some existing studies are more optimistic than others, most focus on the adaptability of the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP) as the key to its longevity.1 What is missing from this literature is a detailed scholarly examination of what has happened to the pro-democracy activists who led the political protests that arose in China in the 1980s, which culminated in the massive demonstrations of 1989. One particularly interesting development is that a large number of these political activists have, in the post-1989 period, become Protestant Christians. Moreover, this development has coincided with a larger explosion of Christianity in the post-Mao era. There are an estimated 50 to 100 million Protestants in China today—a sizeable portion of the population, and indeed one that rivals the (roughly 80 million) membership of the CCP.2 The expansion of Christianity in contemporary China has spurred a small but quickly growing body of scholarly studies. -
In Custody: People Imprisoned in Connection with Journalism Or the Internet
In Custody: People Imprisoned in Connection with Journalism or the Internet The official directive from China's Propaganda Bureau this past November prohibiting the reporting of incidents of unrest indicates how threatened the Chinese authorities feel by the dissemination of accurate information regarding current events. Likewise indicative is the rash of detentions of journalists and writers at the end of 2004. While many of these detentions were temporary, they have had an intimi- dating effect on writers, and a number of those detained remain in custody awaiting formal charges. On the 2004 index of press freedom issued by Reporters sans Frontieres, China is exceeded only by North Korea and Myanmar in its censorship and persecution of journal- ists, and tops the list of countries imprisoning journalists. The list below employs a broad definition of journalism to include a wide range of activities related to free expression and access to information. Even so, the list cannot claim to be comprehensive, and there is no doubt but that many more people are languishing in prison for no crime greater than the peaceful expression of their views. Sources: HRIC, Independent Chinese PEN Center, Human Rights Watch, Reporters sans Frontìeres, Committee to Protect Journalists, International PEN, Amnesty International Abbreviations: CDP—China Democracy Party; CDF—Chinese Democratic Federation; WAF—Workers Autonomous Federation; FLUC—Free Labor Union of China; CFDP—China Freedom and Democracy Party; RTL—Reeducation Through Labor; PSB—Public Security Bureau DATE OF DETENTION/ NAME LOCATION ARREST BACKGROUND SENTENCE OFFENSE PRISON Chen Renjie Fujian Jul-83 In September 1982 Chen, Aug-83, life propaganda and incitement Lin Youping and Chen Biling to encourage the overthrow published a pamphlet entitled of the people's democratic Freedom Report and distributed dictatorship around 300 copies in Fuzhou. -
The Olympics Countdown – Failing to Keep Human Rights Promises
People’s Republic of China The Olympics countdown – failing to keep human rights promises Introduction With just two years to go until the Olympic Games take place in Beijing, the Chinese authorities are failing to meet the human rights commitments they made when Beijing was awarded the Olympics in April 2001.1 Serious human rights violations continue to be reported across the country fueling instability and discontent. Grassroots human rights activists continue to be detained and imprisoned, and official controls over the media and the Internet are growing tighter. While there have been some positive legislative and judicial changes in connection with the application of the death penalty, progress appears to have stalled in connection with other punishments, including “Re-education through Labour” (RTL) and other abusive forms of administrative detention. This report summarizes a number of Amnesty International’s human rights concerns in China – concerns which the organization is continuing to highlight as key areas for reform in the run-up to the Olympics. They are: the continuing use of the death penalty and abusive forms of administrative detention, the arbitrary detention, imprisonment, torture and harassment of human rights defenders, including journalists and lawyers, and the censorship of the Internet. Amnesty International considers that positive reforms in all of these areas are essential if China is to live up to its promises to improve human rights. Each section is accompanied by recommendations, summarized at the end of the report, which Amnesty International considers would constitute significant and concrete progress in the run-up to the Olympics. They form a core component of the organization’s broader agenda for human rights reform in China. -
“Race to the Bottom” RIGHTS Corporate Complicity in Chinese Internet Censorship WATCH August 2006 Volume 18, No
China HUMAN “Race to the Bottom” RIGHTS Corporate Complicity in Chinese Internet Censorship WATCH August 2006 Volume 18, No. 8(C) “Race to the Bottom” Corporate Complicity in Chinese Internet Censorship Map of the People’s Republic of China..................................................................................... 1 I. Summary ..................................................................................................................................... 3 II. How Censorship Works in China: A Brief Overview........................................................ 9 1. The “Great Firewall of China”: Censorship at the Internet backbone and ISP level.................................................................................................. 9 2. Censorship by Internet Content Providers: Delegating censorship to business...................................................................................................................... 11 3. Surveillance and censorship in email and web chat.................................................... 14 4. Breaching the Great Chinese Firewall .......................................................................... 15 5. Chinese and International Law...................................................................................... 17 III. Comparative Analysis of Search Engine Censorship...................................................... 25 1. Censorship through website de-listing ......................................................................... 25 2. Keyword censorship.......................................................................................................