A Study of Training Programs for Nonviolent Direct Action in the United States

Home , Bernard Lee (activist), Bradford Lyttle, Direct action, George Lakey, Nonviolent resistance

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A STUDY OF TRAINING PROGRAMS FOR NONVIOLENT DIRECT ACTION IN THE UNITED STATES

A Thesis Presented to The Faculty Martin Luther King, Jr., School of Social Change

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master o± Social Change

by Enid Lynne Shivers June 1969 "Of course there must be organized resistance to evil. The difficulty arises when the organizers of Satyagraha try to imitate the organizers of evil. I tried and failed hopelessly. The way of organizing forces for good must be opposite to the evil way, What it exactly is I do not yet know fully.... But I am still groping."

----Gandhi, as quoted in Chakravarty's A Saint at Work.

...the readiness is all."

----From Hamlet

TABTR OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE INTRODUCTION ...... . . . ..iv I.THE PROBLEM OF TRAINING PRELIMINARY CONSIDERATIONS. 1 Considerations. • . • * . 0 . 0 . . . . 1 Qualities in A Nonviolent Campaign Participant. 4 Comparison of Training for Nonviolence with Training for Violence or War. . 5 Nonviolence as Ethic or Political Strategy. * . 7 II. A REVIEW OF TRAINING EFFORTS TO DATE * . . * .

Free India Movement *00040 000* 0 009 American Civil Rights Movement. . 0 . . 0 . 10 American Peace Movement 0 . ... 0 • 11 Present Training Programs . • * * • a a . 12 Present Nonviolent Campaigns and Training Programs. a • 14 III* FUNCTIONS TO BE FILLED . a a • a 0 *a a . 0 . a 17

General Leadership. a . . * • . .. • .. • 17 Exemplar. a • 0 *a a a a a aaa a 41 a a a 17 Resource-person . ..• * * •.. 18 Organizer a 0 . 1100•4 000000 , 0 00• 19 Strategist, . * • . • • • . a • • . • 0 19 Tactician . 0 .... . . . • • . . a 20 Combatant • • . ....•...0 21 I . TECHNIQUES OF TRAINING 0 . 0 * . . . • • • a . 22V

Theoretical Understandings. . , 0 . . . . 22 Training in Specific Practical Skills . . * 23 Roleplaying • * . 0 0 . . 24 Constructive Program. . 0 . . • . r)6 Training for Individual Discipline. . . • 0 , 0 27 Training for Group Discipline * . 28 Principles of Group Dynamics. , a . 28 V. STRUCTURES AND DIMENSIONS OF THE TRAINING PROCESS. . 31 Two General Outlooks on Training. • 31 Structure of the Learning Process . 0 . 0 . • 31 Five Dimensions of Training . . .. . 0 34 Conclusion. . ...... . 0 . 37 ARI)ENDIX I: STUDY OF THE FRIENDS PEACE COPNITTEE TRAINING PROGRAM . . • • . . • . .. • 0 • 40

APPENDIX TI SURVEY OF WRITTEN DISCIPLINES . * . 43 APPENDIX III: ADDENDUM STUDY OF THE INSTITUTE FOR THE STUDY OF NONVIOLENCE . . * * . L6

APPENDIX IV: ADDENDUM STUDY OF THE MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR., SCHOOL FOR SOCIAL CHANGE 47

• APPENDIX V: ADDENDUM STUDY OF THE FENDLE HILL PROGRAM.

FnOTNOTES 53

BIBLIOGRAPHY * . . 4 iv

A STUDY OF TRAINING PROGRAMS FOR NONVIOLENT DIRECT ACTION IN THE UNITED STATES

INTRODUCTION

Training programs have not always accompanied nonviolent direct action campaigns, and this fact has led to their detriment and, sometimes, failure to achieve significant social change. With the advent of important and frequently successful nonviolent campaigns in both the civil rights and peace movements in this country, and with the increased interest in academic and scholarly study of nonviolence, however; a parallel interest has developed in the training of participants for such campaigns. The paucity of references on nonviolent training documents the point of lact of seriousness regarding nonviolent training. Literature on nonviolent training to date is valuable in establishing goals, but as a whole does not tell us how to procede in actually starting the training process. Richard Gregg writes about the need and value of training, often in loving terms. He also discusses the qualities of a nonviolent campaigner. Thirty-one Hours, a description of the 1965 Grindstone Island experiment, is must reading for those interested in marathon roleplaying. Oppenheimer and Lakey's Manual for Direct Action (slated for revision) is still valuable for a general overview of organizing for direct action. But many situations for direct actionists have changed in four years so that many guidelines they purpose are outdated. For example, some of the roleplay scenarios are no longer the kinds of situations that actionists face in 1969 or will likely face again. Charles Walker's booklet, Organizing for Nonviolent Diredt Action, is a key work, outlining in specific details what should go into planning conferences, steps in a nonviolent campaign, jobs that need to be done, and so on. Works by Sibley, Miller, Bondurant, and others on explication of nonviolent theory are necessary in their place, but they help very little in thinking through the problems of training. Smaller works by War Resisters International concentrate more on training for a world without war than for nonviolent campaigns. The Friends Peace Committee's booklet on nonviolence is a theoretical guideline, emphasizing qualities and points of view. Desalts Handbook for Shanti Sainiks focuses too specifically on Indian conditions to be very helpful in this country. Adam Roberts' work called Civilian Resistance As A National Defense deals specifically with civilian defense, which is somewhat different from nonviolent training. Although this thesis deals with American training programs and problems, we have included material from the Free India Move- ment because of its impact in this country. This thesis proposes a list of dimensions with which to study training programs for nonviolent campaigns. To this end, we examine past training efforts; qualities, skills, and bodies of knowledge deemed necessary or valuable for participants to have or be; what functions are essential to be filled during a nonviolent • campaign, and what training techniques are useful to develop these functions. The numerous small and large controversies discussed here indicate to what great extent the problem of training is still in its infancy. It is hoped that this thesis will stimulate more experienced people and more perceptive minds to explore those disputed issues. Erich Fromm describes a theory of necrophilia-biophilia which helps to explain why people act the way they do. The necrophiliac is a person who is in love with death; he talks about death, dwells with the past, loves force and control, is attracted to meqanical things, idolizes "law and order," and craves for certainty. The biophiliaa tends to preserve life and to fight against death, tends to integrg.t and unite, and wants to influence by love, reason, or example. A person is not one or the other, but a combination; and it is the degree of behavior which determines whether a person would be classsified necrophiliac or biophiliac. Relevance to social problems, social change, and training for nonviolence is enormous but complex. It might provide a fascinating topic for further study. Because training programs have frequently been taken lightly, we do not really know what training techniques are successful in preparing participants intellectually, emotionally, and spiritually for hurdles involved in a nonviolent campaign. We do not yet completely understand the. relationship between cause and effect, preparation and actuality. For these reasons, and because few records have been taken as to what training methods were actually helpful in preparing .participants, some of our conclusions are based more on theory than on exPerience. Some of the conclusions are not based on what preparation was valuable to participants, simply because those questions were not asked. And here lies the gravest weakness of the thesis. More research is needed to explore what training methods have been used, which were valuable according to participants, and which are valuable according to educational theorists. Another area for fruitful study is training programs of parallel groups, i.e., training programs for military and para- military troops, and types of police groups. Although it is as yet unclear just exactly what is their relevance to nonviolence training programs, the problems are similar: how to train people for meeting conflict, end potentially violent situations. - This study has many limitations which will appear all too evident upon its reading. To this we can only hand the challenge to others and hope that continued study of this vital area of knowledge and experience will uncover more answers than questions. Acknowledgements are gladly given to Theodore Jones, Director of the King School of Social Change for his help in providing financial assistance to enlarge the scope of research; to John Thomas for early moral and financial support; to George Willoughby for continual inspiration and assistance; to George Hardin of the Philadelphia Friends Peace Committee; and to George Lakey, who struggled with me (nonviolently, of course) to find fruitful avenues of thought. Most valualbe, however, were frequent bull sessions and conversations with King school students about the problems of nonviolent training; many of their perceptions and concerns about training in particular and the world in general are represented here. 2

An example of the effectiveness and need for nonviolence training is in order. A group of activists in their teens and twentie6 were taking pert in a nonviolent training course co-sponsored by Philadelphia Friends Peace Committee and the Pasadena American Friends Service Committee. For purposes of examing tactics, we rolepIayed a picket line; when the director asked who would play the roles of picket line captain, marshals, and so on, the participants insisted that these roles were unnecessary and irrelevant. As the scenario started, the director coached the "disrupters" to take their roles seriously As a result, the picket line was eawily broken. During the evaluation, participants began to understand the Value of assigning roles of responsibility in a direct action demonstration. As the picket line was played through a second time, the leadership roles filled and disrupters just as serious, it was not possible in fifteen minutes to disrupt the demonstration! In 1915, Indians were subjected to an insulting inspection process by British authoritiesWhen travelingfrom Viramgam to Kathiawar in western India. Petitions were ineffective, and the people asked Gandhi for help. Gandhi told nearby villagers to prepare for a satyagraha campaign. British government officials informed the Viceroy that Gandhi was preparing for a campaign and he then granted Gandhi an interview. The conflict was resolved without resort to direct action, and its sucesS was largely due to the impending possibility of a campaign.' This is an example of training which was influential in persuading the opponent to change. It is likely that this would happen only when the campaign or leader had enough publicity or power to have such an influence. But it is also important to note that this example happened in the early stages of the Free India Movement, long before Gandhi had an international reputation; This dynamic might be construed to happen whenever a campaign is resolved before it reaches the direct action segment. But sometimes a conflict is resolved through negotiation, not through the threat of a campaign by extensive training of participants. We have noticed in the past year that "nonviolent" 'and "civil disobedience" have developed new definitions. "Nonviolence" .has comp to mean Cl) a way of life, a personal philosophy of respect and love fir others; (2)"...theso methods of protest, non-cooperation and intervpntion in which the actionists, without employing physical violence, refuse to do certain things which they are expected, or required, to do; or do certain things which they are not expected, or are forbidden, to do;" (3) a campaign in which no overt violence breaks out, i.e., there is no looting, burning, or killing. For this paper we have the second fefinition in mind. "Direct action" is defined as a technique of struggle which is applied outside of accepted channels to communicate desire for socia1 change. In other words, the direct action technique uses direct methods, not only writing and electing representatives to develop social change. Some advocates of direct action feel that such a tactic can act as a "moral thrust" to prick the conscience of the public, thus arousing people to press their representatives for the desired social change. "Civil disobedience" has two prominent definitions as determined by the way the phrase is used. It can mean Cl) CHAPTER I

THE PROBLEM OF TRAINING: PRELIMINRY C6NSIDER'TIONS

In this chapter we will examine problems connected to training participants in nonviolent campaigns, problems which must be considered before establishing a training program. we will then examine qualities which are helpful in a nonviolent participant. A comparision of training for violence with training for nonviolence is also presented.

Considerations Training participants for nonviolent campaigns, either in the American peace or civil rights movements, has never been taken vary seriously or handled systematically. Indeed, there has been ample criticism of the idea of training itself:

...I am skeptical of training institutes 61- courses in nonviolence. I believe persona...should learn about it in the course of struggling with concrete problems. I do not believe in studying the technique of nonviolence apart from concrete problems for action as "case studies" or "application" in a course on nonviolence. I don't think nonviolence has meaning anart from genuine risk and commiIment, which cannot exist except when action is for real.

Many are sceptical of training because training programs. promise the training of skills and really deliver propaganda. Frequently, participants in nonviolent campaigns are experienced members of the VImovement" who. don't "need" training, or are committedto nonviolence and supposedly already have sufficient creddntials. The high value placed on individualism in both movements has also tended to devalue the idea of training.. , There is strong evidence to indicate that training may not be as ineffective or unproductive as is often thought.. We held to the theory that serious nonviolent' campaigns Should be as highly disci- plined and as well organized as military campaigns, though definitely in different •ways and with a different style. "Without preparation, nonviolent resistance will fail just as suely as an untrained and,undisdiplined army would fail in war." Theodore Ebert has written that the organization of and. prepai-ations for nonviolent campaigns are vitally.4important and are probably crucial as far as success is concerned/ "Nonviolent campaigns offer an alternative 4 to violence only when they have adequate organization and preparation. Gandhi grote that "...the gretest thing in this campaign of non- cooperation is to evolve order, discipline, cooperation among the people, co-ordination among the wcaters. Effective non-cooperation depends upon complete organization. Skills and techniques of organization, habits of discipline, and cooperation will last long after a particular campaign is over, and continue to be useful to the participants long afterwards. In effect, training for nonviolent campaigns is a kind of communityGoranizing which can only strengthen the movement in the long run. 3 "a nonviolent, open, intentional violation of a law, ordinance, or governmental regulation, for the name of principle or the welfarO of the group;"9 (2) "Violence and readical action."1° We obviously meand the first definition for the purposes of this paper. This paper is concerned only with training for effective participation in serious nonviolent direct action campaigns. There are various levels of training for nonviolent direct action: and introductory course is the prominent, in which participants barn a general theory of nonviolence and direct action, historical case studies, and the philosophies of Gandhi and King. Such a course can be called "training" in the loosest sense; it is really a matter of information-gaining and possibly opinion change. Train- ing for participation in a specific campaign, however, raises other issues which are not sufficiently covered in.a general course. - A third level of training, preparation of leaders and long-time participants in social change movements is a third level of training. Just as nonviolence theory has broken the dilemma of means and " ends (it is both), so training for nonviolent direct action should not itself be authoritarian or dogmatic.11 As shall be explained in Chapter IV, current learning theorize suggest that authoritarian and dogmatic teaching does, in fact, rearely really teach, in the sense of changing a person's behavior. Emotional preparation is at least as important as intellectual preparation, though it is probably more difficult. And there should be a balance between skill training and theory learning. There is also the problem of dultural differences to be con:- sidered in establishing a training program. Training white middle class people will certainly be different from training poor blacks or migrant farmers or radical students, since their perception of the problem and social change Atli be different. This problem of cultural differences is more fully discussed in Chap. V. Lewin describes the relationship between sub-cultures in a larger culture this way: most minority groups are plagued by a notorious lack of confidence, accepting society's judgement of them. This develops a deep-seated antagonism toward the person's own group. Submissive- nessIguilt, emotionalism, and other types of ineffective behavior follow.12 If this description is accurate, then training for. nonviolent campaigns should be planned in the light of this picture of minority groups. Specific training for a particular campaign is more valuable than general training, though the latter has a Place. (See Chapter V.) Training should take place before and during a campaign; evaluation after a campaign is essential; that is when people learn a great deal about what wont wrong and why. There 18 a difference between training people for community organizing and training participants for a nonviolent direct action campaign, though many skills are interchangable. Community organizing deals with how to gather sizable groups of people to support a community for themselves. Training for a nonviolent direct action campaign is training for a specific strategy to effect change. • And finally, what is training? Education another word for training) is attitude or personality change, or at any rate, a change in the person in the way he perceives, thinks, and acts. A por%sosi7 p,. cc mritment to effootive pe2 cipation in a nonviolent 4 direct action campaign is dependent on the intensity of the training and the degree of his own involvement during the training. This indicates that training for nonviolent direct action will be intense and will involve thL learner to a high degree.

Qualities in A Nonviolent Campaign Participant In any training program we need to know what we are training for. We need to decide what kind of combatant we want to have on the boycott or work stoppage. Many of the qualities mentioned. here arc not at all unique to nonviolence; most of them are essentials in any kind of conflict-combat situation; and it is clear that any self-respecting army spends a lot of time developing many of these qualities in its fighting force. Advocates of nonviolence will argue whehter some of these qualities aren't too close to the "sainthood" image to be realibtic. Nevertheless, we include them because of the inherent wisdom expressed and the general perspective they afford. 1.Fearlessness--variously described as courageh firmness, strength of mind, steady good will and determination. Fearlessness in the sense of not letting your fears control you.13 Ira Sandperl, director of the Carmel Institute, thinks that fearlessness is really liberation and depends on personality integration.19. 2. Faith in God--Gandhi often wrote that this was the most essential requirement of any satyregrahi. The value of faith in God is what happens to a person when he believes there is something outside himself that is working in and through men, that men are not completely "masters of their fates." The emphasis here is the faith, not "God" as defined in one particular wqy. 3. Capacity to love onesself—meaning a self-respect that will not allow a person to be used by another. Glenn Smiley said that if a person loves himself there are certain things that he cannot do to other people. Smiley rated this "quality" as the most important. LE Resourcefulness--also desribed as self-reliance, inde- pendence, initiative Surely an obvious quality in any nonviolent campaign. 5. Strong motivation--or faith in the nonviolent way, or passionately striving to free self and others from a social injustice. To quote Martin Luther King, Jr.:

Suppose I went to jail?...There comes a time in the atmosphere of leadership when a man surrounded by loyal.friends and allies realizes he has to come face to face with himself...I thought of the Bir- mingham Negro community, waiting. Then my mind leaped beyond the Gaston Motel, past city lines and state lines, end I thought of twenty million people who dreamed that someday them might be able to cross the Red Sea of injustice and find their way to the promised land of integration and freedom. There was no more room for doubt. I pulled off my _shirt and pants, got into- work clothes and went back to the othcr,room to tell them I had decided to go to jail.' 5

6.Humility--not having arrogant egotism; openness, willingness to learn. David Dellinger expresses the idea this way, "renunciation of all claims to special privileges and power at the expense of other people.17 If one of the tenets of nonviolence theory is the idea that we do not have all the truth, then this quality seems necessary. 7. Will to resist--the conviction that I am capable of acting. . Interestingly enough, Glenn Smiley said that a new Spanish word is developing in Latin American countries, • "Concientizacion," which literally means "to awaken," but has the connotation ofthe will to resist. 8.Empathy--also ddscribed as a feeling of solidarity with all human beings; alp!, explained as a low commitment to any one national government. If one part of nonviolence says that all men have value which must not be violated, then empathy would be necessary to understand the opponent. g. Group cooperation--Termed variously as group cohesion, comradship, group solidarity, trust, ability to wor1.with others. Seems self-evident for any successful campaign; yet this point is often overlooked. 10. Discipline--obedience, self-control. Gandhi stressed this quality and the previous one. 11.Sense of social conflict--the capacity to face and • handle conflict. So many white middle class friends of ours have all these qualities except this one; most of us would rather keep silent and "keep the peace" than face an injustice, however minor, 19 12.Spirit of the acceptance of sacrifice-- this should not feed anyone's martyr complex; even the best soldiers realize the dangers involved; or if they den't they are poorly prepared. 13. Civility--(in the Gandhian sense: an inborn gentleness and a desire to do the opponent good.) Gandhi also felt it was the most diffictlt part of a nonviolent campaign. Perhaps closely allied with a • 14. Sense of humor--or detatchment, or what Gandhi called "spiritual gaity."20 Even in tense situations, Gandhi was able to laugh and joke with opponents. When Abernathy and others were jailed during a campaign, Martin Luther King talked with him from outside the window. King: "Ralph, how many of you are there in that cell?" Abernathy: "Oh, about 60." King: "And how many is it supposed to hold?" Abernathy: "Abouth 25." King: "Good, good."

Comparison of Training for Nonviolence with Training for Violence or War One of Gandhi's most famous and ambiguous statements dell with training in this way:

Just as one must learn the art of killing in the training for violence, so one must learn the art of dying in the training for nonviolence. Violence does not mean eman- cipation from fear, but discovering the means of combating the cause for fear. The votary of nonviolence has to cultivate the capacity for sadrifice of the highest type 6

in order to be free from fear. He rocks not if he should lose his land, his wealth, his life. He who has not overcome all fear cannot practise nonviolence to perfection. The votary of nonviolence has only one fear, that is of God.21

Gandhi defines fearlessness here as the "capacity for sacrifice, " which is rightly given as one of the main tenets of the nonviolent philosophy. Anther Gandhian quotation puts the first in perspective: "Man for man the strength of nonviolence is in exact pro- portion to the ability1 not the will, of the noidviolent person to inflict violence."22 This indicates that there are many crucial qualities which are common for thenonviolent combatant and the military soldier. A historian of the Free India Movement writes that "Success has been proportional to the degree of solidarity, sacrifice, courage endurances initiative, and resoursefulpess displayed...".3 Other writers have listed similar •- qualities.29' • But there are obvious differences between training for nonviolence and training for conflict. qualities which characterize training for violence are the following: secretiveness, bureaucracy, security, minimal discussion and tasks, division of labor, and fear of infiltration. To some tent, nonviolent training will develop the opposite of these. ' Richard Gregg has written that some qualities which oppose nonviolence are mistaken assumptions, fear of strangers, pride, possessiveness, cruelty, the desire to dominate, frustration and aggression, and dual loyalty.2° There is a general understanding that nonviolence requires more discipline than military combat since decision-making in a nonviolent campaign is not bureaucratized; that the nonviolent participant must be more educated since there is some amount of judgment and initiative required; and he must be more highly motivated, since a nonviolent campaign frequently calls for some kind of self-sacrifice.27 This may or may not be so; there hasn't been a very systematic training effort- since the India Movement, either. A study of police training is presented here with the purpose of comparison in mind. It takes five months to train a policeman on the Los Angeles regular police force. Classroom training, which takes fifteen weeks, includes the study of the following subjects: Criminal Law, Criminal Investigation, Patrol Procedures, Traffic Control, Defensive Tactics, Firearms, and Community-Police Relations. Classroom study alternates with a field training assignment, a total of ten weeks. (Five weeks of classroom learning alternates with five weeks of field training assignment.) During field training, trainees work in four divisions of police work: Accident Investigation, Parking and Intersection Control, Records and Identification, and a jail assignment in a section of the city. During the second field training assignment the trainne is assigned with a training officer to a geographic. patrol area.28 Goals of the training course are to prepare men for the job and to keep self-control and self-discipline. Specific techniques used are lectures and discussions and demonstrations, roleplaying (four hours, added after Watts riots), crowd/riot control, films taken of demonstrations, bibliography of required and suggested 7 readings (promotion examinations are .based on suggested readings), and meetings with members of minority groups in the community. Required readings include, the Califoroia Penal Code, Criminal Procedure, and pamphlets on special subjects, e.g., the motally ill.29 The most effective techniaue in training police to maintain their cool is constant day-by-day reminding by supervisors, often over the car radio.30 An Advanced Phase of training takes only successful and experience policemen: a sixteen-hour course of "Interpersonal Communications" is led by a psychologist who encourages the men to discuss anything they want. By this method, policemen hope to learn more about themselves and particular aspects of law enforce- ment. Field trips are taken to community centers to learn what is being done there and to discs with members of the center the role of police in that community? It was explained that the goal of this training is not personality change, but self-understanding, to have the policemen understand their own prejudice and to deal with them.32 It is clear that the bulk of the Los Angeles Police Department training deals with technical matters: how to write reports, how to handle traffic, etc. Relatively little time is spent specifically with attitudes; but the atmosphere and expected conduct does much to develop certain attitudes. :that little time is spent on attitudes and self-understanding is minor or is given only to a select number of experienced policemen. It is not clear what relevance this training program has for nonviolent training programs. The present ferment over police action attests to much that is wrong in police training programs. Thus, it would be illogical to propose that nonviolent training should mirror the emphasis on skills practice as the Los Angeles training does. How- ever, some elements of this training program are sbund, and some elements are used in nonviolent training programs, such as alternate field placement with the academic approach; combination of theory learning with skills training; discussion with local •experts on certain areas of the job. A deeper study should bd made of police training before any more conclusions are drawn for nonviolent training programs.

Nonviolence as Ethic or Political Stratega? There is a great deal of ambiguity about whether or not nonviolence should be viewed as an ethic, a way of life, or as a means, a political strategy. Groups which accept one often do not accept the other, claiming that the opposing view is either too technically-minded or utopian. The fact of the matter, and perhaps the root of the problem, is that nonviolence has effectively bridged the problem of ends and mqqns: nonviolence is both a frame of mind and a political strategy.-d-' The problem remains, however, what this means for training programs. Gandhi felt that it was necessary for campaign leaders to be commited to nonviolence as an ethic so that when push came to shove, leaders would not be tempted to use "easier" violent tactics. When Gandhi was asked "Should satyagrahis be perfect people?", he replied, "...I do not at all need believers in the theory of 8 nonviolence...It is enough if people carry out the rules of nonviolent action."35 Some people who accept nonviolence as a way of life are not prepared to meet conflict situations and would not be prepared to take part in a campaign. It is clearly not necessary for participants to undergo spiritual conversion to take an effective part in a nonviolent campaign, despite the rather formidable list of qualities presented earlier in this chapter. But it is probably also true that a certain personality change comes about through taking part in a campaign: a person learns and finds greater dignity and self- confidence in the process of attempting to understand his oppo- nont, not accepting an unjust situation imposed upon him, and so on. However, it is best to view this process of inner change as a by-product, not as something that can be directed head-on.36 CHAPTER II •

A REVIEW OF TRAINING EFFORTS TO DATE

In this chapter we will present a brief history of training efforts to date: in Gandhi's movement, the civil rights and peace movements in the United States, and in present campaigns. We will also examine ongoing training programs not always connected with a campaign.

Free India Movement The Ahmedabad Labor Campaign in 1918 was begun to stop employers from taking a tax from workers wages. Gandhi enjoined the workers against violence, molesting, begging, and most important, surrender. A pledge of nonviolence was repeated at meetings.1 The first nationwide campaign in India was in 1919, against the Rowlatt Bills, which strengthened the government's hand in contr aling crimes and sedition. Training, such as it was, included discussion of the issues And the signing of a nonviolent pledge. Civil disobedience was part of the strategy, and participants in this aspect were required to take on a 24-hour fast as a means of self-purification. If participants did not sign the pledge and fast, they were not permitted to commit civil disobedience.2 The Vykom Temple Road Campaign in 1924-25 was designed to break segregation against the untouchable caste. In preparation for this, prayer meetings were held at the ashram, and many discussions were held on the theory of nonviolence. Emphasis was put on understanding the opponent end winning him through persuasion. In 1928, the Bardoli Campaign was planned to persuade the government to review land revenue assesment in the district. Leaders made speeches emphasizing the need for discipline; a concentrated effort was made to have participants remain nonviolent: songs appeared, prayers were given, and mass meetings were held. &articipants were again required to sign a pledge of nonviolence. The famous Salt Campaign in 1930-31 had as its purpose to remove the Salt Acts, which provided government monopoly on salt. For preparation, participants were again required to sign a nonviolent pledge. They also took courses regarding direct action, particularly in controlling large crowds, and regular times for drilling, without arms. All members of the campaign were required to conduct daily prayer, keep a personal diary and continue the constructive program of spinning. Gandhi felt that the rigid discipline would generate a force in the participants to carry out a successful campaign.5 Gandhi felt that perfect discipline and voluntary obedience were necessary in orddr to take on civil disobedience; but all the participants worked out the discipline together. Physical training was included: giving medical aid, patroling against thieves, practicing yoga.6 He felt that the constructive program was particularly important for training large numbers of people.7 10

Certain aspects of training in India were similar to military training, drilling and singing, for example. At the core, however, Gandhi felt were faith in God, obedience to the leader, and the ability to work cooperatively among "army" units.8

American Civil Rights Movement From 194? to 1954, the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) gave interracial workshops in Washington, D.C. Directed by Bayard Rustin and George Houser, the workshops, each a month long, combined training and direct action projects to eliminate segregation and discrimination in the Washington area. Participants were college age and over; the number varied from fifteen to twenty-five people each summer. The people developed their own Itcommunity" through working together. Training included lectures and discussions about nonviolence, roleplaying, and the training which took place during the action projects. The participants met with community leaders, negotiated settlements, learned techniques of publicity, and led direct action projeats.9 CORE also organized classes in nonviolence in Orangeburg, South Carolina, in January-February, 1960, to prepare students for the sit-in's there. A thousand students were trained. A short discipline was handed out to participants in the Nashville sit-in's.10 To train people for the first Freedom Ride in 1947, and again in 1961, there was a two-day session in Yashington which included discussions and roleplaying. Under the direction of Marvin Rich and Jim McCain, CORE, with other groups,.helped prepare Mississippi Summer volunteers in 1964.11 Norman Hill ran a series of regional conferences for CORE in 1963-64. He directed lectures, discussions, and roleplaying. Participants concentrated on the political-socio-economic causes f the problems as well as the theory of nonviolence. Resource p4ople, sometimes government officials, were often used. Case studies were used to develop programs for local chapters. When relevant, Hill gave a simplified analysis of a recently passed bill, e.g., Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Bill. •During the Montgomery bus boycott, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference held weekly, then semi-weekly mass meetings in black churches. They served as the vital channel of communication and the means by which the philosophy of nonviolence was developed. The pattern was songs, proyers, Scripture readings, reports4 and a sermon "pop talk," with nonviolence as the central theme.2) Roleplaying was used to prepare the victorious campaigners to return to riding buses after the boycott ended. Chairs were placed to simulate a bus, and people learned how to remain calm and nonviolent. Two weeks after the boycott ended, the Montgomery Improvement Association (MIA) held a week-long round of meetings; it was called the Institute on Nonviolence and Social Change. Planned before the Supreme Court decision, it was meant to be an anniversary celebration of the boycott. Present were Glenn 14 Smiley, Lillian Smith, Homer Jack, and Preston Valien, among others. In the two month campaign in Birmingham, mass meetings were held nightly; Martin Luther King, Jr., spoko on nonviolence, songs were sung, end londerzi Ftskc:,d v- Iluntoc,ra to join the nonviolent 11 15 army". But the focus of preparation in Birmingham was roleplaying. Thes workshops were conducted by James and Dianne Bevel, Andy Young, James Lawson, and Bernard Lee.16 All the participants were required to sign pledge cards, commiting themselves to nonviolence. During the Poor People's Campaign in the spring and summer, 1968, lectures and discussions were held in Washington, dealing with nonviolence and the goals of the campaign. After the Montgomery SCLC campaign, from 1956 to about 1959, the Philadelphia Friends Peace Committee sent an interracial team of young men to Southern towns to give weekend seminars on nonviolence which employed techniques of lectures, discussions, and roleplaying-? A special meeting was held by twenty-five well-known peace and civil rights activists in December, 1962; they planned extensive training programs sponsored by the New York Friends Group and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating.Committee (SNCC). Extensive planning was made for training programs, but only one weekend of training was actUalized.1° In 1962, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee adopted a statement of Purpose which commited its members to nonviolence. It regularly used roleplaying as a means of preparing participants for direct action. For the training of 800 volunteers for the Mississippi Freedom Summer, 1964, in Oxford, Ohio, small discussion groups were employed with National Training Laboratory leaders to help group process. The National Council of Churches also helped to develop training sessions.

American Peace Movement Efforts at training people for nonviolent campaigns, up to the recent past, have been sketchy and sporadic. In 1942, the Fellowship of Reconciliation (FOR) formed the Nonviolent Action Committee, with A.J. Muste as chairman and John Swomley and James Farmer among its members. Teams were established around the country to provide leadership against racism and militarism. Specific programs were Free India, March on Washington, Poor for Europe Fast, Fellowship Volunteers, Anti-Conscription Program, and a Nonviolent Army of Satyagraha. Together with the just-forming CORE, it established the annual Interracial Workshops in Washington in 1947. 19 The School of Living, an intentional community located in the20 1940's near Suffern, New York, often gave seminars on nonviolence. Turn Toward Peace in the early 1960's was training people for specific jobs in the peoPt movement through the use of job interviews and descriptions. It is important to note that many of these people had no previous contact of commitment to peace movement activities. The New York Yearly Meeting of Friends held a series of nonviolent training sessions, beginning in May, 1963,.with Lawrence Apsey, Albert Bigelow, Roy Hanson, and others; workshops included lectures, discussions, and roleplaying. In 1964, the American Friends Service Committee developed the Program for Nonviolence, but it included no training. However, 12. the AFSC has frequently sponsored weekend workshops in training for nonviolence; techniques have included lectures, discussions, and roleplaying. The New York Workshop in Nonviolence ran a mohth-long workshop in the summer of 1967. No doubt other groups wore conducting experiments and were thinking about nonviolence, but there were few extended or highly successful nonviolent training efforts.

Present Training Programs The Committee for Nonviolent Action, so active in the 1950's, has reduced its efforts to the New gnaland Farm in Voluntown, Connecticut. A combination intentional community and center for planning campaigns, CNVA holds periodic workshops in the theory, strategy, and techniques oriented to peace projects. CNVA's influence is important for the whole peace movement; although it is smaller than it was ten years ago, CN1U has a style which attracts many people. The Grindstone Island camp in Ontario, Canada, has held - annual training institutes in nonviolence since 1963. The programs were initiated by the Canadian Friends Service Committee and later co-sponsored by the American Friends Service Committee's program on Nonviolence. The purposes of the institute are to help participants learn how to face conflict situations and deal construct- ively with them; to deal with highly rigid situations; and to develop self-control and flexibility. Methods employed have included discussions and work projects, meditation, group sensitivity training, roleplaying, and sociodrama. In the 1963 institute, members and observers experimented with group dynamics techniques to examine group process and content. The famous Thirty-One Hours report on the 1965 session has had wide influence on the thinking of peace activists. This report of the marathon roleplaying was the first detailed analysis of mar than roleplaying and the strategy of civilian defense :explored in concrete terms rather than on a theoretical level. The report was shocking to many pacifists not only because the defenders were not victorious, but also why they lost: inability to communicate among themselves and with the opponent, lack of team spirit or ignorance of how to develop team spirit, and little patience to work together as a group to solve the crucial problems facing the defenders. Thirty-One Hours raised provocative questions that have not been completely answered. Two AFSC regional offices have recently been engaging in training efforts. The Baltimore office sponsored two weekends for high school and college age students in May, 1967, and February, 1969. These weekends have included discussions, work programs, sensitivity training, and a sociodrama of some length and intensity. The Pasadena AFSC gave three workshops in training in 1968-69, two lasting a week long; the third course met once a week for ten weeks. Bob Vogel and Walt Skinner initiated these workships. It is doubt- ful if any of these efforts could legitimately be viewed as training people particularly to take active roles in a nonviolent direct action campaign; but they are imprt:,nt indications that training has been considered inarnrnnt on,,ogh to do something about it. Techniquoa 13 also included manual work, discussions, a controlled direct action project at the local indUction centerlastreet-spoaking on New Year's Day, roleplaying, films, and readings,c1 The Philadelphia Friends Yearly Meeting Peace Committee, under the direction of George Hardin, George Alloughby, and George Lakey, developed a series of training sessions in April, 1968, to prepare people to take part in the SCLC Poor People's Campaign in Washington. The course was continued and is given in five three-hour sessions. It includes discussion of nonviolence theory and strategy, roleplaying conflict situations, and street speaking in the Philadelphia area. The content of the course is flexible in order to meet the needs of the particular group being trained. Courses have been given for local activists, middle income housewives and businessmen, and students. (See Appendix I for a deeper analysis of the Friends Peace Committee Training Program.) The Haverford College Center for the Study of Nonviolence involves a course in nonviolent theory and research; began in 1968, it offers training as part of the course. In the autumn of 1968, Carl Zietlow headed a group in Chicago to consider developing a Nonviolent Training Center. Ideas for the Center include research, training, and action projects; domestic and Latin American projects; and the development of trained satya- grahi. Techniques being considered include roleplaying, discussions, readings, and street speaking. Efforts are being made to gather 22 •nonviolent forces in the Chicago area through the Nonviolent Center. The Institute for the Study of Nonviolence was established in 1965 by Joan Baez and Ira Sandperl. Situated in the lovely Carmel Valley in California, the Institute holds weekend,and week-long programs. The courses are not designed to prepare people for campaignS, however; the goal is to have participants think through their relationship to nonviolence and to work out a frame of reference of "fearlessness." Sandperl feels that it is necessary • for people to think through the issues before they can actively take part in onviolent campaigns. For this reason, silent meditation periods are. the core of the program and are held before discussion periods Readings include works on Gandhi, nonviolence, and socio-political ssues. Informally relat d to the Carmel Institutel a program of "peace games" is run in the San Francisco area by Roy Kepler. Similar to the Grindstone Island scenarios, this program runs over a weekend, using the civilian defense attacker-defender theme to expose people to nonviolence as a theory, strategy, and tactic. Preliminary reading includes Thirty-One Hours, andeest-weekend evaluation is an important aspect of the training. • Perhaps most ambitious of present training programs is the Martin Luther King, Jr., School of Social Change (formerly Upland Institute) in Chester, Pennsylvania. Started in 1965 by John Thomas, George Willoughby, 'George Lakey, Robert Gilmore, and others, the school was designed to train social change leaders to lead - peace and civil rights issues along a variety of fronts. While the content of courses has remained flexible, there are basically two aspects to the King School program: a variety of courses, and field work. The courses, some of which are required, have included a case study of Chester to examine urban problems and learn methods of research; nonviolence theory;- history of 14

social revolutions; skills and techniques needed for social change; Afro-American history; and tutorials which individual students set up with faculty. The other equally important aspect of the program is field placement: each student places himself with a social change agency in the area and works there two or three days a week for a year as a full staff member. Periodic conferences are called between the student and the director of field placement to discuss problems arising from the field placement. The series of guest lecturers adds perspective to students' work. While the school is a learning institution, not a movement, students frequently take part in and/or organize direct action demonstrations in the area. While the school does not take an official stand social change activities in the area, students are unofficially encouraged to take part. The course at King School now offers a Master's Degree in Social Change, but students can take the one year program instead. (See Appendix IV.) Pendle Hill, under the direction of George Willoughby, George Lakey, and Lloyd Lewis, began a course in 1968 called "Preparation for Radical Quaker Living." Partly modeled after the King School program, the course uses techniques of readings, discussions, lectures, workshops, roleplaying, films, and special speakers. Participants are encouraged to take on a field placement with a ocal social change agency in order to become directly involved w.th social change efforts and to learn at first hand what organi- zi problems are. The academic format of the course includes a stuc of Gandhian and Quaker theories of nonviolent action, civi ian defense, and peace and civil rights movements. A sizable numb:r of the participants are not fully enrolled at Pendle Hill but e from the area working directly in social change problems, (Se- Appendix V.)

Present Nonviolent Campai&ns and Training Programs The Southern Christian Leadership Conference Operation Bread- basket campaign in Chicago, begun in April, 1966, is designed to develop an economic base in the black community. The most important aspect of training in the Saturday morning meetings, open to the public, but mostly includes people involved in some way with the campaign. A 16-piece band and a 200 voice choir set the atmosphere as people gather; from 9 AM to 9:30 specific projects are explained; for example, women might model fashions from black stores. Announce- ments take up the next half hour; any.. from 10 o'clock on, Rev. Jesse Jackson gives a sermon which includes the ideology of the program. .Organizers from other cities have failed to develop such mass meetings, since the attenders of the Saturday morning meetings are not onlookers, but are the actual staff and workers of the campaign. In other words, the organization came before the meetings, the meeting did not develop the campaign. There is little else that can be called training in Opera- tion Breadbasket. But the attitude toward the campaign is vital: "There's nothing that can't be done." If a staff member is not prepared to take on a piece of work, he finds someone in the community who can. This attitude goes a long way in moving the campaign along.23 The now famous Grape Strike was begun September 7, 1965, to 15

pressure growers for higaer wages ier grape oickers. . What began as a local strike has turned into an international cause, with the National Farm Workers Association eliciting support from national labor unions, civil rights leadera, ge,larnaent 'officials, and people of good will. In January, 1969, dockworkers in England and parts of Scandanavia refused to unload American grapes, thus adding their support to the strike. The head office in Delano, California, is small and unpretentious for such a strong and all-encompassing campaign. Leaders of the United Farm Workers strike attribute their success thus 4a; r to the charisma of Cesar Chavez and discipline of the strikers. In the three years of the campaign, a good many methods have been employed to prepare workers. When workers first join the strike they are required to sign a nonviolent pledge. Whenever violence occurs, Chavez calls a meeting and lectures workers about nonviolence. During the first year of the strike Chavez overtaught about nonviolence, saying that using obscenity was violent and crushing grapes was violent. He did this on the theory that it is easier to be violent than nonviolUnt, and this it was necessary to sensitize the workers. He was also educating Mexican-Americans to the idea that masculinity is not "machismo" but masculinity lies in discipline and inner strength. The El Theatro Campasino was begun in 1966 to educate the workers and public to issues of the strike, not merely to amuse. Issues that have been presented by the actors (who are also strikers) have been training, education, stereotypes of Mexican-Americans /(dealing with the problem of identity), general problems of the //workers, and persuading others to juin the strike. Any example of one "play", closer to roleplaying than drama, follows: two workers are picketing a store which sells grapes; one is experienced, the other is not. Many types of people pass by: heckler, disrupter, store manager, owner, and strike breaker; the new picketter cohverts them all to join the strike. Through the use of comic exaggeration the actors teach workers methods of dealing with conflict situations. Roleplaying is also used to teach strikers how to handle difficult situations. At some times during the strike one tactic was to visit people in their homes to persaude people to support the strike. Roleplaying was used to demonstrate three different types of approaches after some workers were successful, and others were not. After all the scenarios, the different approaches were evaluated; then workers were sent out to home visits again, using the more effective methods. Roleplaying has also been used to plan specific actions, with evaluation afterwards as a vital part. Violent incidents are always evaluated. During the early months of the strike, meetings and evaluations were held immediately after a picket line; workers learned by example and strict orders. And similar to the SCLC Operation Bread Basket in Chicago, the grape strikers held weekly meetings for strikers and union members. The original purpose of the Friday night meetings was "gentle self- criticism" and lectures; now, in addition, they serve as the vital communication link. Cesar Chavez held a fast, drinking only water, from February 15 to March 10, 1968, to emphasize the union's commitment to nonviolence. It had a strong influence in strengthening solidarity 16 among the strikers. Strikers in Delano have their meals free at a community-labor union hall, or can take uncooked food to their homes. Each striker, regardless of his job at Delano, receives 11,5 a week. These examples of community living md voluntary poverty are also part of setting an atmosphere for hard work and self-discipline common to many nonviolent campaigns. In fact, the strenuous life often screens out volunteers from Los Angeles and Berkeley who are not willing to live the campaign at such a pace.25 CHAPTER III FUNCTIONS TO BE FIIJRD

In this chatter we will exmine. six functions which need to be filled in a nonviolent campeign: exemplar, resource-person, organizer, strategist, tactician, and combatant. We will attempt to put this analysis into a useful and workable perspective?' The schematic analysis set forth here has a limited value, and could be easily misunderstood without so0e explanatiOn. This analysis of functions to be filled is not meant to be a shopping list: "Let's see, what we need is a famous strategist." Rather, this review is meant to be a means of analysing the areas of organizing in conjuhction with a nonviolent campaign, or a means of self-examination that the nonviolent group should undertake before, during, and after the campaign. A review of historical campaigns makes clear that certain functions hay* been filled by one or several people, and that these functions are the' specific mechanisms give the nonviolent campaign the necessary power, or working fluid. An analysis of these funCtions might prove useful in understanding the dynamics of nonviolent campaigns and planning more effectively in the future. We do not, mean this analysis to be used as a shopping list for a simple reason: if people are trained explicitly for just one of- these functions, then the organization of the group will, in time, become highly bureaucratic. If one person is trained to plan strategy, and he is not present at a - crucial time, then the campaign breaks down. In order for this scheme to be used as a planning device, social change agencies planning nonviolent campaigns will have to be oriented to long-range social change and less oriented to crisis situations than they are. Until that time comes, this scheme is better viewed as an analytical tool than a job placement mechanism.

General Leadership All the functions outlined in this chapter are kinds of leadership functions. Any person should have (1) some amount of experience; (2) an overview which gives his judgment weight; and (3) respect from other members as a result of the first two qualities.

Exemplar The exemplar is also described as "the" leader, titular head, or charisbatic leader, though the last is not exactly the same as than be explained below. HoWever described, he personifies, rightly or wrongly, the campaign, for its members and the general public. He is the identity of the campaign, often lives the movement and general activity. In other words, he lives out the general ideals of the campaign or movement. An exemplar also has courage and sacrifice by standing for what he believes and living those beliefs. He is willing to take sacrifices uteri himself, like going to jail. A dramatic act taken by a leader can' strongly influence group discipline. Gandhi fasted when participants were wavering and losing confidence. He also threatened to call off.a campaign when violence among participants seemed likely. The capacity of Cesar 18

Chavez to work harder than other campaigners has a strong effect on group morals and solidarity.3 But an exemplar is not nec,sserily charismatic, and a sharis- matic leader does not necesserily exemplify the campaign (Hitler). A lot has been made of the "charismatic leader," though it is more difficult to define the term than to give examples. Gandhi, Martin Luther King, Cesar Chavez, Leber'. Kennedy, George Wallace, Che Guevara, and Mao-Tse-Tung have all been described as charismatic leaders, while Richard Nixon, Ralph Abernathy, Lester Maddex, Raul Castro, and King Faisal have been classified as uncharismatic leaders. A charismatic leader inspires loyalty among his followers, is dynamic and inspiring, has enormous drive, and possesses some kind of personal magnetism. He identifies himself, with his followers or vice-versa; signs of this are Gandhi's wearing the traditional Indian robes, King wearing field laborer work clothes, Castro and Mao wearing workers' clothes. At the same time, the charismatic leader usually has "a sense of distance from the crowd," a certain sense of mystery or awe. He is summarily defined as having a quality "...which acts a man apart from ordinary men and treated as endowed with supernatural, superhuman, or at least specifically exceptional powers or qualities."Of course, a person is either charismatic or not---you cannot give a course in charismn. There is a certain weakness to having a charismatic leader as head of a movement or campaign. People tend to follow a charismatic leader without much questioning. Overconfidence .in the leader, without gaining self-confidence, is a weakness, because if the leader were killed or made an error of judgment, the campaign would be leoderless.5

Resource Person This function might also be defined as philosopher, knowledge expert, researcher, and interpreter. His strength and value are his knowledge of relevant material, and. study and reflection which lead him to interpret that material. Dr. L.D. Reddick is historian for the SCLC; Eugene Nelson wrote a short history of the Grape Strike, The First One Hundred Days; Kenneth Boulding frequently interprets current social movements. The person who fulfills this function is useful to a campaign in the early stages by conducting surveys, writing reports or memoes to stimulate thinking, interviewing key people, and developing a certain discrimination about material relevant to the campaign. Certainly experience in previous campaigns and a reflective nature would be essential prerequisites. The resource-person should also be able to conduct research: how to use census information, government documents, trends in voting and movements of social groups, to ne,ne only a fex examples. If a person knows how to use research tools he can often unearth vital information which can be used as proof of the need for change. In addition, he can protect his group from false charges from the opponent by presenting figures outlining housing infringements, for example. The resource-person should know how to analyse problems, often of considerable size. By seeing the particular segment of a conflict situa ion, what once seemed impossible to change becomes more managw- able. Excellent examples of such analyses are the Lewin force-field 19 pattern and the Bondurant outlines of Gandhi's campaigns.

Organizer The function of an organizer in this context has a specific definition. He is the person who coordinates tasks, facilitates people's working together, keeps track of jobs so that they get done. He might function as an office manager, or director of field workers, for example. The organizer often takes over as general manager when the exemplar is giving speeches or raising money; Jim Drake, Chavez's assistant, might be seen as fulfilling this function. Since organizers spend most of their working hours in committee meetings, it would do well for them to have a basic knowledge of group dynamics. If the decision-making process is unwieldy, or if the group does not know how to handle an unpleasant office situation, the work often slows down. A knowledge of group dynamics and an occasional self-examination can often avoid unnecessary problems. Specific administrative skills are also essential to insure a smooth working agency, regardless of its size. It is necessary that more than one person be able to handle each of these skills, thus not depending too much on one person in case of illness or absence. Office and administrative skills are the most obvious: general office management is often overlooked. Who should assign daily chores? Who should tell volunteer workers what to do? Can we use part time help in the most effective way? Typing, and running the plethora of office machines is essential, especially the all important mimeograph machine. Filed material should be easily accessible; address lists can be organized in a number of ways according to how they are used. Writing skills are equally essential: taking readable minutes of meetings, writing reports or summarise of talks or written articles, and preparing press releases. Skills dealing 7Jith publicity are also vital, since contact with the constituency and general public is often the key to a successful campaign. Staff members should know the rudiments of printing, the effectiveness of a well-written publicity announcement, how to use radio and television announcements most effectively, how to arrange a successful press conference and the like. Office staff personnel should also know how to organize meetings, conferences, special retreats, and so on, since these are tools of organizing the agency itself. A basic knowledge of photography is valuable since photos are valuable in publicity, and films of demonstrations can be effectively used in evaluating a campaign. A knowledge of languages is often necessary when dealing with sub-groups in the culture, or when working cooperatively with international and foreign groups, A knowledge of cooking for large groups is often valuable,,sAnce sharing a meal is a good way of developing group solidarity.,

Strategist The strategist function is amply filled in a military campaign; it should have its equivalent post in an effectively run nonviolent campaign. Examples of strategists in the peace movement are Sidney Lens and Bradford Lyttle, in the civil right movement, Bayard Rustin, The strategist should have an overview ana a clear picture of what .4 20 the campaign is intended to achieve. A sense of strategy might be developed by being familiar with social change theories, researching case studies of past campaigns, and conducting "peace games" and marathon roleplays. The strategy of a nonviolent campaign has been roughly defined by Gandhi and King. According to Bondurant, a nonviolent strategy is this: (1) negotiation and arbitration; (2) preparation of the group for direct action; (3) agitation; (4) issuing of an ultimatum; (5) economic boycott and forms of strikes; (6) noncooperation; (7) civil disobedience; (8) Bsurping of the functions of government; (9) parallel government. King outlines four basic steps: (1) research and collection of facts; (2) negotiation; (3) self-purification; (4) direct action.9 The Philadelphia Friends Peace Committee adds one more step to King's outline: education of the public.J-`) No doubt there are other variations as well, and there is more to nonviolent strategy than suggested stops of a campaign. It is essential to know the reasons given for strategOs in past campaigns, and that necessitates being familiar with the growing library of basic writings on nonviolence. Gene Sharp has advocated a wide knowledge of strategies; so often, social change groups are hampered by custom, precedent, or.habit in choosing strategies. Many times a culture will develop its own style of social change, while a knowledge of other strategies will increase the power base of the organization.11 The strategist should examine the connection between a specific strategy and the larger framework of social change that they are trying to achieve, The democratic representative society implies a different theory of social change than, any, a socialist society. But apart from governmental systems, eommunity organizations in the voluntary associations framework often have various social change theories: do they attempt to Change social structures or only the persons in office within the structure? One theory of social change suggests that real change comes about only through working with grass roots problems and the people in the community; other change theories suggest that reforms of political parties or leadership hierarchies are the crucial lever of change. Principles and strategies of community organizing are vital to understand as well, since in dealing with any kind of social change leaders need to develop support for their organizations. The structure of a voluntary agency tells a lot about its power structure, its general theory of social change, and its methods of change. Finally, the strategist sets standards of action; he should have a reasonable and objective understanding of risks and dangers involved; and he should be able to minimize these risks without damaging the integrity of the program.12

Tactician Tactics are specific plans of action: picketing, sit-in's, and so on. Strategy is the overall plan, fitting tactics together. A tactician determines the best method for the immediate situation; the strategist, on the other hand, worries about long-run implications, how all the tactics add up to develop and promote social change. The functions of tactician and strategist should complement each other, since tactics should come out of overall strategy. 21

The tactician should understand the press and other news media, since tactics heavily influence how a campaign is reported. The tactician function is developed in similar ways to the strategist with one vital addition: he should be imaginative in order to develop constructive tactics on the spot, or on short notice. How to develop an imaginative frame of mind seems to be an impotasiblo task, but there are structured "games" which develop modes of thinking which break through established patterns and create new and spontaneous ideas which are indeed imaginative. In addition, experience in past campaigns, study of historical campaigns, and roleplaying are useful in developing a tactician's perspective.

Combatant While the combatant may have no large part in planning the campaign, he fills the key function during the campaign, and its success depends on him. Discipline, ability to f011ow directinns, and yet a sense of individual responsibility are all crucial qualities. The willingness to suffer or undergo some hardships should be expected. Experience, roleplaying, knowledge of past campaigns, an awareness of group solidarity and how to develop it, and an increasing knowledge of tactics are all qualities which would strengthen the combatant function and increase the likelihood of success of a nonviolent campaign. All the functions described here are kinds of leadership functions, even the combatant one. Gandhi described the function of leadership as knowing the goals and the means to achieve them, willing to carry plans through, and living the movement day and night. The leader should also be more that. willing to take on menial jobs, such as cleaning and kitchen chores.'3 This willingness goes far to maintain good morals and solidarity among all the campaigners. Cesar Chavez, we were told, often works harder than other members of the Grape Strike campaign, and harder than he expects others to work.1 Workers' feelings are teid toward any authority when he works as hard as, or harder thnn, others.15 23 familiar with nonviolence theory. Analysis of the problem under attack and knowledge of the opponent; analysis of the political structure of one's own country; principles of strategy and tactics; crowd management tactics; all these bodies of information are high priority areas for training people to take part in nonviolent action campaigns. There are obvious techniques or means for learning these areas of knowledge, such as readings, lectures, and discussions. But these are often not enough to provide the impact and involvement essential to an actionist. Simulation games such as roleplaying contribute immeasurably to understardhg so-called intellectual aspects of theory. (see below) Also valuable is to observe planning sessions and to take part in the theoretical aspect of planning a campaign. It is only partly true that we learn by doing ("practice makes perfect"); repeated weaknesses and errors after many years is proof of the fallacy of this theory. We learn by doin only when we also evaluate what was done and learn from the weaknesses. For this reason, evaluation is the crucial element in any learning situation, regardless of what is being learned. It is clear to most educational theorists by now that there are certain qualities or bodies of "knowledge" that cannot be learned through the rational-lecture approach; this may account for the growing interest in balancing lectures and discussions with a field training program. Man cannot be taught solely by rational cogitative means since he is an emotive being as well. Methods of example, persuasion, and empathy are crucial.,

Training in Specific Practical Skills The real purpose of training is practice; theories and bodies of knowledge are important, but they are not the real point, nor do they meet the crucial issue of training for a nonviolent campaign.8 Specific practical skills can also be learned in many different ways, but the focus should be on practice. It is here that people learn best by doing, obviously. Areas which are usually essential to know are the following: fund raising, negotiating, writing of different sorts, running office machines, office management, publicity methods (including production and distribution of a newspaper or newsletter), languages, and cooking for large groups. Some nonviolent leaders have suggested that these "technical skills" can best be learned in refresher coursesQ rather than through enrollment in a formal institution.10 Choice of the method should be determined by the skills needed to be learned. At the Martin Luther King School, students learn technical skills through their field placement situation and through a Skills and Techniques course when students learn how to run film projectors, practice public speaking, direct roleplaying, have lectures and workshops on writing press releases, and dealing with mass media communications. Weekend workshops are another way of handling the same problems. Films and tapes are valuable to learn methods of interviewing. Some limited rdadings discuss how to develop social research, such as polling, writing questionnaires, using government documents, etc. Bradford Lyttle suggests that many skills such as languages should be learned before taking part in a campnign, since the group needs to rely on o'ric,ncod pooplc) to get the jab done.11 But some skills can be 24

learned only on the job, such as dealing with press people. Learning bodies of knowledge and practical skills can be structured in many ways, according to the length of time at your disposal and what needs to be learned. Nonviolent theorists suggest that it takes anywhere from three months to two years to become fully prepared to take an active part in a nonviolent campaign. But this may be supposing that the participants are fairly inexperienced. Size of learning group, as discussed earlier, is important. A good working size is twelve to fifteen people in buzz groups for discussions and larger for lectures. A one-day seminar is useful for learning practical skills; a weekend workshop is good as well, also for roleplaying and nonviolence theory. Some nonviolence classes meet one night a week for fiteen weeks. CORE structured month-long workshops for almost a decade. And the Martin Luther King School offers courses for one and two years. Refresher courses for people actively engaged in social change work are also helpful,

Roleplaying Kurt Lewin outlines three levels of education: (1) cognative structure (theories, ideas), (2) valances and values (feelings, emotions), and (3) motoric action (control over physical and social movements).12 To change the cognative structure, certain points should be kept in mind. Rational approaches are not enough; social action is determined by perception. Correct knowledge is not enough to change a false perception, just as people saw the effect of gravity; but it was not until Newton "perceived" the force of gravity did people take this natural law into their thinking. Change in perception occurs when a different set of values and facts are accepted, when there is a change in the perceived social world. A free choice of new perception and values is essential, and a step-by-step process of showing the student this new perceptton is not always successful.13 What this moans for nonviolence training becomes clear when we realize that "the re-educative process has to fulfill a task which is essentially equivalent to a change in culture."14 If participants of a nonviolent campaign have accepted the values of the nonviolent-pacifist-civil rights movements, this aspect of the training will be partially fulfilled. This is quite different, however, than training for sainthood or a nonviolent society. Lewin adds that the basic theory of learning is that "... the action of an individual depends directly on the way in which he perceives the situation"; and "...whether a change of ideas or values does or does not affect the action of an individual depends on whether or not his perception is changed."15 Lewin feels that the best methods of learning are (1) fact-finding by group endeavor; (2) people in the group accept the facts; (3) cooperative action by he group in an atmosphere of cooperation, openness and confidence.1 Lewin is not saying that cooperation and confidence would be nice if we had time to think about them; he says that these are qualities essential to the learning process if any learning is to take place. The technique of roleplaying combines the three levels of education which Lewin outlines: cognitive structure, emotions, and motoric action. Because of this combination, it is also well adapted to providing new perceptions. Roleplaying has gained 25

enormous popularity. in the civil rights and peace movements. Originally developed by Dr. J.L. Moreno for purposes of treating Mental patients, it has been adapted to explore social conflict situations. Its main value is that is places participants in the situation, and the person begins to feel what it is like to be a policeman confronted by a picketline which seems to threaten his authority. In addition to giving a realistic means to explore a problem, roleplaying assists in planning tactics. Will a vigil get across the information we want it to? By roleplaying a vigil lines participants can find out. In negotiating demands, participants can discover how the opponent will react to a certain argument; Martin Luther King School students prepared for negotiations by roleplaying, with great success. In fact, the preparatory roleplaying was so realistic that the students playing a faculty member actually verbalized the identical argument that the real faculty member later voiced: Aside from planning tactics, roleplaying also enables participants to understand the opponent more accurately than before. Stereotypes are easily revealed since then the "actor" plays his part like a burlesque. Realism is essential, and it is the responsibility of the leader to set the tone and define the-roles as clearly as possible, Participants not taking part observe such things as changes of tones in voices, actions which increase or decrease tension, and so on. In this way, roleplaying teaches close observation, a valuable skill in nonviolent action campaigns. After each roleplaying scenario participahts should engage in an evaluation. This is the most crucial time since people have been deeply involved, and their emotions as well as their minds have been affected. When people of one group (planning a campaign, for example) engage in roleplaying, trust develops very quickly, ',since roleplaying is an active function. By this we mean that although speaking takes place, people are communicating significant facts about themselves through non-verbal means. For example, the way a person plays the role of captain of the picket line shows how well he understands this leadership position. The way a person plays the role of an official shows if he views the official stereotypically or realistically. Finally roleplaying relieves tension by giving participants something to do, rather than just something to talk about. This is sometimes an essential function just before a direct action campaign. Charles Walker and George Lakey suggest that it is valuable to have pre-established scenarios that can be roleplayed; Glenn Smiley, on the other hand, never prearranges scenarios, feeling it is more valuable to have participants design conflict situations from their own experiences, In this way, the valid criticism of artificiality is partly overcome. Based on our experience, we feel that a blend- ing of these approaches is more effective than either. Predesigned scenarios have the advantage of pinpointing crucial conflict situations which often arise and which have been valuable to roleplay in the past; spontaneous designing of scenarios has the advantage of engaging participants in the whole learning process, and assures them that they are meeting their own needs rather than relying on the leader to know their situation. Marathon roleplays are based on the same theory as shorter scenarios; the only difference is that marathon roleplays sometimes 26 go on for two or three days. The Grindstone Island sociodramas are famous; Roy Kepler in San Francisco hax led sociodramas based on the idea of civilian defense,. as has the Baltimore AFSC office. Besides learning about civilian defense and the problems involved, participants also become familiar with conflict in themselves and how to plan strategies and tactics. If intensity and involvement are two essential ingredients to any successful learning experience, marathon roleplaying scenarios have their valuable place in nonviolence learning. In addition, marathon roleplaying provides a profound sense of realism. It provides a chance to re-examine concepts and myths about nonviolence. Participants have a chance to see what. consequences a specific tactic may have rather than discussing it in an evaluation session after a short scenario.'? Ciritce of roleplaying have suggested that it is too much like a game to be taken seriously. If they can find a learning technique that does as much to prepare participants emotionally as does roleplaying, we will be glad for the contribution. A second criticism is that people who would take part probably have the emotional perspective to do a good job, anyway. 18 Nevertheless, roleplaying helps participants to fee the necessary confidence in themselves that they can, in fact, do the job. Arthur Waskow directed roleplay messions for Congressmen who were about to take part in hearings on gas and germ warfare; one Congressman knew he would have stiff opposition to his views, and he wanted to be well prepared to take the opposition and mild harrassment.19 There is a danger of making conclusions about tactics and so on from one sociodrama; since it is only once experience, conclusions based on that experience may not be valid. We need to build on sociodrama experience rather than viewing each one as manna from heaven. Another weakness of sociodramas is that they often reveal weaknesses of tactics and planning, but rarely reveal preferred and workable tactics. One solution is to combine insights learned from past campaigns and nonviolence theory with insights from sociodrama experiences.

Constructive Program Many nonviolent leaders and spokesmen have doubted, or at least have questioned, the value of some sort of constructive program as part of training or of a, campaign itself. But there is ample evidence to answer their doubts. Gandhi insisted on some sort of constructive program, especially in training for civil disobed-• ience.2° In one campaign he said that all participants should either be in jail, taking part in civil disobedience, or engaged in a constructive program.2i Hand. spinning was the constructive program of the Free India Movement. In the 1918 Ahmedabad Campaign, many workers were employed building a weaving school. Others learned medical and sanitation principles and skills and taught villagers. From this developed the Ahmedabad Textile Labor Associa- tion with its welfare program benefits to members.22 Some form of constructive program or manual work has many values. It has the effect of saying, "We are working against (racism, militarism) in this society; but we are working_ -for this." Manual work creates cooperation and furnishes discipline;23 it develops a deep sense of self-reliance and self- 27

confidenpe; and particularly it develops a sense of unity with others.29- Bradford Lyttle feels that the value of manual work is not the work itself but that it develops self-confidence and de- emphasizes reliance on established institutions. Once a group knows through direct experience that they can build- a houre or fix their own cars they develop an inner security and rely less on • social institutions.25 In addition, manual work creates channels to release blocked energy and tension, thus preventing outbreaks of violence among participants.2e George Lakey has written that •"manual work aids the intellect and works as a corrective against becoming sentimental about our ideals."27 Heard and Lewin have emphasized the necessity of developing cooperation and a sense of unity among people; a constructive work program provides this while learning theoriesand skills cannot. What kind of work program is useful in developing all these •qualities so important to a successful campaign? Gregg suggests relief work or social service projects, as is often done on iFSC summer, or weekend projects; or food, clothing, or shelter production. Even simple garden work or general clean-up for an afternoon provides the same self-reliance and sense of unity.

Training for Individual Discipline A German student involved in the 1968 demonstrations against the Springer newspapers wrote "All the worst accidents involving violence have occurred when the demonstrators have panicked."28 Individual discipline goes hand in hand with group discipline, yet how to develop personal discipline is a sizable Gordian knot. Though some would argue with this point, there seems to be a connection between how one handles his personal comportment and how he approaches larger problems. Going on this theory, some nonviolent leaders have suggested that cleanliness, neatness, punctuality, and cheerfulness are the ideals.29 Techniques for developing these kinds of individual discipline are suggested in the handbook for the Shanti T3ena, the Indian Peace Army: punctuality, gather- ing and dispersing quickly, preparing an area for a meeting, getting dressed quickly (advised maximum time is two minutes:), and doing walking, running, and jumping exercises.3° Since nonviolence theory puts substantial weight to individual responsibility and motivation, a part of self-discipline should be to examine one's motives for taking part in a campaign. For this reason, Gandhi sometimes required participants to keep a daily journal. A journal is also valuable as a record of the campaign, and useful for evaluation.31 Silence and meditation, as an individual or group function, and as practiced on a regular basis, has often been used to develop self-discipline ,2 Dr. Michael M,ccoby, assistant to Erich Fromm, points out that inner discipline has traditionally been developed in Zen Buddhist molosteries by encouraging a strong master-student relationship. Self-examination and reflection arc encouraged when a less experienced and open person is subjected to the thinking and experience of an older and more experienced person. The "shadow theory" of learning is similar, i.e., you attach yourself to one expert and learn everything he can teach you. Essential in this relationship is that the younger person must respect the older 27

confidence; and particularly it develops a sense of unity with others.24 Bradford Lyttle feels that the value of manual work is not the work itself but that it develops self-confidence and de- emphasizes reliance on established institutions. Once- a group knows through direct experience that they can build a house or fix their own cars they develop an inner security and rely less on • social institutions.25 In addition, manual work creates channels to release blocked energy and tension, thus preventing outbreaks of violence among participants.2° George Lakey has written- that "manual work aids the intellect and works as a corrective against becoming sentimental about our ideals."27 Heard and Lewin have emphasized the necessity of developing cooperation and a sense of unity among people; a constructive work program provides this while learning theories and skills cannot. What kind of work program is useful in developing all these qualities so important to a successful campaign? Gregg suggests relief work or social service projects, as is often done on AFSC summer or weekend projects; or food, clothing, or shelter production. Even simple garden work or general clean-up for an afternoon provides the same self-reliance and sense of unity.

•Training for Individual Died line A German student involved in the 1968 demonstrations against the Springer newspapers wrote "All the worst accidents involving violence have occurred when the demonstrators have panicked."28 Individual discipline goes hand in hand with group discipline, yet how to develop personal discipline is a sizable Gordian knot. Though some would argue with this point, there seems to be a connection between how one handles his personal comportment and how he approaches larger problems. Going on this theory, some nonviolent leaders have suggested that cleanliness, neatness, punctuality, • and cheerfulness are the ideals.29 Techniques for developing these kinds of individual discipline are suggested in the handbook for the Shanti Sena, the Indian Peace Army: punctuality, gather- ing and dispersing quickly, preparing an area for a meeting, getting dressed quickly (advised maximum time is two minutes:), and •doing walking, running, and jumping exercises.30 Since nonviolence theory puts substantial weight to individual responsibility and motivation, a part of self-discipline should be to examine one's motives for taking part in a campaign. For this reason, Gandhi sometimes required participants to keep a daily journal. A journal is also valuable as a record of the campaign, and useful for evaluation:51 Silence and meditation, as an individual or group function, and as practiced on a regular•basis, has often been used to develop self-discipline.P2 Dr. Michael Meccoby, assistant to Erich Fromm, points out that inner discipline has traditionally been developed in Zen Buddhist monasteries by encouraging a strong master-student relationship. Self-examination and reflection are encouraged when a less experienced and open person is subjected to the thinking and experience of an older and more 'experienced person. The "shadow theory" of learning is similar, i.e., you attach yourself to one expert and learn .everything he can teach you. Essential in this relationship is that the younger person must respect the older 28 person.33 For the same reasons it is valuable to have a prestige person take part in the campaign, not only to have his experience and prestige, but also so that the less experienced participants can learn some of these intangible qualities from him. A final valuable technique for developing individual discipline is sensitivity training. The Esalin School in California is responsible for its growing popularity. The value of sensitivity training in preparing participants for nonviolent pmpaigns is its ability to build group cohesiveness very quickly.39- People also learn, often in intense ways, conflict that exists in themselves and with others. Sensitivity training is also important if you agree that training needs to concentrate on the psychological and sociological causes of conflict and violence.35

Training for Gr.otup_Discipline Napoleon thought that discipline is 7 per .cent of all the elements that make for success in battle.3b In order to appreciate this statement we should first examine principles of group dynamics and group behavior and theories by Rogers and Freud. Carl Rogers is the strongest advocate of group-centered learning and the non-directive and unstructured teaching approach. Rogers feels that anything that can be taught by the cognitive- rational-lecture approach is inconsequental. By this he means that in any learning situation in which the learner is not actively involved in the process, is not learning in the sense of influencing his behavior. Learning, Lewin feels, can take :lace given these five conditions: (1) the learner accepts the fact that there is a problem to be sieved; (2) the teacher is an integrated person; (3) a supportive teacher-student relationship develops; (4) the teacher empathizes with the student's perception; (5) the student accepts the teadherts empathy and acceptance.38 This gives strong support to advocates of cummunity living, or at least, strong support for field assignments as an integrated part of the learning process. Freud's description of group behavior is couched in psych- clogical turns which do not concern this study, but he did identify and theorize about certain elements of group behavior which are useful. Freud suggested that people are so suggestible in groups because of identification and gregariousness. In order to be a part of the group, people identify with the group's goals, its leader, and other members. And a person with whom another identifies has an influence on him.39 When a person strongly feels hat he is a member of a group, his ties to the group are strong:t0

Principles of Group Dynamics One of the most important contributions the field of group dynamics has contributed is the concept of roles that need to be filled in order that the group succeeds in what it sets out to do. There are two types of roles: task roles and maintenance roles. Taxk roles are types of behavior that are required to accomplish the work of the group, such as initiator, information seeker, information giver, opinion seeker, opinion giver, clarifier, etc. If people refuse to or cannot give information, then the work of the group is stymied and cannot procede. Maintenance roles are types of behavior which build or maintain the group as a working 29 unit, such as encourager, harmonizer, tester of agreement, etc. A balance between task roles and maintenance roles is important; a group may get its work done but ignore people's feelings; or a group may have a pleasant atmosphere and never get down to the task facing it. A perceptive member of the group should feel it his responsibility to fill a role if it is not being filled and if it is crucial for the progress of the group. Given the principle from learning theories that the more the group members are involved in the process of learning the more the members will learn, it is essential that the leadership roles be carefully examined. Present group dynamics thinking suggests that leadership is a function, not a person, and that anyone who helps move the group toward its goals is acting in a leadership role. Perhaps an even more radical idea is group leadership: no one person functions as a leader, but the group leads itself through consensus agreement. Members in a group-leadership arrangement clearly have great responsibility to the other group members if the task is to be achieved. Group cohesion, i.e., the ability of members. to work smoothly with each other, is vital, and is dependent mainly upon the size of the group. A "face-to-face" group is one iirwhich all members know all the other members. The size of a face-to-face group varies according to how long the group is formed and what its task is, but generally is no larger than fifteen members. When members are not able through the large size of the group to know each other, trust breaks down and the the task is harder to achieve. Thus we see the wisdom of smaller buzz groups and cadre teams and the folly of massive campaigns in which members do not even know each other. This is not to day that large campaigns can never be successful; but the people in the campaigns should be organized in smaller work teams so that face-to-face groups play an important part in the dynamics of the action. 1 With the growing importance, knowledge, and development of group dynamics, a type of simulation game called T-Group is useful in having people explore group behavior and what part they play or should play in order to get the job done. For example five people sit in a circle; each person han a card with five symbols on it. He may communicate only to the people next to him, and only non- verbally. The task is to find out what symbol everyone has in common. When that is accomplished, people sit in a single row, in a square, and in other formations. • After such an experiement, people discuss group structure,. how lines of communication determined leadership, and so on. Case experiments using the T-Group technique can be developed for exploring many areas of group dynamics. The important element in developing group discipline, it seems to us, is socialization, i.e., shared experiences. It almest does not matter what they are as long as the group experiences them together. Shared experiences develop group discipline as well as security, a quality much maligned today but perhaps essential to decrease fear and panic when faced with violence. "2 Drilling has been suggested; shared meals seem to bring any group of people together as well. The Group for the Advancement of Psychiatry has. suggested these group controls toward nonviolent behavior: strong allegiance to a set of values, tight discipline, group solidarity, strong charismatic loaders, trust, and communication.4 5 A bureauc- 30 racy is different from real group discipline; this distinction should ward off the establisnment of a bureaucracy which seems to pose for group discipline."' The previous paragraph has suggested verbal means of developing group discipline; far more valuable are non-verbal means. To have a successful nonviolent campaign it is important to break down a sense of status people may have.45 And though our rationalist friends may deny it, non-verbal activities are enormously helpful in developing a sense of trust among people, Traditional kinds of non-verbal activities are folk dancing (develops a sense of rhythm and coord- ination), singing (any kind of music), sports, and meditation, Fasting together builds strong solidarity and discipline. Manual work builds group discipline as well as individual discipline. Gregg has suggested that we "do as much of the training as seems right in your own judgment."46 Street-speaking is one of the most successful techniques for developing group discipline, individual descipline, and is a constructive program as well. It develops group discipline by having participants share responsibilities for crowd technicians, leaflet- eers, and speakers. Individual discipline is served by having people speak in front of strangers on the street, often dealing with questions and heckling. Street-speaking is a constructive program because it allows issues to be aired which would not normally reach the mass media. It also teaches specific skills such as public speaking, crowd management, and effective leafleting. In addition to these values, street-speaking is inexpensive and can be organized on a short notice. All that is needed is a platform, sign, leaflets, and usually a flag is required. Street-speaking has become a familiar sight in the Philadephia area since the Friends Peace Committee, King School, and Pendle Hill programs frequently practice it. Some nonviolence theorists suggest that communal living is a valuable means of developing individual and group discipline. The obvious way of creating community is to confront authority, as any foreign policy expert knows.47 Some people have found that communal living develops self-understanding; people learn how to live peace- fully with otrs, or at least, they learn what causes conflict among people. Community living can solidify a commitment to nonviolent principles as wel1.49 Separate communities may be valuable for some, but not necessarily for all. It would be enough to have people live in a general community, influencing others.5° A danger of living communally is that a holier-than-thou attitude can develop, which obviously runs counter to the goa1.51 Symbols of solidarity are another aspect of group discipline, and there are various and traditional means of developing this. Days of observation, like the birthday or assassination day of Malcolm X or Martin Luther King is one good means. Common symbols are frequently used flags, handshakes, common dress (the SCLC work clothes), and buttons. The element here is perhaps that your group uses the symbol while others do not. Rallying cries ("Viva la Huelgal"), slogans ("Remember Dr. King's Dream"), and songs are all influential. Written pledges have often been used to inhance group discipline; see Appendix II for a collection of sample disciplines. CHAPTER V STRUCTURE AND DIMENSIONS OF THE TRAINING PROCESS

In this final chapter we will present an over-view of the training process and offer a list of dimensions with which to view different training programs. These dimensions are based on past training efforts, current learning theories, and functions nodded to be filled in nonviolent campaigns.

Two General Outlooks on Training Up to this point there have existed two general orientations to training for nonviolent campaigns. One, which we call the naturalist outlook, is characterized by unstructured situational such as shared meals, periodsof manual work, singing, even community living. Its strongest advocates are Gregg, Sandperl, and Gerald Heard, a British philosopher living in California. The strength of the naturalist outlook is that it recognizes the intangible and nonrational qualities necessary for nonviolent campaigners to have. For example, by sharing meals, singing together, and working togetherl nonviolent campaigners learn what develops conflict among themselves and how to develop individual and group discipline. The weakness of the naturalist outlook is that it too often leads to a frame of mind which would rather avoid conflict situations; it can come dangerously clost to an attitude of superiority as well. The naturalist outlook also suffers from little structure and less direction. The other outlook to training, which we call the technical outlook is characterized by understanding the theory and dynamics of nonviolent direct action and attempts to prepare campaigners in minute detail for the campaign. Its strongest advocates are Sharp, Lakey, and Willoughby. It uses readings, lectures, discussions, roleplaying, and training in practical skills, such as writing press releases, running office machines, preparing conferences. But the technical outlook on training tends to ignore, or at least to de- emphazise, insights from learning theories about the necessity of involvement on the learner's part and principles of group dynamics and crowd behavior. Since each outlook to training has essential qualities which the other does not, the problem is to integrate both outlooks in a training program. It :seems necessary to include aspects of both outlooks, not in a rigid way, but by including different kinds of training to meet specific needs and conditions of the nonviolent campaign that is being planned for.

Structure of the Learning Process Chapter III outlined six functions which are more or less necessary to any nonviolent campaign: exemplar, resource-person, organizer, strategist, tactician, and combatant. These functions can be filled by a number of people, or one person can fill two or more of these functions at any given time. The crucial point is that these functions need to be filled for a nonviolent campaign to run smoothly, especially if the campaign lasts longer than a month. Ideally, all the people filling these functions should take part in all five of the following approaches to training. But some of these 32 approaches lend themselves specifically to training people to fill special functions. The exemplar function, for example, because it personifies the campaign, should t,ke part in all approaches. One of the grave weaknesses in American education is that the means-ends relationship is violated; by this we mean, for examples that students are expected to learn through the use of undemocratic means to respect democratic processes. As a result, educators assume that students learn democratic processes, but actually they learn more deeply that competition is essential to be successful and that religious and humanitarian values are less important than success. It is possible to overcome contradictory moons when we realize that the techniques of training must parallel the goals sought. The reader should bear this in mind as he reviews each of the following aspects of the learning process.

1. Academic Approach---The academic approach would be the most logical (and pan allel) means to handle intellectual learning, such as nonviolent theories, history of past campaigns, strategies, and tactics. But this learning need not be limited to the academic approach. And the academic approach does not necessarily mean formal lectures, although it can include that technique. For example, if your group is planning a demonstration in the Canal Zone, your combatants need to know something about the Canal Zone. Maps, slides, and films are all valuable techniques to include in this training. People who intend to fill the functions of exemplar, resource- person, strategist, and tactician should take part in academic studies. The resource-person would benefit by learning more theories, analysing past campaigns, seeing new relationships between ideas and the problems at hand. The strategist would become more know- ledgable about strategies. And the tactician function would be developed by knowing previous tadtics used successfully.

2. Workshop Aproach---The workshop approach logically lends itself to learning practical skills; participants should be able to practice running machines, preparing conferences, writing press releases, speaking at street meetings, and so on. The emphasis should be on having the participants actually doing the skills required. By having an experienced person supervising, the practice sessions, participants can learn short-outs and tips for greater effectiveness. The exemplar function would be developed by taking part in the workshop approach because, as was stated before, he should be doing menial tasks connected with all aspects of the campaign. The strategist would become aware of how dependent a campaign is on practical skills related to communication. A rosource-porson would learn how best to interpret specific tactics to the general public. The organizer must master these skills in order to coordinate and teadh them in a campaign. The workshop approach can increase the effective functioning of the combatant through the practice of non-hostile response to attack as in street-speaking.

3. Rol2playinr.Approach---Poleplaying develops perception, awareness of the consequences of a specific tactic, and understanding of the opponent. Most importantly, however, roleplaying reaches people on the affective as well as rational level; thus, the whole 33 person is involved, with the result that the person learns more deeply than if only one approach were used. Roleplaying is used with great success to plan a meeting or action tactic, and to evaluate why a tactic is useful. Evaluation in the form of discussion always accompanies roleplaying. As before, the exemplar should take part because he should be familiar with all aspects of a campaign. The. organizer would learn a groat deal about group dynamics, essential to his function. The tactician would be the greatest benefactor from taking part in roleplaying since it is especially good in unearthing new tactics and spotting weaknesses in accepted tactics. And the combatant function would be strengthened by learning what it feels like to be in a conflict situation.

4. Group Maintenance Approach—By group maintenance we mean learning the most effective processes by whidh a group attains its goals. Group maintenance includes using knowledge, skills, and talents of group members; being aware of the atmosphere-of the group and how this affects how -members perform their functions; and knowing how external factors (late comers, outside speakers, time of day, size of the group) affect the group performance. Some of this material can be learned by taking a course in group dynamics. Less structured approaches are also valuable, such as observing crowd behavior, street-speaking, and sharing many kinds of experiences, such as singing, folk dancing, and sensitivity training. The exemplar would learn how the members of the compaign work together; he would be able to spot potential weaknesses in the composition of the membership. The organizer function would be strengthened for the same reason. The tactician function would improve by seeing members together and analyzing what tactics best suit this group. And the combatant function would be the best benefactor by learning how to work together smoothly with other members, a skill essential to a well-organized campaign.

5. Constructive 7ork/Manual Labor Approach---As outlined in Chapter IV, some program of constructive work or manual labor is valuable to build group solidarity, increase feelings of self-sufficiency, and release tension. Participants should take part in experiences not directly related to the goals of the campaign, especially if they arc nonverbal experiences such as working together and building something with their hands. The AFSC workcamp is a good example of manual labor and constructive work. The exemplar function would be improved by increased self-reliance, for the exemplary act sometimes must be taken alone. The organizer would see how parts of the work arc coordinated into the whole; the function would be strengthened by seeing people work together. The tactician function would be improved for the same reason. And the combatant function would be strengthened by learning to work together with others. This chart shows at a glance what approaches are most valuable for -r the functions to be developed. Group Qonstmanual lal3o1.-proo Academic Workshop Roleplaying Maintenance r Exemplar I X - ----X - - X X X esource- 7 X X - --- person ._ OrgaTilZer 77 77- btralIzist i X--- — --X-. --- - .--- Tactician - _l_ rX uonffidtanf- -1- x X 54:

Some training programs in the peace movement have been unrelated to actual campaigns. The roblom of unconnected training has recently come under attack, and this controversy should be Explored. The weakness of training programs unconnected to actual campaigns is that the theories and skills learned seem less important than they actually are since participants will not be putting them into actual practice. Keeping theories and skills in reserve until the need arises is not learning. It is interesting to note, furthermore, that training unrelated to a specific campaign has occurred only in the peace movement, not the civil rights movement. All too often, what has passed for training in the peace movement has actually been propaganda seminars for nonviolence---nice propaganda, but sometimes less relevant than what was going on in the civil rights movement. In addition, training in unrelated programs is much too theoretical to be of any great value in an actual campaign. But the problems of combining training with on-going campaigns is a tremendous burden to put on one organization; it is likely that it is impossible to do both well. The resolution of the problem seems to be to concentrate on either training or direct action, while also including aspects of the alternate. For example, the Philadelphia Friends Peace Committee program concentrates on training. But most of the, training takes place with people engaged in nonviolent campaigns for social change. Participants in an extended training program can be active in campaigns outside the training effort, as are participants at Fondle Hill, the King School, the Carmel School for Nonviolence, and so on. Participants in campaigns can receive training at any of these training programs during weekend seminars or at evening sessions. The idea of field placement effectively bridges the gap between training and on-going campaigns; and even there students find it difficult in balancing both programs.

Five. Dimensionsof Training * (sue page 60) Listed below are five dimensions of training which have been found to be useful for preparing participants in nonviolent campaigns. These five dimensions parallel the five approaches outlined above. , As discussed earlier in this chapter certain dimensions lend themselves to preparing for specific functions, e.g., the tactician function would best be strengthened by taking part in roloplaying. Using this perspective of dimensions to analyze training programs allows us to view training efforts in terms of a "one-dimensional approach," "two dimensional approach," and so on. But this dimensional approach is not meant to be a list of criteria by which to evaluate training programs, with the view that a five-dimensional approach is necessarily better than a one- dimensional program. If the campaign participants already know a great deal about nonviolent theory, then the first dimension might be do-emphasized br eliminated altogether. However, if participants are completely new at nonviolent direct action, then their training program should naturally include all five dimonsions. The examples of types of training are pot meant to be restrict- ing. The kinds of academic approach, skill preparation, et., should be in keeping with the campaign being planned. Furthermore, we should not feel limited to the kinds of training that have been used, sonv,tims inffc:otivoly, in the past. Any kind of preparation 36 Cultural differences complicate the problem of training since groups' perception of the problem and of social change will differ. Mexican-Americans concentrate their training efforts on roleplaying and shared time; blacks working in Operation Breadbasket concentrate on skills training. Perhaps a training program should be weighted according to the weakness of the group to be trained; for example, if a group is not easily able to make decisions, then ample time should be spent on group dynamics and shared experiences. If a group is able to function well together, then the program should emphasize skill training. But cultural differences do not drastically alter the five basic dimenbions out of which are built an effective training program. Cultural differences will probably shape the details and atmosphere of the training program, however.

The chart below uses the five dimensions of training to anPlyse existing training programs. It illustrates how some programs emphasize only certain aspects of training. Ra-g- Const. program *Shared Theory Skills Playing Manual work time

AFSC offices I1 (Baltimore and Pasadena) i Carmel-Baez* X ---,, CNVA X X X X -.-- Friends Peace XA. Comm. Grindstone X 1. X X . X Island

King School X X X

Pendle Ball X X X X ' X i.-- - Zietlow- In the planjning stage Chicago

CAMPAIGNS SCLC—Operation X X X Breadbasket

Grape Strike X X X X X

We see from this chart that the CNVA, King School, Pendle Hill, and Grape Strike programs include all five dimensions for training in nonviolent campaigns. The Grape Strike, of course is an ongoing campaign itself. King School and Pendle Hill do not train for specific campaigns, although many participants are involved in campaigns. CNVA is the only training program which actively trains while participants plan and undertake campaigns; but these campaigns 37 are less ambitious than the Grape Strike or Operation Breadbasket.

Conclusion The problems of training programs for nonviolent direct action campaigns have been seriously considered only since 1965. It was during that year that the Institute for the Study of Nonviolence in California and the-Martin Luther King$ Jr., School for Social Change in Pennsylvania were opened. Before that time, what training took place was spur-of-the-moment, superficial, or non-existent. At present writing there are six or seven programs in the United States which are seriously considered to be effective training programs for nonviolent action campaigns. The paucity of serious training efforts and lack of serious literature on, the subject tend to underline the fact that training has not been- considered important enough to nonviolent social change to do much about it. One of the greatest assets of nonviolent strategy of social change is the fact that it overcomes the tension of ends and means. In a similar way, training for nonviolent social change should also overcome the preblem of means and ends. Training a group of people to face severe tension is not answered by lecturing about the nervous system. Through an examination of learning theories and group ee dynamics, we conclude that the best training program must include the following dimensions: 1. Intellectual presentation of nonviolence theory. People have control over the dynamic they are working in when they understand that dynamic. 2. Specific skills needed in any campaign situation. A moral commitment and a theoretical understanding are not enough when you need to communicate with a 5,000-member constituency, for example; your staff needs to know how to write a newsletter, work with public relations media, organize conferences, and so on. 3, Roleplaying. Emotional control during tense situations has often meant the difference between control of the whole situation and rioting, injuries, and even death. Roleplaying has consistently been found to reach people on the affective as well as rational level and therefore is an invaluable training technique. In addition, it brings realism to the training program and helps to plan and evaluate tactics. 4. Shared experiences of a variety of sorts have been found to develop understanding, informal and compassionate relationships among co-workers. Shared experiences, especially when they are essentially nonverbal (such as silent meditation, singing, folk- dancing, shared meals), help to develop a group dynamic. A "formed" group is one in which members understand---not merely tolerate--- each other, and value each other. More than this, members of a formed group learn to trust each other, surely a valuable ingredient when push comes to shove. Training which ignores the lessons of group dynamics encourages poor communication and, finally, reduced effectiveness. - 5, Constructive program and/or manual work, in addition to building the group dynamic and reducing tension, also concretely and implictly builds the kind of society that the campaign is working for as well. Constructive work says, in effect, "We are against this (warlracism, poverty); but this is what we are working for." We feel there is something unbalanced about a solely negative 38 program (we nrotest the draft, 'ac , - .eccee, p,etieinno e More positive attitudes toward themselves and their society when they commit some of their energies to construction of good as well as destruction of evil. On the basic of this study we feel that nonviolent training is not only useful, it is essential to the full success of nonviolent campaigns. Most training efforts to date have not, in fact, "trained" anyone. They have usually been discussion groups which lead the participants only to en intellectual understanding of nonviolent theory, at best. A training program which is unrelated to actual nonviolent campaigns leads too easily to the same problems of irrelevancy as much as public education has. Though it is probably impossible, or at least, difficult, to train and act simultaneously in the same program, training programs can feed their participants into actual campaigns; and campaigners can use the resources of a training program as well. Qualities often associated with participants in a nonviolent campaign are not so utopian as some might think once the dynamics of group maintenance, shared time, and roleplaying are considered. Training attempts in the Free India Movment and the American civil rights and peace movements have often been too little, too late. They have also suffered from a narrow view of what training is and what to train for. Furthermore, they have suffered from a lack of experimentation; for example, the usual pattern of training in the United States in the 1950's was lecture, discussion, and limited roleplaying. The United Farm !orkers' Boycott and Strike has developed new techniques of training such as "El Theatre Campisino." An examination of the functions to be filled in any nonviolent campaign gives a functional view of what to train for, while being careful to avoid excessive regimentation and bureaucracy. It seems likely that the functions of exemplar, resource-person, organizer, strategist, tactician, and combatant can at least in part be developed by specific kinds of training. An analysis of each social change agency or particular nonviolent campaign might reveal other functions which should be specifically trained for. We have reviewed specific techniques of training regarding theoretical understandings, skills learning, roloplaying, group maintenance and individual discipline. The most important lesson learned about specific methods of training is to experiment and try to meet the needs of the campaign and the participants. In other words, there is no more important idea in training-than relevancy. We further urge that this relevancy not be limited to the week ahead, but to the whole process of the campaign. A final major point is evaluation: if we are ever to stop doing the irrelevant things in training we must learn from our mistakes. And that requires nonviolent campaigners to take the time to evaluate what happened and why. As long as the crisis orientation is the only incentive for action, nonviolent campaigns will not develop the power base they need to be successful in the long run. The whole field of training fir nonviolent campaigns needs continuing research. Now that there are ongoing training programs, these programs should constantly be evaluated in order to remain relevant and to progress according to changing social and political 39

conditions. Learning theories should be further investigated and those lessons applied to the problems of nonviolence training. "Parallel" training, such as for police, para-military, and military groups should be investigated and those conclusions be applied as well to the problems of nonviolence training. It seems to us that the ideal training program for nonviolent direct action campaigns would take into consideration the goals and political aspects of the campaign, the situation and political "set" of the participants, and the means available to achieve the desired goals. On these bases, we would establish a training ptogram set apart but not remote from action. Participants in the training program would live in the same group of buildings, share peals, and do their own laundry, cleaning, and cooking. Simultan- eous programs of theoretical learning, skills workshops, and roleplaying would take place on an increasing level of sophistication. Sufficient time would be allowed in the weekly schedule for non- verbal activities in which all participants wou1d take part, which would develop significant group dynamics. Similarly, ample time would be given each week to some sort of valuable constructive program which would be a real contribution to the larger community. The size of the group of participants would be small enough to provide easy communication among members. Each working group would be no more than 15; if larger than that, the group would be split in half. Staff and participants would not lead separate lives but mix freely together to provide further important communication. But any effort for social change, regardless of its strategies, tactics, underlying theories, personalities, or causes, is subject to the whims of history, plain old garden-variety luck, and the impact of the Spirit. Although training programs and processes will decrease the impact of history and luck (but hopefully increase the impact of the Spirit,) these elements of chance are still with us, and must be allowed their influence as well. 1+0

APPENDIX I STUDY OF THE FRIENDS PEACE COMMITTEE TRAINING PROGRAM

The Nonviolent Direct Action Training Program of the Friends Peace Committee in Philadelphia was established in early April, 1968. Established by George WilloUghby, George Lakey, and George Hardin, the program was originally intended to serve white supporting participants of the SCLC Poor People's Campaign. However, the response that spring was enthusiastic enough, and we felt important enough, that it continue. In June, 1968, Lynne Shivers became coordinator of the program, which served as her field placement for the Martin Luther King, Jr., School of Social Change. Upon her resignation in January, 1969, Robert Levering became coordinator. Susan Richards joined the staff at that time as secretary, and Thom Richards served as Assistant Trainer. The Nonviolent Direct Action Training Program is a program of the Friends Peace Committee: its office is loc4ted there, and courses are co-sponsored by the Peace Committee. The structure of the program consists of an advisory and decision-making Committee and Staff. The Committee is made up of a dozen or so people who are either involved in direct action projects or in nonviolent trainingprograms. The chairman is George Willoughby; some of the other members are King School students, who have been involved in the program since its inception as trainers, and George Hardin, Executive Secretary of the Friends Peace Committee. General policy decisions are made by the Committee; if matters concern a sweeping policy decision, the issue is taken to the Friends Peace Committee which meets monthly. The basic purpose of the training program is to provide training courses in nonviolent direct action to Quakers, activists, and students in the Philadelphia area. About half of the effort is directed toward Quakers, the other half to non-Quakers. Courses have been given for people who have never taken part in direct action projects. But most of the participants are at least moderately active in peace or civil rights campaigns. Workshops are held occasionally to prepare trainers to take responsibilities in giving the course. A second purpose of the program is to provide knowledge and expertise to activist groups in the area which are planning direct action programs. (See below)

Basic Course The Basic Course in nonviolent direct action id divided into five three-hour sessions: sometimes it is longer or shorter depending on the participants. An outline of the course is given as follows: 1. Introductions; purpose of the course, Introduction to roleplaying. Three or four roleplay scenaros with evaluation. 2. Roleplaying. Hour-long discussion of the 'theory of nonviolence. 3. Roleplaying. Hour-long discussion of strategy and tactics of nonviolent direct action campaigns, with examples from specific campaigns. 4. Roleplaying of a street-speaking situation. Participants La

decide what issues they will speak on, decide what leaflet to use, or write their own leaflet. 5. Street-speaking. Evaluation of the course, including written questionnaire. An information packet of essays, pamphlets, and a bibliography on nonviolence is given to each participant. Roleplaying scenarios are usually decided by the participants. Sometimes they involved, direct adtion situations; general conflict situations are often used as well. Roleplaying is the main technique of learning since it allows people to learn from realistic situations on the emotional as well as intellectual level. It is the goal of the training to help people face conflict and violence in themselves and with other people, and to learn how to deal with conflict situations in a constructive way. Another goal of the course is to provide a framework of nonviolent action: theory, strategy, and tactics. And the overall goal is to prepare people for participation in nonviolent direct action campaigns. Street-speaking is used for many reasons: it is a live situation with a minimum of controls. It also furthers the movement, and keeps alive the civil liberties of speech, "Assembly, and petition. Frequently during the course participants take part in a picket line or vigil line if one is going on at that time. Coupling this experience with evaluation students learn more than they would with just the direct adtion experience itself. Depending on the participants, sometimes picketing is substituted for street-speaking. If the number of participants warrents it, they are divided into smaller groups of 12 to 15, to enable the roleplaying to use all the participants. Halfway through each three-hour session a coffee bteak is taken to give people a breather and to compare experiences. The most important part of the session is the evaluation portion after each roleplay scenario. People learn fundamental points of nonviolent theory, specific strategies and tactics, attitudes which are helpful and which are not, and so on. Trainers work in teams to take care of all the angles of training. The trainer who coordinates the course (plans with the co-sponsoring group, arranges for time and place, etc.) usually does not train. ,Instead, he oversees the trainers, makes introductory remarks, and generally oversees the course in its entirety.

Trainer Course The Friends Peace Committee Program also teaches people to act as trainers. The Trainer Course takes two three-hour sessions. Issues covered are leading group discussions, directing roleplaying, and managing a street-speaking situation. Written material about all these items is handed out; roleplaying is done, with each participant directing a session; and general discussion goes on constantly. Evaluation closes the session, with trainers volunteer- ing to be an assistant trainer in a forthcoming course. Staff personnel of the program call on these potential trainers when needed. One of several chief trainers in in charge of each Basic Course.

Consultation Program The Consultation Program of the training program was estab- 42 lished when a few groups asked for specific information, such as how to prepare for a general press conference, and how to establish an Observer Corps in Philadelphia. Trainers act as resource leaders and help to train people for specific jobs which are needed in their programs.

Achievements and Weaknesses The major weakness of the program is that it is not directly connected with any ongoing nonviolent campaign. However, many who take the course are case workers, student activists, and staff members of local social change agencies. No doubt they apply what they learn to their own situations. Increasingly, courses are given to groups about to undertake a direct action campaign. And in one case participants developed a campaign after they had taken the course. After one year of the program, about 700 people have taken the Basic Course; two consultation sessions have been held; and three Trainer Courses have been given. About thirty trainers are available. Courses have been given in Philadelphia and theasuburbs, Southern New Jersey, Pittsburgh, Pasadena, California, Cornell University, Swarthmore College, and two Quaker high schools.

Funding A fee of $5 is charged each participant, $3 for students. Costs for maintaining the office, printing, and postage are paid by the Friends Peace Committee. Three staff members are paid sub- sistence salaries. 43

APPENDIX II SURVEY OF '11ITTEN DISCIPLINES

The practice of writing nonviolent disciplines which participants either sign or pledge themselves to has been a steady practice since the Free India Movementi Recently, however, the practice is used less often. We present four disciplines here: from the Free India Movement, from thd civil rights movement, from the peace movembnt, and a compendium of such disciplines. These disciplines were chosen over others because they represent important perspectives on nonviolent direct action and include elements which seem valuable to meet contemporary action situations. Other written disciplines, just as valuable, can be found in Lynd's Nonviolence in America, Oppenheimer and Lakey's Manual for Direct Action, and King's Wh2 We Can't Wait.

A. Code of Discipline written by Gandhi in 19301 1. Harbor no anger but suffer the anger of the opponent. Refuse to return the assults of the opponents;• 2. Do not submit to any order given in anger, even though severe punishment is threatened for disobeying. 3. Refrain from insults and swearing. 4. Protect opponents from insults or attack, even at the risk of life. 5. Do not resist arrest nor the attachment of property, unless hOlding property as a trustee. 6. Refuse to surrender any property held in trust at the risk of life.° 7. If taken prisoner, behave in an exemplary manner. 8. As a member of a satyagraha unit, obey the orders of satyagrahe leaders, and resign from the unit in the event of serious disagreement. 9. Do not expect guarantee for maintenance or dependence. • B. CORE Rules for Action: Guarantees of the individual to the group 1. A CORE member will investigate the facts carefully before determining whether or not racial injustice exists in a given situation. 2. A CORE member will seek at all times to understand both the attitude of the person responsible for a policy of racial discrimination, and the social situation which engendered the attitude. The CORE member will be flexible and creative, showing a willingness to participate in experiments which seem constructive, but being careful not to compromise CORE principles. 3. A CORE member will make a sincere effort to avoid malice and hatred toward any group or individual. 4. A CORE member will never use malicious slogans or labels to discredit any opponent. 5. A CORE member will be willing to admit mistakes. 6. He will meet the anger of any individual or group in the spirit of good will and creative reconciliation, he will submit to assult and will not retaliate in kind either by act or word. 44

7. A member will never engage in any action in the name of the group except when authorized by the group or one of its action units. 8. When in an action project a CORE member will obey the orders issued by the authorized leader or spokesman of the project, whether these orders please him or not. If he does not approve of such orders, he shall later refer the criticism back to the group or to the committee which was the source of the project plan. 9. No member, after once accepting the discipline of the group for a particular project, shall have the right of with- drawing. However, should a participant feel that under further pressure he will no longer be able to adhere to the Rules for Action, he shall then withdraw from the project and leave the scene immediately after notifying the project leader. 10. Only a person who is a recognized member of the group or a participant accepted by the group leader in a particular project shall be permitted to take part in that group action.

C. Written Discipline for a single discipline, A Quaker Iction Group, March, 1969.3 1. Our attitude toward officials and others who may oppose us will be one of sympathetic understanding and concern for them as persons. 2. We will not respond with violence to acts directed against us, nor will we call names or make hostile remarks. 3, If for any reason we are arrested in the exercise of our civil liberties we will accept arrest and not resist the arresting officers, however, reserving the right not to cooperate with police brutality or unjustified manhandling. 4. If at any time we feel we cannot maintain the discipline or cannot follow the plan made for any phase of the project, we will withdraw from the action. The Teach-Out at the Inter-American Defense College, by A Quaker Action Group is intended as a project in the spirit of nonviolence. We welcome all participants who accept the purpose and method of the project. 4 D. Composite developed from many codes of discipline. 1. Maintain an attitude of good will at all times. 2. Avoid malicious language, slogans or labels to stigmatize or ridicule the opponent. 3. If force or violence is used against you, your teammates, or others, do not retaliate. Never use violence. 4. Do not carry weapons of any kind. Do not carry implements that could be used or interpreted as weapons, such as a pocket knife. 5. Abide by decisions of the group or, when in action, follow orders given by the authorized leader. Avoid maverick behavior. 6. Without abrogating the above, exercise creative judgment and initiative. Be flexible, willing to experiment. 7. Be ready to assume leadership of the team if required to do so. 1+5

8. Submit to arrest promptly and politely unless a policy of n:-.s ben c.A1,Dd upon. 9. Be punctual and precise in carrying out all tasks. 10. Maintain neat appearence and dignified posture at all times, in conformity with the moral image of the cause. This includes speaking simply, clearly, and to the point. Avoid tendentiousness and be prepared to give a straightforward relpy to relevant questions as well as to ignore with good grace any inflammatory remarks, jeers, or other verbal abuse from the opponent. 46

APPENDIX III ADDENDUM STUDY OF TI INSTITUTE FOR THE STUDY OF NONVIOLENCE (See p. 13)

The Institute for the Study of Nonviolence, established in 1965 by Ira Sandperl and Joan Baez, holds weekend and weeklong programs. A nine-day program was held during late December, 1968, and we will use that program to describe the Institute's training efforts. Mornings and evenings are spent writing and editing the Institute's Journal, an occasional newsletter. It usually includes recent court cases of men who have refused induction; letters from men to their draft boards; impressionistic poems about the war; and short essays about social problems in the United States, e.g., and article titled "Hungry People," which explores various angles on the McGovern study of poverty in the United States (Nov., 1968,Journal). The afternoon schedule is outlined as follows: 1:00, exercise; 1:30, lunch; 2:00, seminar, beginning with ten minutes of silence. The discussion for this particular session centered on Naess's Gandhi and the Nuclear Age and Huxley''S Knowledge and Understanding. At 3:00, each participant (limited to the first fifteen who register) in the session spends an hour alone, without any outward distractions. This means no talking, no smoking, no reading. From 4:00 to 5:00 the discussion seminar is taken up again with a short silence preceding the discussion. Tuition for the whole ten-day session is $15. per person; lunches are included. Apparently people can spend overnight at the Institute, but no place except room on the floor is provided. Other books often used by the Institute include Merton's Gandhi on Non-Violence, Beyond the Welfare State, Passion for Sicilians about Dolci, Huxley's Ends and Means, Fischer's biography Gandhi, and Ashe's biography Gandhi. All books used as a basis for discussion are provided by the Institute. A sizable library of books and periodicals dealing with nonviolence, pacificism, and social issues is available to students. Roy Kepler said that the value of the Institute is that it gathers people not yet ready for action; the Institute attempts to farm people out to action groups when they are ready. Perhaps because Joan Baez's name is well known, the Institute is accordingly well known. But it is not a training institute for nonviolent direct action in the same sense that Pendle Hill and Friends Peace Committee are. Nevertheless, the Institute has made a sizable contribution to the idea of nonviolent training by being among the recent continuing and regular attempts at least to talk about nonviolance. Its impact on activists on the West Coast is uncertain, but they seem to be proud of the Institute's existence. 1+7

APPNDIK IV ADDENDUM STUDY OF THE MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR., SCHOOL OF SOCI-LL CH0IGE (See p. 13)

The Mortin Luther King, Jr., School of Social Change, began in 1965 as Upland Institute, has attempted to be flexible enough to meet challenges of a changing society and various student interests. The goals, however, are clear: We seek to sensitize students who are committed to the great humanitarian, principles of justice, freedom democracy, and peace and who recognize the potential creativity of the non-violent strategy of social change of the tradition of Martin Luther King, Gandhi, and Thoreau. seek to develop in students those skills and facilities which will enable them to analyze social structures, evaluate organizational pressures, and define political strategies. We seek to reach persons who feel, that more concern is not enough. Persons who feel strongly that commitment to basic humanitarian principles warrents their professional involvement and significent personal investment in seek- ing to effect fundamental changes in the social order. We seek to supply that know-how through study, dialogue, research and clinical training in the field, in order to develop sophisticated functionaries in society (Catalog, Winter 1968-69),

Some students question each year if the King School is not dogmatic in its commitment to nonviolence as the only means of significent social change.

A student once asked us to get up a workshop on making Molotov cocktails, and we refused. We are openly rooted in the conviction that there are better ways to press for change than violence, and we bend all our efforts as a School to finding and imparting these ways rather than resigning ourselves to the use of violence. This does not mean that all students, or faculty, for- that matter, are naively pacifist or non-militant. It does moan that our work together is centered on the large variety. of tenchiques and direct action strategies for social change. not dependent on violence. We stress nonviolence, but recognize violence as a dominent 'characteristic of our'society. Therefore, in order to be intellectually responsible and objective in assessing the position of protagonists for violence, we must first of all examine their positions. We, therefore, study the philosophies, the arguments and the techniques and achievements of men who advocate violent strategies of social change, such as, Che Guevara, Frantz Farnon eij), Jomo Kenyatta, Malcom X, and others, In this way we cal intelligently confront leaders of violence while firmly supporting the option of militant, but nonviolent 48

approach and technique to social change. (Catalog, Winter 1968.69, p. 4-)

There are basically two aspects to the King School program: courses ---required and elective, and field work. The courses vary according to the resources of faculty members., But in the recent past the following courses have been given: Theory and Strategy of Nonviolence, using material from Gandhi, case studies of historical nonviolent campaigns, and present campaigns, Students are urged to make original research contributions into nonviolence. Anatomy of A City was a case study of Chester, in which students were required to study a particular census area of the city in depth, thus learning deeply and at first-hand the relationships of socio-economic- political causes and effects in urban society. A basic course in Community Organizing examines the basic approaches and theories of organizing, relating the theories to the students' field placement experiences. Skills and Techniques of Social Change is a workshop - which attempts to give students experience in writing press releases, learning how to use various audo-visual machines, techniques of fund raising, public speaking, roleplaying, and techniques of organizing groups around recreational periods. This course is geared to meet specific student needs; the content in part is determined by a student questionnaire. Recent elective courses, usually as one-to-one tutorials with a faculty member, have been the following: The American Peace Movement, History of Revolutions, the Theology of Scoial Change, Readings of Gandhi, Afro-American History, and Analytical Study of the Black Power Movement. Students have often created their own tutorials. The Field Placement Program allows students to experience actual working conditions of social change programs by working as a staff member in any number of social change agencies in the Philadelphia area. Some examples have been the American Friends Service Committee, the Philadelphia office of the Souther Christian Leadership Conference, Chester Home Improvement Program, Philadel- phia Tutorial Project, Welfare Rights, Camden Metropolitan Program, A Quaker Action Group, Friends Peace Committee, and organizing with minority groups, such as Puerto Ricans in Philadelphia and with migrant workers in South Jersey. In two cases, students have organized their own field placement agencies. Here again, student initiative plays a vital role in deterring the value of the field work program. Two or three days are provided for field work, but students often develop their particular responsibilities; and toward the end of the year students usually spend more time at their field work agencies than they do on campus. However, this is an individual decision. The structure of the Field Placement Program is this: early in the year students decide what agencies they want to work with. After preliminary interviews with heads of agencies, the student makes the final decision of which group to work with. The Field Placement Director encourages the student and the head of the agency to have regular weekly conferences. Every few months, the Director of Field Placement has a conference with each student to discuss any problems which may have arisen. A major help for this analyzis process is a journal of field work which the student keeps through- out the year. He is encouraged to write in the journal any details about his field placement which seems significent to him: his understanding of the decision-making process, conflicts among staff, relations between the agency and its constituency, problems of funding, and the like. The journal, weekly and bi-monthly conferences, and class discussions all aid the student to see relationships between practical work and theoretical analyses.

The objective of the field work program is to provide first-hand experience in social action, to gain experience in working with an organized agency, to develop particular skills and abilities in organizational work, and to experience the tension inevitably existing between the vision and the reality of any social movement. (Crozer Catalogue Supplement, 1968-69)

A third kind of experience at the King School is not part of the formal structure, but nevertheless is an important aspect of the school. Once a year the whole student body, with some faculty members, engages in a special project of social significence. In 1967, students and faculty engaged in a study of the Mobilization Rally at the Pentagon in Washington, D.C. Teams of students studied such aspects of press coverage, police reaction, strategy, and tactics; crowd dynamics, reactions among the blacks of Wash- ington, and interviewing participants in the rally. In 1968, students and faculty participated as trainers in preparing white support participants in the SCLC Poor People's Campaign. Two faculty members developed a basic nonviolent' direct action training course of five three-hour sessions. These courses involved discussion of nonviolent theory and strategy, roleplaying, and street-speaking. The course seemed to be well enough received that students developed the course into an ongoing program under the directioh of the Friends Peace Committee (q.v.). The first year program at King School, which leads to a Certificate, is fairly structured with classes and field work. The second year program, leading to an M.A. in Social Change, is still farily flexible since: it began just in the 1968-69 school- year. Basically, however, the second year program consists of major time given to field work---different or the same as first year, one tutorial per semester of the student's choosing, and a thesis or project. King School students come from a variety of backgrounds, which makes for all the more lively discussions and approaches. Many students have been active in organizing locally or with large agencies such as the Peace Corps, VISTA, and 0E0. Students connected with the nonviolent programs in India have attended every year. A college degree is not required for admittance, but class work is run on the graduate level; and only students with a Bachelor Degree are eligible for the Master's Program. Guest lecturers become an important aspect of the whole program, since seminar time is given to frank discussions of problems of organizing in relation to specific views of social change, means and ends. Guest speakers have included Vo Van Ai, head of the Overseas Buddhist Association, Saul Llinsky, Kenneth Boulding, Robert Pickus, Martin Oppenheimer, James Bevel, and local organizers. 50

Perhaps most crucial about the King School from the students' point of view is the small size of the student body. Since there are no more than about twenty students, they are able to discuss among themselves and with others at considerable length and depth about crucial issues of social change: philosophy, strategy, tactics; Because students ,e able t6"Xnow each other fairly well, there is considerable freedom to develop cmP,Is own personal philosophy of change and to test it among others. Also as a consequence students are able, if they wish to, to make considerable contributions to the decision-making process of the School's administration. This is another way of saying that students are considered as an integral part of the decision-making process; this experience often serves as a voluntary field experience in taking part in student-faculty-administration policies and decisions. This boils down to initiative taken by students and used to promote programs for their interests; and in the past, initiative has taken the form of direct action as well as negotiations. 51

APPENDIX V ADDENDUM STUDY OF THE PENDIP, HILL PROGRAM (See p. 14)

Pendle Hill is variously described as a Quaker Community/Study Center, an adult school, an ashram, and a laboratory of ideas. It developed)in 1968, under the direction of George Uilloughby, George Lekey, and Lloyd Lowis)a course presently called "Creative Approaches to Social Change." The objectives of the program are the following; 1. To prepare for creative participation as agents of change within the Quaker movement and the broad- er community. 2. To provide opportunity for study and experimenta- ion with non-violent social action as a means for social change. 3. To provide opportunity to view contemporary problems of our trans-national urban society, and to become involved with an agency of social change actively confronting conflict. Since Pendle Hill is a community first and a school second, the atmosphere provides for greater experimentation and flexibility than at King School. No grades or degrees are given; student initiative is correspondingly more crucial. The program consists of a three-hour workshop session in the afternoon and a two-hour seminar in the evening, one day a week. Workshop sessions have included Vietnam and social change, interpersonal conflict behavior, problems of fund raising, roleplaying, street-speaking, organizing across cultural lines, public relations, and social investigation. Seminar sessions have included populist and labor movements, women's sufferage movement, Black Power, Black Americans' struggles, case studies of nonviolent campaigns, nonviolent defense of a nation, the American peace movement, and strategies for urban change. Occasional field trips are taken to provide in-depth study of social conflict situations. For example, students and faculty took part in the American Friends Service Committee White House Vigil in early May, 1969, and also spoke to Congressmen in their offices during the same field trip. Classes are small and the range of ages of students is from 20 to over 65. Students are encouraged to take a field placement, similar to the program at King School, but it is not required. Guest speakers are often shared with King School as well, though not always. Students frequently take part in local Action campaigns, such as a fifteen-hour vigil against the war and reading the names of the"American war dead in a near-by town. Students present lectures in class and are encouraged to write final papers reflect- ing their thinking over the term, but this, too, is not required. Papers range from scholarly to unstructured personal ideas. These papers are, ed by the community-school rather than read solely by the faOlt . The atmospherWOONhae Hill has been a decisive factor for the course in its first year or Operation. People of all ages come to Pendle Hill to think through crudial personal issues or when they are at critical crossroads of their lives. In the past this 52 atmoshpere has tended to underplay the importance of classes, though this need not be so of everyone. It is also true that people can find themselves through intense activity and exploration of a major field such as social chInge. The atmosphere leads more to personal exploration than a systematic analysis of a scholarly field of knowledge. The capacity of the program for experimentation is one of its strengths, as is the reliance on personal initiative and student interest. 53 FOOTNOTES INTRODUCTION

'Erich Fromm, The Heart of Man (New York: Harper and Row, 1964), pp. 39-42. Ibid, pp. 43-47

CHAPTER I 1Stau'ghton Lyncri personal correspondence, January 19, 1969.

2 Speak Truth to Power (Philadelphia American Friends Service Committee, 1955), p. 3 Adam Roberts, "Transarmament to Civilian Defense," p. 256, Civilian Resistance As A National Defense (Harrisburg: Stackpole Books, 1967).

4 '4 lipid, p. 257. 5Ibid., p. 256. 6George Lakey, "The Strategy of Nonviolent Revolution," Mimeographed paper, 1969.

7Krishnalal Shridharani War without Violence (New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Co., 1939), p. 81 8Gene Sharp, "The Techniques of Nonviolent Action," The Strategy of Civilian Defeme, Adam Roberts (ed.) (London: Faber and, Faber Ltd. 1967). p. 88. 9George Lakey, "Civil Disobedience and Nonviolent Action." Paper prepared for the Conference on Violence in Contemporary Society, Penn State University, May 25-27, 1967, p. 2.

10 Lewis H. Van Dusen, Jr., "Civil Disobedience---Assaluton Democracy, Invitation to Anarchy," Philadelphia Inquirer, Section 7, p. 1, March 2, 1969. 11See Bondurant's Conquest of Violence and Huxley's Ends and Meand for a full discussion of this problem. 12Kurt Lewin, Resolving Social Conflicts (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1948), p. 214. -Interviow with Glenn Smiley., Nyaok, New York: February 11, 1969. 14Interview *ith Ira Sandperl, Carmel, California: Feb. 741-969. 15 Roberts, 22. cit., P. 271 54

16Martin Luther King, Jr., i33h We Can't Wait (New York: The New American Library, Signet Book, 19 Pp. 72-73.

17David Dellinger, "The Future of Nonviolence," from Studies on the Left, as quoted in Nonviolence in America, Staughton Lynd Ta17; (New York: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1966).

18William R. Miller, Nonviolence: A Christian Interpretation (Now York, Association Press, 1964), p. 158.

19Thomas Merton, Faith and Violence (Notre Dame, Indiana: U. of Notre Dame Press, 177, p. 39. 20Amiya Chakravarty, A Saint at Work (Philadelphia: Young Friends Movement of Philadelphia Yearly Meeting, 1950), p. 43.

21M.K. Gandhi, Nonviolence in Peace and War, Vol. 1 (Ahmeda- bad: Navajivan Publishing House: 179), p. 335. 22Gene Sharp, "Nonviolence: Moral Principle or Political Technique?" (St. Catherine's College, Oxford, and U. of Osle, 1965), p. 18. 23 Shridharani, 2E. cit., p. 3204

24Roberts, 2I cit., p. 3014 25lnterview with Martin Oppenheimer Oxford, Penna.: February 14, 1969. 26Richard Gregg, The Power of Nonviolence (rev. ed.), (New York: Fellowship Publications,. 19447$ p. 1. 27 Oppenheimer, 2E. cit.. 28Los :mgclesPolice Academy, Multi-phase Recruit Training (Los Angeles, September, 1968).

29lnterview with William Randolph, Los .tngeles: Jan. 28,1969. 30Interview with Ottis Woods, Los :aliscles, January 28, 1969.

31Los Angeles Police Acaderiy, on. cit. 32lnterview with William Randolph, 2E. cit. 33See Bondurant's Conquest of Violence and Huxley's Ends and Means for an extended discussion on this issue. 34Gene Sharp, "Nonviolence: Moral Principal or Political Technique?", on. cit., p. 17. 55

35M.K. Gandhi, Gandhi's Correspondence with the Government, 1942-44 (2nd ed.), (Ahmedabad, India: Navajivan Publishing House, 1945), p. 169, as quoted in Democrat and Nonviolence, Ralp Templin (Boston: Porter Sargent Publisher, 19637; p. 280. 36Speech given by Genu.Sharp at the Martin Luther King, Jr., School of Social Change, Chester, Penna., Jan. 16, 1969. CHAPTER II

Joan Bondurant, The ConqUest of Violence (rev. ed.) (Berkeley, California: U. of California Press, 1965), p. 67 2Ibid., p. 77. 3Ibid, p. 48. Ibid, p, 56. 5M.K. Gandhi, Nonviolent Resistance (New York: Schohken Books 1961), p. 237. 6lbid., p. 58. 7Ibid., p. 91 8 Ibid., p. 100. 9Gebauer, Cynthia, "A Workshop---The Inside Story," CORE file, Swarthmore Peace Collection. 10Howard Zinn, SNCC, The New Abolitionists (Boston: Beacon Press, 19$4), p. 20. 11Interview with James Peck, New York, Mlrch 4, 1969. 12Interview with Norman Hill, Now York, March 4, 1969. 13Martin Luther King, Jr., Stride Toward Freedom (New York: Harpor and Row, 1958), p. 69. 14L.D. Reddick, Crusader without Violence (New York: Harper •and Ruethers, 1959), p. 156. 15King, Why We Can't Wait, op. cit. p. 61 16Ibid, p. 63. 17Interview with George Hardin, Philadelphia, March 5, 1969. 18"Report on Proceedings," Conference on Direct Action Training, Dec. 15-16, 1962. 19Fellowship of Reconciliation. Nonviolent Action Committee notes, Swarthmore College Peace Collection. 56 20 . . Temlin, Democracy and Nonviolence (Boston;Porter Sargent Publisher, 1965), p. 316. 21Interview with Walt Skinner, Pasadena: Jan. 26, 1969. 22Carl Zietlow, "A Proposal for An Action and Training Center for Nonviolent Social Change," September, 1968. 2 3Interview with David Wallace, Chicago: Jan. 23, 1969. 2k itwith Jim Drake, Delano, California: Jan. 21, 1969. 25Interview with Fred Ross, Delano, California: Jan. 30, 1969. CHAPTER III

1We are endebted to Charles Walker and George Lakey for their suggestions of this analysis. 2George Lakey, "The Sociological Mechanisms of Nonviolent Action," Unpublished Master's Thesis, Univ. of Pennsylvania, Phil,adel,hia, 1962, p. 62. 3Interview with Fred Ross, o-. cit. 4Max Weber, The Theory of Social and Economic Orgnization, (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 197). As quoted in Reinhard Bendix, Max Weber (Garden City: Doubleday Anchor Books, 1962), p. 88n. 5Interview with Gene Sharp, Philadelphia: January 19, 1969. toArthur Waskow, Toward A Peacemakers Academy (The Hague; Holland: Dr. W. Junk Publishers, 1967), p. 26. 7lnterview with Bradford Lyttle, Philadelphia: Feb. 20, 1969. 8 Bondurant, 22. cit., pp. 40-41.

9King, Whz We Can't Wait, op. cit., P. 70. 10A Perspective on Nonviolence, Philadelphia: Friends Peace Committee; 1957, p. 11. 11Interview with Gene Sharp, 22. cit. 12Intortiew with Bradford Lyttle, 2k. cit. lkakey, "The Sociological Moch7jtisms...", 22. cit., p. 61

14Interview with Fred Ross, 2k. cit. 15Int,rvicw with Bradford Lyttle op. cit. 57 CHAPTER IV

1Chakravarty, LE. cit., p. 31.

2Hsrvey Seifort, Conquest ly Suffering: The Process and Prospects of Nonviolent Resistance (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1965), p. 125. 3 Int,,rview With Glenn Smiley, 22. cit.

Interview with James Bevel, Philadelphia: March 5, 1969.

5Lakey, "The Sociological Mochinisms...," 22. cit., p. 48.

6Interview with Ross Flanagan, New York, March 4, 1969.

?Gerald Heard, Training for A Life of Growth (Santa Monica, California:t.pyfarer 7ress, 1959), p. 39.

8Martin Oppenheimer and George Lakey, Manual for Direct Action (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1965), p. 63.

9Interview with Glenn Smiley, 22. cit. 10,iheodore Olson, "Training for Non-Violent Civilian Defense," (Oslo, Norway: Commissioned by PAX, Peace Research Institute, n.d.), p. 8. 11 Interview with Bradford Lyttle, a. cit.

12Lewin, 22. cit., p. 59. 13 Ibid., p. 65. 14 Ibid., p. 59. 15 Ibid., p. 139. 16 Ibid., p. 140 17 Theodore Olson and Gordon Christianson, Thirty-One Hourd (New London, Conn.: The Grindstone Press, 1966),

18Interview with Bradford Lyttle, 22. cit.

19lnterview with Arthur Waskow, Washington, D.C., Feb. 27,1969.

20As quoted in George Lakey's The Sociological Mochnnisms...1" op. cit., P. 55. 21 Bondurant, 22. cit.$ p. 91.

22Ibid., p. 67. 58

23Ch.-tries Walker, Organizing for Nonviolent Direct Action (Cheyney, Penna.: Charles Walker, n.d.). 24Richard Gregg, A Discipline for Non-Violence (Wallingford, Penna.: Pendle Hill Pamphlet Number 5, n.d.), p. 9. 25Interview with Bradford Lyttle, on. cit. 26Gregg, A Discipline for Non-Violence, 22. cit., p. 17. 27War Resisters International, Training in Nonviolence (Enfield, England: War Resisters International, 1965).

28F.C. Hunnius, Student Revolts, The New Left in Vest Germany (London: War Resisters International, 1968), p. 20, 29Walker, 22. cit., p. 10. 30Narayan Desalt A Handbook for Shang. Sainiks, (Rajghat, India: Sarva Seva Sangh Prakashan, 1963), p. 24. 31Gregg, A Discipline for Non-Violence, 22. cit., p. 27. 32Walker, 22. cit., p. 11. 33Speech given by Dr. Michael Maccoby, Washington, D.C., February 27, 1969. 34Interview with M-Irtin Oppenheimer, 22. cit. 35lnterview with Ross Flanagan, 2E. cit. 36Gregg, A Discipline for Non-Violence, 22. cit., p. 1. 37,uarl Rogers, On Becoming A Person (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1961), p. 276. 38Ibid., p. 285.

39James Strachey, et al. (el. and trans.) The Standard Edition of the Complete Works of Sigmund Freud. Vol. XVIII. (London: Hogarth Press, 1965), p. 106. 40Ibid., p. 116. 41_zrma Jones, Notes for Educational Psychology 312 Course, Temple University, 1968. Adapted from Bonnie, Kenneth D., and Paul Shoats, "Functional Roles of Group Members," J. Social Issues, IV, No. 2, Spring, 1948. 42Chakravarty, 22. cit., 2.. 43"Psychiatric Aspects of,the Prevention of Nuclear Wart" Formulated by the Committee on Social Issues, Group for the Advancement of Psychiatry, Repert.No. 57, New York: 1964, p. 290. 59 44 Interview with Ross Flanagan, 22. cit. 45 Interview with Bradford Lyttle, 22. cit. 6 Richard Gregg, Training for Peace (Philadelphia: Lippen- cott Co., 1937), P. 31. 47 Speech by Michael Maccoby, 2R. cit. 48 Interview with Bradford Lyttle, 2R. cit. 49 Interview with -rthur Waskow, 2R. cit. 50 Gregg, A Discipline for Non-Violence, op. cit., p. 12.

51Interview with Martin Oppenheimer, 2R. cit.

CHAPTER V

* The Carmel School for Nonviolence is not intended to trAin people specifically for nonviolent campaigns, as was discussed in Chapter II. We include the program in this chart because the' Carmel School is often referred to as a training school for preparing participants for nonviolent campaigns.

APPENDIX II

1Bondurant, op. cit., pp. 39-40. 2 Staughton Lynd (ed.), Nonviolence in America, A Documentary History (New York: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1966), pp. 397-8. 3A Quaker Action Group. "Suggestions for Maintaining A Discipline of Nonviolence in the Action Parts of the Project." (Philadelphia: A Quaker Action Group, 1969). Mimeographed sheet. 4 Charles Walker, Organizing for Nonviolent Action (New Delhi India: Gandhi Smarak Nidhi, 19o2T, p. 22, as quoted in Miller, 2R. cit., pp. 155-6. 6o a* Explanatory footnote (See p. 34)

In Chapter V we discuss "outlook," "approaches," and "Ftimensions:" Perhaps it would be helpful to the reader if these terms were explained more carefully than they arc in the text. "Outlooks" (naturalistic and technical) refers to present distinction among training programs. This distinction is seen as simplistic and unhelpful in understanding training programs, since the training process is more complicated than these two outlooks imply. We view these two outlooks in the same way that philosophy was viewed before the Renaissance: it actually contained the germs of later specific disciplines, such as psychology, sociology, political science, anthropology, and the like. There is no definable difference between "approach" and "dimension." The only reason different terms were used was for reasons of style. On page 34 we state that "these five dimensions parallel the five approaches outlined above," The academic approach is the best method for teaching theoretical dimension of nonviolence; the workshop approach is the best method for teaching the whole dimension of skills; the roleplaying approach is the same as the roleplaying_ dimension of learning; the group maintenance approach requires that the dimension of shared time be included in the training program; and constructive work/manual labor approach. is obviously the same as the dimension of constructive program/ manual work (the terms are identical in meaning and could use the same words. ),t In summary, then, "approaches" and "dimensions" mean exactly the same thing; the same terms were not used for both because of the resulting awkward style. 61 BIBLIOGR-PHY BOOKS, PAMPHLETS, MONOGRAPHS, UNPUBLISHED TESES

Apsey, Lawrence. Transforming Power for Peace. (rev. ed.) Philadelphia: Religious Education Committee of the Friends General Conference, 1964.

A Quaker Action Group, "Suggestions for Maintaining A Discipline of Nonviolence in the Action Parts of the Project." Phila- delphia: A Quaker Action Group, 1969. Mimeographed sheet. Ashes Geoffrey. Gandhi. New York: Stein and Day, 1968. Backstrom, C., and Gerald Hursh. Survey Research. Northwestern University Press, 1963. Bell, Ralph. Rhodesia, Outline of A Nonviolent Strategy to Resolve the Crisis. London: Housmans, 1968.

Bendix, Reinhard. Max Weber. Garden City: Doublday Anchor Book, 19624

Bondurant, Joan V. Conquest of Violence. (rev* ed.) Berkeley: U. of California Press, 1965. Carter, April, Hoggett, and Roberts. Non-Violent Action, Selected Bibliography. London: Housmans, 196b. Chakravarty, Amiya. A Saint at Work. Philadelphia: Young Friends Movement of Philadelphia Yearly Meeting, 1950. Clark, Robert. "The Police and Nonviolence." Philadelphia: Study paper issued by the Friends Peace Committee, 1969.

Cordini, R.J.1 N. Shaw and R. Blake. E2191hy4RE in Business and Industry. New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 171. Desalt Narayan. A Handbook for Shanti Sainiks, Rajghat, India: Sarva Seva Sangh Prakashan, 1963. Draft Counseling and Educational Centers. Philadelphia: CO ----Services of the American Friends Service Committee, 1968. "Education for A World Without War," War Resistance. Vol. 2, No. 18-19, 1966. Fellowship of Reconciliation. Nonviolent Action Committee notes. Swarthmore College Peace Collection. Fischer, Louis. Gandhi. New Yorkt New Ameriean Library (Mentor Book), 1954,

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Gregg. Ridhard. A Discipline for Non-Violence. Wallingford, Penna.: Pendle Hill Pamphlet Number 11, n.d. . Pacifist Program in Time of War, Threatened War, or Fascism. Wallingford, Penna.: Pendle Hill Pamphlet Number 5,n.d.

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Lewin, Kurt. Resolving Social Conflicts. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1948. Los Angeles Police Academy. Multi-phase Recruit Training. Los Angeles: September, 1968.

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