Byzantine Maritime Trade · V

46 Byzantine maritime trade · V. Zmai´c Kralj

Byzantine maritime trade

based on underwater archaeological finds of the eastern Adriatic

Vesna Zmaic´ Kralj

Abstract – On the example of several shipwrecks of the eastern Adriatic underwater, like Maharac-Tatinica and Cape Stoba sites on the island of Mljet as well as on the Lucnjak shallows near the islands of Korcula, Merara and others, it is possible to follow the chronological and typological development of the Byzantine amphorae from the end of the 7th until the 13th century and compare them to similar finds from the Aegean and the Black Sea, the Sea of Marmara and the eastern Mediterranean in general, together with the amphorae found in Italy. One of the most important merchant routes was passing by the east Adriatic coast, connecting the capital of the empire and the Mediterranean to the Byzantine enclaves of great commercial importance in the northwest of the Adriatic like Ravenna, Comacchio and Venice. Amphora finds were almost absent in areas belonging to the Duchy of the Croats, however, some finds of Byzantine origin from the graves indicate that the trade and exchange between Byzantine merchantmen, urban Dalmatian centres on the coast and other ethnic communities in its hinterland had also exi- sted, but mostly in the circle of nobility.

Inhalt – Anhand der Beispiele etlicher unter Wasser liegenderWracks in der östlichen Adria wie sowohl von den Fundstellen Maharac-Tatinica und Kap Stoba der Insel Mljet als auch auf den Lucnjak-Untiefen bei der Insel Korcula, Merara und anderen kann man die chronologische und typoloische Entwicklung der byzantinischen Amphoren vom Ende des 7. bis zum 13. Jh. verfolgen und Vergleiche mit ähnlichen Funden aus der Ägäis und dem Schwarzen Meer, der Marmaris und dem östlichen Mittelmeer allgemein sowie mit den in Italien gefundenen zie- hen. Eine der wichtigsten Handelsrouten führte an der östlichen Adriaküste entlang und verband die Hauptstadt des Reiches und das Mittelmeer mit den byzantinischen Enklaven großer wirtschaftlicher Bedeutung in der Nordwest-Adria wie Ravenna, Comacchio und Venedig. Amphorenfunde fehlen fast völlig in zum Herzogtum der Kroaten gehörenden Gebieten, jedoch einige Funde byzantinischer Herkunft aus Gräbern zeigen, dass Handel und Austausch zwischen byzantinischen Händlern, städtischen dalmatinischen Zentren an der Küste und anderen Ethnien im Hinterland ebenfalls existierten, wenn auch meistens im Kreise des Adels.

Introduction long foot used as the third handle sites with the ceramic kilns for was no longer needed due to the their production2. On the basis of Maritime trade of the mediaeval lower capacity of the vessel1. It was general development of their shape period along the eastern Adriatic compensated by the horizontal ribs during the mediaeval period, the and the Mediterranean in general on the outside, which gave addi- eastern Adriatic Byzantine am - can be traced on the basis of ship- tional stability to the vessels during phorae can be divided into three wreck finds with the remains of the transport, and that became one basic groups with numerous types Byzantine amphorae and the spo- of the basic characteristic of the and varieties (Fig. 2): radic finds of the same provenance. Byzantine amphorae. All the finds Unlike the antique or late antique of the Byzantine amphorae from 1. Early Byzantine Amphorae containers characterized by a wide the eastern Adriatic can be com- (EBA): 7th/8th - 9th c. range of shapes used during the pared to similar finds from firmly 2. Middle Byzantine Amphorae short period, the Byzantine con- dated stratigraphic layers of the (MBA): 10th/11th - 12th c. tainers emerged in the limited inland archaeological sites and 3. Late Byzantine Amphorae number of shapes and could main- architecture, or shipwrecks, mostly (LBA): 12th - 13th/14th c. ly be recognized by their globular, from the eastern Mediterranean oval and piriform bodies, later and Black Sea area under Byzan - The second part of the 7th and the more elongated or spindle-shaped tine rule with Constantinople as beginning of the 8th century is at with lower capacity. The neck the administrative, cultural and the lower chronological border of became smaller, and massive han- commercial centre (Fig. 1). How - this division, when LRA began to dles raised more above the less ever, some finds can be compared transform into the EBA ones, and obvious rim. The base of the ves- to the amphorae produced in the in that form could be traced until sels was mostly oval or straight south of Italy, which was con- the 9th century. The middle phase is with concave centre, because the firmed by the discovery of several determined by the changes in 17. Jahrgang 2017· Heft 1 47

Fig. 1: Map of the Byzantine archaeological sites in the eastern Mediterranean, Black and the Adriatic Sea: 1. Yassi Ada shipwreck, 7th c.; 2. Bozburun shipwreck, 9th c.; 3. Serçe Limani shipwreck 11th c.; 4. Çamaltı Burnu shipwreck, 13th c. shapes after the period of stagna- half of the 7th century. The dimen- fundia of the south and east Me- tion during the 9th/10th century, sions became smaller as well as less diterranean, whose major destina- when a new impulse of amphorae carrying capacity, the shapes and tions were the ports in the north- production and active Byzantine details were simpler, while the west Adriatic, primarily Ravenna maritime trade of the 11th and 12th bulges at the bottom disappeared with its harbour district Classe3. century had arrived. The upper in favour of stability, and the hori- chronological border is represent- zontal belly ribs became more dis- The end of Justinian’s reign was ed by the period of the 13th and 14th tinguished. Those innovations marked by a crisis in the Empire centuries, when no more traces of were caused by new models of that caused serious social, political economic and political presence of maritime trade in the Mediter - and economic changes. Major the Byzantine Empire on the ranean that emerged as the reflec- changes on the commercial plan Adriatic, and the remains of LBA tion of new tendencies and changes were caused by the Arab forces, cargos suggest commercial con- in the Byzantine Empire. who reached the Mediterranean tacts related probably to the local shores of Syria and Egypt in the 7th wine production in the last Byzan- This period is preceded by the rule century, and through the 8th centu- tine possessions on the Pelopon- of emperor Justinian, when the ry added North Africa and Spain to nese and Apulia, thus maintaining Em pire was the indisputable ruler their domination, which stopped the last hints of amphorae trade of the whole Mediterranean, and a the production and trade of many along the eastern Adriatic mar- basic connection between Con- latifundia4. The danger and sus- itime route. stantinople and the distant parts of pense on the sea, the narrower the Empire was made by a network trading space and diminished of maritime routes protected by a amount of the goods involved in Transition from Late Antique sha- fortress chain with a well-organ- maritime commerce, induced the pes (LRA) to EBA during the 7th ised communication system for production of cheaper, low status and 8th centuries safer navigation. The remains of ships of less capacity, suitable for the fortifications positioned on the shorter trading routes, fast and The lower chronological border of Dalmatian islands, witness the agile enough to be easily managed the research represents the end of importance of the eastern Adriatic and manoeuvred5. The lateen sail great LRA production, together maritime route with urban centres replacing the antique square sails with the emergence of amphorae (Fig. 4), harbours and anchorages also contributed to that fact, to - which showed the obvious process with continuity from the antique gether with the innovations in hull of transition from the LRA shapes period, used as logistic support for construction and ship’s equipment to the EBA ones during the second trading goods from the rich lati- (Fig. 5). The medieval Rhodian Sea 48 Byzantine maritime trade · V. Zmai´c Kralj

Fig. 2: Three basic groups of the byzantine amphorae: 1. Early Byzantine amphorae (EBA): 7th/8th - 9th c.; 2. Middle Byzantine amphorae (MBA): 10th/11th - 12th c.; 3. Late Byzantine amphorae (LBA): 12th - 13th/14th c. 17. Jahrgang 2017· Heft 1 49

Law (Nomos Nautikos) suggests that ships’ owner, captain, and mer chant often were the same person6. But despite the apparent break of trade re lations, the archaeological re - searches showed a certain continuity of trade between the Byzantine Mediterranean and the northwest Adriatic, primarily in Ravenna’s port Classe, where the LRA were found in the same context with the early Byzantine ones7.

But, during the 8th and 9th centuries the less circulation of merchandise in Ravenna was noticed, in relation to the newly established Byzantine emporiums: Comacchio, Venice and Cervia together with the restored antique centres of Rimini and Grado8 (Fig. 4), with the important role of mediations between the Mediterranean and European markets9. One recently discovered shipwreck, on the island of Mljet (Tatinica-Maharac)10 (Fig. 3/1) represents remains characteristic for Fig. 3: Map of the Adriatic Sea with Byzantine amphorae finds: 1. Tatinica-Maharac that period, with globular am pho - (Island of Mljet), 7th/8th c.; 2. Cape Stoba (Island of Mljet), 11th c.; 3. Lučnjak shallows rae cargo, ship’s equipment in the (Island of Korčula), 12th/13th c.; 4. Islet of Merara, 13th c.; 5. Sv. Petar (Island of Ugljan), form of several incrusted iron 13th c.; 6. Ždrijac, Nin, 12th c.; 7. Grebeni near the Island of Silba, 13th c.; 8 Pijan Bay, anchors of type ‘T’ (or Type D Savudrija, 12th/13th c. according to Kapitän’s typology)11, and movable metal and ceramic finds from the galley inventory12.

A similar finding with many analo- gies was discovered in the 1960’s on Yassi Ada site in Turkey (Fig. 1/1). Extensive underwater researches of the sites gave us much knowledge of the maritime trade during the 7th century and a wider picture of the organization of navigation, the appearance of the merchant ships, their cargo, equipment and construction in the early Byzantine period13 (Fig. 5/1).

Considering the fact that the research on the Island of Mljet is at its beginning, the data gained from the Turkish researches can partly illustrate the appearance and the equipment of the ship. The Yassi Ada ship was 18,6 m long, 5 m wide, with 40 tonnes carrying capacity, equipped with eleven iron anchors of type ‘T’, and the cargo of over 900 amphorae. The analo- gies between the two ships are also Fig. 4: Map of the Adriatic Sea with the major maritime routes in the Roman and demonstrated in numerous ceram- Byzantine periods. 50 Byzantine maritime trade · V. Zmai´c Kralj

Fig. 5: Hull remains on the Byzantine shipwreck sites and their reconstruction: 1.YassiAda; 2. Bozburun; 3. Serçe Limani; 4. Contarina I. ic and metal dishes from the galley parts of the Medi ter ra nean, mainly Saraçhane15 and Yenikapi16 excava- inventory, among which the res - in the Aegean area from the 7th to tions in Istanbul and in the cargo earches of Yassi Ada recovered the 9th centuries. (Fig. 2.1/1,2). of the Bozburum shipwreck17 in coins from the time of Emperor The rest of the amphora cargo was the southwest coast of Turkey. The Heraclius (610-641) dating the composed of mostly individual same shapes have been found at shipwreck to the year 625/614. types of LRA belonging to the peri- excavations in Butrint18, at an early Thirty amphorae in the cargo od of 6th and 7th centuries. The Byzantine shipwreck near Otranto belonged to Yassi Ada type 1, a cargo of Tatinica-Maharac is com- in Apulia19, and in the north part of cylindrical body vessel with round posed of vessels that belong to the the Adriatic, in Comacchio and in base, known as the later version of LRA 2B type, several versions of Venice (Fig. 2/1/3-5)20. They start- LRA 1 type or LR 1B amphorae, globular LRA 13 amphorae and ed to appear from the 7th to the 9th dated to the 6th and 7th centuries. several amphorae of small dimen- century, and many variants in Seven hundred amphorae be- sions with flat bottom. Similar forms indicate different produc- longed to the globular Yassi Ada 2 globular amphorae have been dis- tion centres: from the island of type, known as the LRA 13 am - tributed on the wider area of the Chios or the coastal part of Ana - phorae, Pieri LRA 2B-2C or LRA Mediterranean: on the islands of tolia, the Büyük Menderes River 2/13 variants, produced in various Aegina and Crete, as well as in the estuary to Cyprus and Crete21. 17. Jahrgang 2017· Heft 1 51

Through the shape of LRA 2/13 we can follow the development of forms and some kind of link and continuity between the LRA 2 types and globular middle Byzan- tine vessels like type Günsenin I, produced from the 9th to the 11th century on the Byzantine territory.

Middle Byzantine amphorae in the Eastern Adriatic

The following period, which takes place from the 9th to the 11th centuries, shows some kind of gap in circulation of the Byzantine am - phorae and trade relations in the eastern Adriatic. This coincided with the general political state of the Empire, where the Iconoclast emperors of the 8th century turned Fig. 6: Cape Stoba shipwreck: complete 3D virtual model with amphoras of 2009-2015 to overland trade, thus enabling seasons. Italian, Arab and Armenian traders to intermediate and to control maritime trade in the Black Sea and in the western Mediterra nean22. In 826 the Arab fleet conquered Crete, and later the Balearic Is - lands, Sicily and parts of southern Italy leaving the Byzantine Empire no control over the West. The power ratio in the market turned in favour of Venice, where the finds of middle Byzantine amphorae from the 10th and 11th centuries were recorded, unlike in Coma - cchio, that had shown a fall in trade. Trade in the Po River valley would lose its significance, while Venice would become the sole provider for the Carolingians and transalpine market23, taking the role of the leading maritime trade power in the Adriatic. But, in the second half of the 10th century the Byzantine Empire had another ter- ritorial expansion.24 Byzantine rule over southern Italy and Crete was re-established, restoring the Byzan - tine maritime trade in the Adriatic. A re-launch of maritime trade awakened the production of new forms of Byzantine amphorae by the Aegean, Marmara and the Black Sea coastal workshops. Fig. 7: Cape Stoba shipwreck. One of the most important shipwrecks for establishing the typolo- site, located on the seabed off the ters, over 200 middle Byzantine gy and chronology of amphorae island of Mljet25. There, on the area amphorae and numerous pieces of from this period is the Cape Stoba of approximately 100 square me- luxurious glass objects, equipment 52 Byzantine maritime trade · V. Zmai´c Kralj

According to Garver’s classifica- tion37, they belong to group 1 and to the period of the 9th to 11th centuries. Sixteen examples from the Museum of underwater archaeology in Bodrum indicate they belonged to the east-Aegean production that could have emerged from the production centres of the earlier period. Similar examples had been found in Istanbul38, in Cher- so nese in the southwest coast of Crimea39, in Sarkel on the Don River, in Preslav in Bulgaria40,and embedded in the vault of 11th century church of St. Sophia in Ohrid in Macedonia41.

More than 84 examples belonged Fig. 8: Cape Stoba, amphora of group I closed by stopper. to group III (Fig. 9/3). They can be divided into several versions on the of the ship and galley inventory wide profiled rim, shaped inside as basis of their size and capacity were discovered. The wooden con- a slot for a cork stopper. Many of ranging between 4,8 (1.6 mina) to struction of the hull wasn’t pre- Group 1 amphorae were closed by 7 litres (2.3 mina), and their vari- served, but two iron anchors re- stoppers made of cork oak (Quer- ous deviations in appearance and mained partially preserved. Both cus suber L.) covered with a layer of production methods. These vessels anchors belonged to the type ‘Y’ or resin30. According to the classifica- have a characteristic body shape Type E according to Kapitän’s ty - tion made on the basis of Bodrum that tapers in a cone shape, there- pology26 (Figs. 6, 7), the typical Museum amphorae31, they belong fore they entirely have a form of an Byzantine ship’s equipment in the to group 8, dated to 9th -11th cen- elongated rhombus, like the earlier period from the 10th to the 13th turies, after the amphorae embed- Late Roman ‘carrot’ or Agora M334 century27. Similar anchors with ded in the buildings in Mangala amphorae. The most similar speci- arms that slant downward, with the (Istanbul), built during the reign of mens were discovered embedded obtuse angle between the shank Emperor Basil I (867-886)32 and in the dome of the 9th/10th century and the arms, were discovered in related examples from the Agora of church of St. John the Baptist in the shipwrecks at Serçe Limani Athens dated to the layers from the Kerch42, in Preslav and in the mo- (Fig. 1/3) and Camalþ Burnu I in 9th and 10th centuries33, Sarachane nastery near Karnaach Teke in Bul- Turkey 28 (Fig. 1/4), while in the in Istanbul, from the first half of garia, dated to the 10th and 11th cen- seabed of the eastern Adriatic they the 11th century34, and from the turies43. Their form indicates they were recorded near the island of Serce Limani shipwreck cargo in could have derived from one ver- Korcula, in the waters of Palagruža Turkey, dated in 102535. The place sion of late antique Agora M334 and Šæedro near Hvar, and in of their production hasn’t been amphorae produced around Ac- Sustipan bay on the island of Brac. determined so far, but their shape con44. As in the case of the ampho - Galley inventory consisted of a resembles one of the versions of rae of group I, a large number of small ceramic two-handled vessel, early Byzantine LR 2/13 amphorae, these vessels were found closed a ceramic flask and various dishes produced in the territory of nowa- with wooden cork stoppers soaked for storage and preparing food. So days Tunisia during the second half with resin. far over 200 amphorae were recov- of the 7th century (Fig. 2.1./10)36. ered from the site, belonging to Six small piriform amphorae with over ten different types with many Eleven amphorae belonged to a stubby neck and oval handles variants (Fig. 9). group II (Fig. 9/2). They have a reaching from the rim belong to short neck, simpler rim and body group IV (Fig. 9/4). Their capacity Over 60 amphorae belonged to of slightly rhomboid form, with is only 1.8 litres, which would be group I (Fig. 9/1), a vessel wide in round or conical bottom without equivalent to 18 Byzantine litrai. shoulders slightly narrowing standing surface. The capacity of According to Günsenin’s classifica- towards the base with concave cen- the vessel is 9 litres, which would tion, they belong to the Byzantine tre and 11 litres capacity, which be a weight measure equivalent to amphora Type XI dated to the 10thh would be equivalent to 3,7 mina, around 3 mina. Their shape, like and 11th centuries45. The closest pa- the most common Byzantine from the previous ones, came from rallels had been discovered in Serçe weight measure for the wine the early Byzantine globular LR 13 Limani ship’s cargo, in the Agora of trade29. The funnel neck ends with amphorae of Aegean provenance. Athens and in Preslav and Kar- 17. Jahrgang 2017· Heft 1 53

Fig. 9: Distribution of various types of amphorae discovered in the cargo of Cape Stoba site. naach Teke monastery, in the layers amphorae48.The same amphorae ranging between 6.7 litres (2.2 dated to the 10th and 11thcenturies46. can be found within the cargos of mina), 15 litres (5 mina) and 21 shipwrecks in almost all parts of litres (7 mina) (Fig. 9/6). Together Two globular amphorae with wide the Byzantine Empire, including with the previous group, this is the piriform body belong to group V, the most significant one, the Serçe best represented type of Middle and unlike the previous ones they Limanþ shipwreck49. Although they Byzantine amphora, and while the can be linked to the place of pro- appeared frequently in numerous Ganos type is mostly distributed duction (Fig. 9/5). According to sites of the eastern Mediterranean, on the eastern Mediterranean, the Günsenin’s classification, they the Black Sea, lower Danube region amphorae of group VI amphorae belong to Type I Byzantine am pho - and Balkans, amphorae from Cape are more specific for the western rae, dated from the 10th to 12th cen- Stoba are the only two such speci- region. In Bakirtzis’ typology they turies. She linked them to the pro- mens recorded so far in the Adria - represent the Type 1 of Byzantine duction of wine at the Ganos mo- tic. A ceramic ball with diameter amphorae, which were dated to the nastery in the Marmara region, fitting the rim of group V amphora late 9th to 11th centuries51. According which was founded in the 10th cen- was found on the site, which coin- to Garver’s classification they be- tury47. Their quantity and the wide cides with finding from Silistra site long in Class 5 and are dated to the distribution in the territory of the in Bulgaria, where a stone ball was period from the 9th to the 13th cen- entire Mediterranean and the Black found in situ, stuck in the mouth turies. Their shape suggests they sea, up to Ukraine, Russia and Swe - of an amphora, used as a stopper50. could have derived from the widely den show us a widespread trade distributed LRA 1 type of the east- network of the wine production. Twenty-four piriform vessels with ern Mediterranean provenience, Surveys in the 1990s located several rounded base and short neck which was used during the Late amphora kiln sites at Ganos, on the belong to group VI. They can be Roman and early Byzantine period north-west coast of the Sea of Mar - divided into several versions on the and established in the whole of mara, at Chora, and on Marmara basis of their diameter and capacity Mediterranean affecting the ap - Island, that produced this type of pearance of many MBA variants. 54 Byzantine maritime trade · V. Zmai´c Kralj

Similar amphorae have been found in pottery kilns dating to the end of 9th and 10th centuries in Chersonese, an important commercial Byzan- tine centre on the northern coast of the Black Sea, suggesting their provenance52. But other areas of production cannot be excluded, given their widespread distribution across the Aegean Sea, in Bulgaria and Romania, and on the Balkans inland sites, while in the Adriatic they were discovered in many examples and variants: on the Ždrijac site in Nin, and like sporadic finds near the islet of Ošljak in the Zadar Channel, in the Port of Hvar, Split and Umag53. Their presence had also been recorded in San Fran- cesco del Deserto and on Torcello Island in the Venice Lagoon, testi- Fig. 10: Cape Stoba, fragments of the glass objects from the ship’s cargo. fying another rise of the Byzantine maritime trade and restored con- nections54.

Two ovoid amphorae with a stubby neck, highly placed handles and capacity of 6 litres (2 mina) belong to group VII (Fig. 9/7). In Gün- senin’s classification these belong to type XV, based on specimens found in the Agora of Athens dating to 11th and 12th centuries55. According to other findings, from the construction of the 11th century church of St. Barbara in Trogir (Central Dalmatia)56, in Albania, Aegean islands and in Apulia (Mo- la di Bari, Brindisi, Capo San Vito, Taranto), these amphorae gravitate towards central and west Mediter - ranean. Excavations at Otranto and in the site of Quattro Macine, An- tifano, the monastic sites of S. Fig. 11: 1. Glass bottle from Serce Limani ship’s cargo; 2. Ždrijac in Nin 9th c.: glass Giovanni Malcantone and Le Cen- bottle from grave no 322. toporte as well as surveys of the underwater sites around Apulia angular rim (Fig. 9/8) suggests that son with clay and other ceramics during 1980’s and 90’s have re- it belonged to a type of piriform from the sites of Middle Greece, vealed an abundance of amphorae amphora with bowed handles, well Thebe, Chalkida and Evvoia, the made from a distinctly local represented on the eastern Medi - production of Günsenin II ampho - Apulian fabric and ceramic kilns terranean and the Black Sea basin rae can be assigned to Chalkida, for their producing, in contexts from the 10th to the 12thcenturies, the important Byzantine harbour dating from the 10th/11th to the 13th but a very rare find in the western in the Aegean Sea, an area famous centuries57. Therefore, a future ana - region. According to the Günsenin for its wine and olive oil produc- lysis of the clay of the Cape Stoba typology it belongs to the group tion60. amphorae and a comparison with IIB58, and in the Bakirtzis classifica- the clay from local deposits could tion in Type IV59. Westernmost One example of a small amphora indicate these origins. similar examples were discovered with wide, round or slightly polyg- in Thessaloniki and at the Agora in onal body of 6 litres capacity (2 One fragment of neck with a base Athens. On the basis of chemical mina), a profiled neck with a fun- of the handles and distinctive broad analysis of the fabric and compari- nel shaped rim and a base with a 17. Jahrgang 2017· Heft 1 55

Fig. 12: 1. Ždrijac in Nin:.Amphorae and other finds from the site; 2. Amphorae from the bay of Pijan (Savudrija) in Istria; 3. Ceramic clay recipients from the bay of Pijan. concave centre belongs to group IX The next connection between Cape rated with three wavy glass applica- (Fig. 9/9). Top and the bottom of Stoba and Serçe Limanþ shipwrecks tions and round body made from the handles are decorated with four is a cargo of precious glassware in yellow green glass in a blowing horn-like bulges, hence the analogy the Islamic tradition, produced in technique, with a decoration of a for this vessel has not been found the eastern Mediterranean. It was stylized × motif65. The decoration yet, but according to its dimension made in a complex glass blowing and shape are quite similar to the and shape, there are certain simi- technique which combined cobalt glass bottle from Serce Limani larities with amphorae produced in blue and yellowish glass decorated ship’s cargo (Fig. 11/1), while the Apulia, on the Mitello site with with undulating or spiral applica- neck decoration is analogue to ceramic kilns discovered in the area tion of glass in different colour and those from the Cape Stoba site. of Otranto (Fig. 2.1./7,9)61. with a stylised concentric ‘eye’ Therefore, we can assume that the motif, imprinted on the hot glass bottle found in that grave had been Many amphorae of group I, II, III, surface, a characteristic of Levant’s produced in Levantine glass work- V and VI in addition with stamp of glass production, dating back to shops, and it came into the family’s the manufacturer have graffiti in - the second half of the 9th or the 10th possession like a purchase or as a scribed on the upper part of the centuries (Fig. 10)64. The discovery political gift, through the media- body which may be related with of manufactured goods far from tion of the Byzantine merchant- trade regulations and standardiza- their place of origin reflects the men, like those found at Cape tion of merchandise and container reputation of these products and Stoba or at Serce Limani. Latter for trade during transportation interconnectedness of Mediter ra - one was dated by the glass weights and distribution (Fig. 8). They nean trade. It can be assumed that used for weighing coins belonging appear in the form of single-mark such luxurious items were intend- to the Fāṭimid Dynasty, dated to a or multiple-mark in Greek letters ed for the market in Venice or year of 1024/1025, which gave us a or runes, as well as geometric, pic- other urban Byzantine centres in chronological benchmark for the torial symbols or numerals62. The the Adriatic, but some Byzantine ship’s foundering. most common symbols are X, M, finds in the early Croatian period and A and appears in multiple graveyard show an interest of the Serce Limani glass items take us character marks, including liga- early Croatian nobility for import- into relation with another middle tures: XM, AX, MAX, ΧMΛ, XMD ed luxury items. Byzantine shipwreck in the eastern or NX, and the M appears in liga- Adriatic discovered in the Ždrijac tures as well: XM, AM, MD, MP, This is clearly evident from graves Bay in 1966 (Fig. 12/1). A mer - MF, MFT, XMD. There are plenty with Byzantine and Carolingian chantman was carrying a number parallels of amphorae with similar imported items, including a grave of iron tools, amphorae, ceramic graffiti found on sites around the (n.º 322) of an early Croatian and bronze dishes, roof materials Black Sea basin, as well as from nobleman’s family in the Ždrijac and glass objects of which one Byzantine shipwrecks, especially graveyard in Nin with findings of a globular bottle with wide horizon- from Serçe Limanþ site, with al most bottle and a cup of the Levantine tal rim is analogue to the one from identical forms of graffiti63. glass production (Fig. 11/2). The the Serçe Limani cargo (Fig.12.1/7). bottle has an elongated neck deco- A Byzantine ship from the 11th/12th 56 Byzantine maritime trade · V. Zmai´c Kralj

Fig. 13: Lučnjak shallows: Günsenin Type III amphora, 12th/13th Fig. 15: 1. Amphora from the Sobra bay on the island of Mljet; c. 2. Amphora from Hvar town harbour. century, is not entirely preserved, bowed handles and densely ribbed Clay recipients, 9 cm high and 7cm nevertheless, diverse Byzantine wide belly (Fig. 13). According to wide, probably represented flam- cargo, and its position in the vicin- Günsenin, it belongs to Type III of mable projectiles or grenades, used ity of Nin, one of the centre of the Byzantine amphorae, dated from in the Byzantine Empire from the Duchy of the Croats, clearly show 12th to 13th centuries, and it can be middle of the 8th century. They had the trade relations between the traced along the Anatolian coast, emerged from the well-known Byzantine merchants and the local Aegean, Marmara and Black Sea, to Byzantine invention called ‘Greek early Croatian population. the south of Italy, so it appears they fire’, a flammable substance used in were a part of one widespread naval battles to great effect, as it trading network. So far, their pro- could continue burning while Late Byzantine amphorae in the duction has been connected to var- floating on water72. Small clay or Eastern Adriatic ious areas; from the Anatolian glass recipients in a form of hand coast to the Crimea or Boeotia in projectiles filled with similar flam- In the second half of the 11th centu- Greece, but the latest analysis of the mable substance were a simpler ry the influence of the Byzantine fabric connects them to the ceram- version of this weapon. Chemical Empire started to decline. The ic production of Chalkida, an im- analysis of the sediment from the Normans had conquered their portant harbour for the distribu- projectile, showed it had 91, 31% lands in the south of Italy, while tion of agricultural products from of calcium carbonate (CaCO3) and Italian cities had managed to middle Greece. other trace elements suggesting the become the leading maritime and recipients were filled with quick- commercial force in the Mediter - Considering the existence of tran- lime. In the chemical reaction with ranean66. Also, in the beginning of sition variants between Günsenin water the lumps of quicklime break the 12th century, the Kingdom of type II and III, made from the down to a dry fine white powder Hungary emerged as the major same fabric, it appears that type III known as hydrated lime or lime rival of the Byzantine in the gradually emerged from the previ- hydrate (Ca(oH)2), and during the Adriatic and Balkans. The Empire ous type, probably in the same long contact with moisture and responded by a military campaign ceramic workshops68. Several spo- carbon dioxide in the air, it forms which ended with re-conquering of radic finds of these amphorae calcium carbonate (CaCO3)73. Dalmatia which briefly renewed its appeared in the eastern Adriatic: domination and trade contacts from the port of Hvar, Porec69, and Similar recipients have been dis- between 1165 and 118067. from the seabed off Mljet island covered in 1995 on the seabed of (Fig. 14)70. An example of this am- Pijan Bay near Savudria (Fig. 12./3), This brief period left a trace in phora was discovered in 2008 on in the context with an almost material culture and is also reflect- the shallows of Lucnjak near Kor- entirely preserved amphora of ed in Byzantine amphora finds, cula (Fig. 13), together with late By - ribbed piriform body with concave especially in the piriform amphora zantine finds, like small pear-shaped base, small neck with ring-shaped characteristic for this time, with clay recipients, filled with pale grey rim and high bowed handles (Fig. narrow elongated neck, small ring- sediment and the fragments of spin- 12.2/1)74. It belongs to the late vari- shaped rim among massive high- dle-shape ampho rae 71. ant of Byzantine amphorae of Ba- 17. Jahrgang 2017· Heft 1 57

indicating the tendency for smaller forms of clay containers in the late period. This is obvious in the shape of another type of late Byzantine amphora found at the shallows of Lucnjak. It is a spindle-shaped am - phora covered with horizontal grooves with a little toe at the bottom, convex, sloping shoulders, short neck and elongate handles arising from the rim in high arches above the vessel. A site with con- centration of these amphorae shards was discovered near Merara islet (Fig. 16/1) in Central Dalmatia77, and similar remains of cargo were recently discovered near St. Petar Bay on the island of Ugljan in the Zadar archipelago78. In both cases amongst a large field of fragments of the same type, there was not any complete specimen of amphora, therefore the real dimensions of the vessel couldn’t have been established until a comparison to the amphorae from the Franciscan Fig. 14: Günsenin’s Type III amphora finds in the eastern Adriatic. kirtzis’s Type 1, with obvious dif - ference in the handles, which are higher positioned than in the previous, early variants of these amphorae. They were characteristic for the 12th/13th centuries in varied forms, particularly along the east Adriatic coast, and can be traced in the Ždrijac-Nin shipwreck, and as the sporadic finds in Umag, in Trogir’s harbour, near the island of Žuthet, islands of Silba and Ošljak near Zadar, on the island of Hvar, and embedded in early mediaeval churches, like St.George on the island of Vis75.

In the context of the mentioned finds from the Pijan Bay, upper parts of two smaller amphorae were found (Fig. 12.2/2,3). According to their necks and high raised handles, these probably belong to narrow, elongated amphorae, most similar to the amphora discovered in Hvar harbour (Fig. 15/2), in Vela Arta near the island of Murter and in the Sobra Bay on the island of Mljet (Fig. 15/1)76. The full profile of the last-mentioned vessel was Fig. 16: 1. Fragments of the Merara site amphorae; 2. amphora from the Franciscan preserved giving us its dimensions monastery collection on the island of Krapanj; 3. Amphorae from Agios Stepanos in and a capacity of 2,5 litres, clearly the south of Peloponnese; 4. amphora from Torre dell’Orso in Apulia. 58 Byzantine maritime trade · V. Zmai´c Kralj

monastery collection on the island discovered in the central dome, Peloponnese, conquered Monem- of Krapanj (Fig. 16/2)79. Although it embedded during the church’s vasia and built a city-fortress misses a little fragment of the bot- construction, between 1310 and Mistras, where spindle-shaped am - tom, when compared to other frag- 1320, suggesting that these am - phorae were found87. According to ments the basic dimensions could phorae had been used as transport some authors88, after the French have been established: it was containers earlier, during the 13th had taken over Monemvasia, local around 40 cm long, with the dia- century. Analogue examples were wine called ‘Malvoisie’ became meter from 15-17 cm, therefore it found in Corinth and Agios Ste - popular in Europe and started to had a same capacity as the previous panos in the south of the Pelo - be exported under the anglicised types. This amphora was a gift ponnese, embedded in the archi- name of ‘Mamsley’, northwards from Krapanj sponge divers in the tectural buildings or in the layers across the Adriatic coast and 1960s, without any data about the dated to the 13th and 14th century Venice to the European market. location of discovery. (Fig. 16/3), along with Frankish coins of the early 14th century, and So, from the fall of the Byzantine An interesting fact is that the large quantities of Archaic Majo li - Empire in 1204, their relations Museum of the city of Šibenik pre- ca and ceramics of local produc- with the Western market became serves a large bronze bell, found by tion, made by the clay of similar so weak and almost non-existent. Krapanj spongers in 1960’s in the composition like amphorae.84 An- On one hand, the Croatian-Hun - vicinity of the island of Silba. In the other similar amphora was found garian rule was established and on notes on the circumstances of the overseas, on the Torre dell’Orso the other hand Venetian traders finding is stated that the bell was site in Apulia (Fig. 16/4)85, one of took over most of the Adriatic discovered on the seabed together the rare provinces in medieval Italy trade. Although the barrels took a with amphorae, marble tiles and an with a vital production and trade leading role in trade, the clay con- iron anchor. The bell gives a plenty connections with other remaining tainers had still retained in the of information because of an en - Byzantine provinces. form of spindle-shape amphorae graved inscription that mentions and were still used in certain areas that it was casted by Jakob from Otranto, the major harbour of as late as in the 13th and the 14th Messane and Andreot from Pisa at Apulia, had a trading and food centuries, after which late Byzan - Accon (Syria) in 1266, therefore, supply contract with Venice to tine amphorae trade along the the ship with the bell could sank Christian towns in Syria since Adriatic completely disappeared. between 1266 and 1291, when 1104, which fits into the archaeo- Accon fell under the invasion of logical picture of the late Byzantine the Muslims, before which the amphorae sites in the eastern Notes Christian immigrants, Templars Adriatic and puts the shipwreck and members of the other Orders with bell from Accon in the same 1 Günsenin 2009, 145. gradually started to leave their pos- context. At the same time, coins 2 80 Arthur – Auriema 1996, 14-17; Im - sessions in Syria and Palestine . and Archaic Majolica of the Italian periale 2004, 327-342; Auriema – Quiri workshops found in the Pelopon - 2007, 31-64; Vroom 2012, 354-391; Vroom The assumption that the Krapanj nese confirm the close relations 2017, 285-310. amphora comes from the same site and trade connections between as the bell is probable, if we take Apulia and the Peloponnese. Ac - 3 Cirelli 2014, 541-552. into consideration that both arte- cording to the evidence of the 4 facts were at the same time donat- finds, the trade took place from Laiou – Morrisson 2007, 24. ed by the Krapanj sponge divers, Otranto across Butrint in present- 5 van Doorninck 1972, 139. and the fact that notes about the day Albania to the Byzantine pos- 6 van Doorninck 1972, 140-141; Raut- location mention amphorae81. Also, sessions in the Peloponnese and the bell was dated to the period backwards, and along the eastern man 2006, 150. during which there were no other Adriatic, the unavoidable route to 7 Gelichi – Negrelli 2008, 307. types of amphora in the Adriatic. Venice86. 8 In Bakirtzis’s classification this is ibid. 310. Type 7, the final type, after which Traces of spindle-shaped amphora 9 From Comacchio through the Po River the amphorae meant for trade and along the eastern Adriatic could be valley route the supply of the Kingdom of transportation were no longer pro- linked also to the trading of wine the Lombards took place, while the supply duced82. It was dated to the 13th/14th called ‘Malvoise’ originally from of the Carolingian dynasty and transalpine century, based on the similar am - the region of Monemvasie in the market in Europe took place through phorae that were discovered during south of the Peloponnese and to Venice (Negrelli 2007, 458). a renovation of the church of the events during the 13th century 10 Discovered during archaeological sur- Afendiko of the Brontochion when William of Villehardouin in vey of the seabed of Mljet in 2015 (I. Monastery at Mistra on the Pelo - 1248 in the name of the French Miholjek, Department for underwater ponnese.83 During the church re - kingdom occupied the last By - Archaeology, Croatian Conservation storation two small amphorae were zantine possessions in the southern Institute). 17. Jahrgang 2017· Heft 1 59

11 Kapitän 1984, 43. 37 Garver 1993, 57-60. 71 Zmaiæ – Miholjek 2012, 162-166. 12 Zmaiæ Kralj 2015. 38 Ibid. 72 Roland 1992, 657-664; Shavit 2008,

13 101-103. Bass – van Doorninck 1982. 39 Jakobson 1951, 333, fig. 6/25-27. 73 14 bid. 145. 40 Doncheva-Petkova 1977, 193-4, pl. Zmaiæ – Miholjek 2012, 166. XXX:356. 74 15 Hayes 199.2, 15-18. Brusiæ 2010, 249. 41 Aleksova 1960, 202-203; Brusic 1976, 39. 16 Kocabaý 2012, 25-30. 75 Ibid. 248. Fig.9/2. 42 akobson 1979, 75. 76 Ideal reconstruction of the lower parts 17 Hocker – Scafuri 1996, 5. 43 Todorova 2012, 18-9, 23. of two amphorae from Pijan Bay (Brusiæ 18 2010, 246. Fig.5/2.3.) doesn’t indicate the Vroom 2012, 371-373. 44 Agora M334 amphora was found on noted types of amphorae, but on the other 19 Auriemma – Quiri 2007, 42-43. Yassi Ada shipwreck, at Crypta Balbi site in hand their upper parts match the elongat- Rome, in Arles and Marseille and near the ed amphorae from Hvar, Vela Arte-Murter, 20 Gelichi – Negrelli 2008, 307. islet of Veliki Maslinovac near Mljet, so and Sobra Bay. th th 21 during the 7 /8 centuries they were wide- Auriemma – Quiri 2007, 41 77 spread along the whole Mediterra nean Zmaiæ 2010, 238-240. 22 van Doorninck 1972, 146. (Reynolds 2008, 68). 78 Kaleb – Bekiæ 2016, 50-53. 23 Gelichi – Negrelli 2008, 326. 45 Günsenin 1990, 39. 79 Brusiæ 1976, 48. 24 Laiou – Morrisson 2007, 44. 46 Todorova 2012, 19, 23. 80 Bach 1972, 47. 25 The first survey was carried out in 1975 47 Günsenin 2009, 147. by the Institute for Protection of Cultural 81 Zmaiæ Kralj 2013, 85. Monuments and the Maritime Museum in 48 Günsenin 1999, 19. 82 Dubrovnik (J. Luetiæ, Z. Brusiæ and A. Bakirtzis 1989, 74-75. 49 Günsenin 2001, 117-133. Kisiæ) and between 2010 and 2015 excava- 83 Sanders 1989, 196. tions have been carried out by Department 50 Todorova 2011, 133. for Underwater Archaeology of the Croa- 84 Sanders 2008, 397-402. tian Conservation Institute (I. Miholjek), 51 Bakirtzis 1989, 74-77. 85 Arthur – Auriemma 1996, 16. joined by the Department of Studi Uma - 52 nistici of the Universita Ca’ Foscari of Jacobson 1979, 75. 86 Vroom 2012, 353-355. Venice from 2012 (C. Beltrame). 53 Brusiæ 2010, 246. 87 n 1259 the Nicaean emperor Michael 26 Kapitän 1984, 43. 54 Toniolo 2007, 103. VIII Palaeologus reconquered Mystras, and two years later after conquering 27 Beltrame 2012, 222-223. 55 Günsenin 1990, 308 pl. 84/3; 313 pl. 86/1. Constantinople he restored the Byzantine 28 ý van Doorninck 2004, 235; Kocaba 56 Brusiæ 2010, 249; Jurkoviæ – Turkoviæ Empire, and Mystras became the seat of 2009, 227-237. 2012, 137. the governor of the Byzantine territories in the Peloponnese. 29 Due to the policies of trade control and 57 Arthur – Auriemma 1996, 16. regulation of the Byzantine State, potters 88 Sanders 1987, 191; Harris 2007, 249 trading within the Empire were attempting 58 Günsenin 1990, 31-34. to follow a new standard of amphora regulation based upon the Byzantine litra. 1 59 Bakirtzis 1989, 74-75. mina = 30 Byzantine litrai (1 Byzantine 60 Waksman et al. 2016. Article in press. litrai = 320 g.) measure was known as the Bibliography thalassion metron or “sea measure” 61 Imperiale 2015, 428-430; Vroom 2012, Aleksova, B. 1960: (Scafuri 2002, 29). 373-374. Srednovekovna keramika od crkvata Sveta Sofija vo Ohrid. 30 Zmaiæ Kralj et al 2016, 51-52. 62 Collins 2012, 95. Glasnik na Institutot za nacionalna histori- ja 1-2/IV (Skopje) 199-216. 31 Garver 1993, 152. 63 Garver 1995, 68-74; Collins 2012, 138. Arthur, P. – Auriemma, R. 1996: 32 Demangel – Mamboury 1939, 148-149. 64 Han – Brusiæ 1978; Ferry in: Zmaiæ A Search for Italian Wine, Middle Byzantine and Kralj et al. 2016, 51-52. 33 Robinson 1959, 120, T. 34,58. Later Amphoras from southern Puglia. 65 INA Quarterly 23, 14-17. 34 Hayes 1992, 75. Fig. 25,15. Peroviæ 2010, 39; Brusiæ 2010, 251. 66 Laiou – Morrisson 2007, 143. Auriemma, R. – Quiri, E. 2007: 35 van Doorninck 2002, 902. La circo- 67 lazione delle anfore in Adriatico tra V e 36 Goldstein 1999. The finds from Chios, Saracane in VIII sec. d. C., in: S. Gelichi – C. Negrelli Istanbul, Crypta Balbi in Rome, S. Antonio 68 Waksman et al. 2016. Article in press. (edd.), La circolazione delle ceramiche di Perti in Liguria, in Marseille and nell’adriatico tra Tarda Antichità ed Alto - Tarragona show us the widespread of 69 Brusiæ 2010, 247-248. medioevo. 3° Incontro di Studio Cer.am.Is Tunisian LRA 2/13 along the entire sulle ceramiche tardoantiche ed altome- 70 Mediterranean (Reynolds 2016, 147). Zmaiæ Kralj 2015a. dievali – Venezia 2004 (Mantova) 31-64. 60 Kopfzeile mit Titel · Autor

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