Aserbaidschan Das Parteiensystem
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SUMGAYIT – Beginning of the Collapse of the USSR
SUMGAYIT – Beginning of the Collapse of the USSR Aslan Ismayilov SUMGAYIT - BEGINNING OF THE COLLAPSE OF THE USSR 1 Aslan Ismayilov ЧАШЫОЬЛУ 2011 Aslan Ismayilov Sumgayit – Beginning of the Collapse of the USSR Baku Aslan Ismayilov Sumgayit – Beginning of the Collapse of the USSR Baku Translated by Vagif Ismayil and Vusal Kazimli 2 SUMGAYIT – Beginning of the Collapse of the USSR SUMGAYIT PROCEEDINGS 3 Aslan Ismayilov 4 SUMGAYIT – Beginning of the Collapse of the USSR HOW I WAS APPOINTED AS THE PUBLIC PROSECUTOR IN THE CASE AND OBTAINED INSIGHT OF IT Dear readers! Before I start telling you about Sumgayit events, which I firmly believe are of vital importance for Azerbaijan, and in the trial of which I represented the government, about peripeteia of this trial and other happenings which became echoes and continuation of the tragedy in Sumgayit, and finally about inferences I made about all the abovementioned as early as in 1989, I would like to give you some brief background about myself, in order to demonstrate you that I was not involved in the process occasionally and that my conclusions and position regarding the case are well grounded. Thus, after graduating from the Law Faculty of of the Kuban State University of Russia with honours, I was appointed to the Neftekumsk district court of the Stavropol region as an interne. After the lapse of some time I became the assistant for Mr Krasnoperov, the chairman of the court, who used to be the chairman of the Altay region court and was known as a good professional. The existing legislation at that time allowed two people’s assessors to participate in the court trials in the capacity of judges alongside with the actual judge. -
Modelling Elections in Post(Communist Regimes: Voter
Modelling Elections in Post-Communist Regimes: Voter Perceptions, Political Leaders and Activists. Norman Scho…eldy, Maria Gallegoz, JeeSeon Jeonx; Marina Muskhelishvili{, Ugur Ozdemirk, and Margit Tavits Center in Political Economy, Washington University, 1 Brookings Drive, Saint Louis, MO 63130. August 25, 2011 Abstract This paper applies a stochastic electoral model to modeling elections in Poland in 1997, 2001 and 2005, in Georgia in 2008, and in Azerbaijan in 2010. We …nd that in Poland the valence di¤erences are su¢ ciently large to force low valence parties or candidates to adopt divergent positions. We argue that this implies a fundamental di¤erence between an elec- toral system based on plurality rule in contrast to one based on propor- tional representation. In addition, in “anocracies”such as Georgia and Aizerbaijan, the lim- ited access to the media by the parties in opposition to the president means that their support groups …nd it di¢ cult to coalesce. As a conse- quence, they are unable to press successfully for greater democratization. In these countries, the presidential electoral system is highly majoritar- ian, and the President’s party dominates the political arena, controlling political resources and the media. We conclude by giving an overview of the empirical results that have been obtained so far for the three plurality democracies of the USA, The authors thank Merab Pachulia, Director of GORBI, Tbilisi, Georgia for making the survey data for the 2008 election in Georgia available, and thank Rauf Garagozov, Leading Research Fellow, International Center for Social Research, Institute of Strategic Studies of the Caucasus, Baku, Azerbaijan. -
Early Parliamentary Elections(Ahad Version)
Institute for Democratic Initiatives (IDI) ! REPUBLIC OF AZERBAIJAN EARLY PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS FEBRUARY 9, 2020 I INTERIM REPORT (December 5, 2019 - January 17, 2020) BAKU JANUARY 21, 2020 1 CONTENT I. SUMMARY ............................................................................................................... 3 II. INTRODUCTION..................................................................................................... 4 III. POLITICAL CONTEXT AND ELECTION SYSTEM......................................... 5 A. POLITICAL CONTEXT............................................................................................ 5 B. ELECTION SYSTEM................................................................................................ 6 IV. PREPARATION FOR PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS…………………….. 6 A. ELECTION ADMINISTRATION............................................................................ 6 B. VOTER REGISTRATION........................................................................................ 7 C. ORGANIZATION OF ELECTION CONSTITUENCIES..................................... 8 V. PRE-ELECTION POLITICAL SITUATION AND CONTESTANTS….................. 8 A.POLITICAL SITUATION………………………………………………………….. 8 B.CONTESTANTS.......................................................................................................... 9 VI. NOMINATION AND REGISTRATION OF CANDIDATES................................... 10 A. LEGAL FRAMEWORK……............................................................................... 10 B. OFFICIAL -
The Positions of Political Parties and Movements in Azerbaijan on The
The Positions of Political Parties and Movements in Azerbaijan on the Resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict The Positions of Political Parties and Movements in Azerbaijan on the Resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict Bakhtiyar Aslanov and Sevinj Samedzadeh 1 The Positions of Political Parties and Movements in Azerbaijan on the Resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict This publication has been produced in the framework of the project “Joint Platform for Realistic Peace in the South Caucasus” of the Imagine Center for Conflict Transformation in partnership with the Center for Independent Social Research – Berlin. The Imagine Center is an independent, non-political organization that is dedicated to positively transforming relations and laying foundations for lasting and sustainable peace in conflict-torn societies. www.imaginedialogue.com, [email protected] The Center for Independent Social Research – Berlin (CISR-Berlin) is a non-governmental organization focused on social research, civil society development and education in cooperation with Eastern Europe and post-Soviet states. www.cisr-berlin.org, [email protected] The project “Joint Platform for Realistic Peace in the South Caucasus” is funded by ifa (Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen) / Funding program zivik with resources provided by the German Federal Foreign Office. 2 The Positions of Political Parties and Movements in Azerbaijan on the Resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict THE POSITIONS OF POLITICAL PARTIES AND MOVEMENTS IN AZERBAIJAN ON THE RESOLUTION OF THE NAGORNO-KARABAKH CONFLICT ................................ 1 Introduction .......................................................................................................................... 4 Prioritization of Nagorno-Karabakh in the Agenda of the Parties and Movements ................ 5 Policies Regarding Relations with Armenia and the Resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict ................................................................................................................................. -
PNABZ770.Pdf
I • • I • I • • • • COMPENDIUM OF STATEMENTS FROM POLITICAL PARTIES ON THE CONSTITUTIONAL REFERENDUM AND PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS • OF NOVEMBER 12, 1995 REPUBLIC OF AZERBAIJAN • • COMPENDIUM OF STATEMENTS FROM POLITICAL PARTIES ON THE CONSTITUTIONAL REFERENDUM AND PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS OF NOVEMBER 12, 1995 REPUBLIC OF AZERBAIJAN December 15, 1995 • • • • • (THE BALLOT) A3aPBAJ'i.AH PECIIYBJIBKACLI MHJIJIII MaltlJIHCHHa CE'IKwi9P.n;a '"tJ'.ox~TJibl ~H .nfuaciI Y3Pa ·cacBEPM:a yqm - ·. .. CEqKH 6YJIJIETEHH ··12· BOja6p 1995-Q HJI ~PSA.NAH lE.\\OKPATHK OCTBfJIAJI UAPTHJACbl 1aJU1<1>5A CblPACbl HJla) A..'gp6AJ~AH .lf.'i110KPAT CAhR6KAP JIAP flAPTHJACbl ~3aP6AJ'ofAH ,\\HJIJIH l168JldT'IHJl.HK IlAPTHJACbl n..1.1P6AJ'UH MHJUIH HCTHrJIAJI DAPTHJACbl ~~P6AJ't\H HAMHffd A.. 'IJARC• DAPTHJACbl ~~ .~~AJ'IAH XAJJf 'ld6hdCH DAPTHJACbl JJll g'Jdff DAPTHJAChl • Bl AJaP&AJ'IAH DAPTHJACli . ·-. .. .. caCBEP1'"a ~AMA.HY.5H.P.il31f 'IOX CHJA.CJI. llAPTHJAHblH (elt.l:.V.11' nU'f11JiUIAP 1iJIOK>'H¥ff;) • • i\llbl Hbfff CAXiiJA°R.lllllflil 6YJIJl'ETEH· E'T116APClitJ.. CAJblJI blP • • National Democratic Institute For International Affairs conducting nonpartisan international programs to help promote, maintain and strengthen democratic institutions 1717 Massachusetts Avenue, NW Fifth Floor Washington, DC 20036 (202) 328-3136 FAX (202) 939-3166 E-MAIL: [email protected] Chairman Paul G. Kirk, Jr. The National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI) is a Vice Chair Rachelle Horowitz nongovernmental and nonprofit organization conducting nonpartisan international Secretary programs to promote and strengthen democratic institutions around the world. Kenneth F. Melley Working with political parties, civic organizations and parliaments, NDI has Treasurer Hartina Flournoy sponsored political development projects in more than 60 countries. -
The Formal Political System in Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan
Forschungsstelle Osteuropa Bremen Arbeitspapiere und Materialien No. 107 – March 2010 The Formal Political System in Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan. A Background Study By Andreas Heinrich Forschungsstelle Osteuropa an der Universität Bremen Klagenfurter Straße 3, 28359 Bremen, Germany phone +49 421 218-69601, fax +49 421 218-69607 http://www.forschungsstelle.uni-bremen.de Arbeitspapiere und Materialien – Forschungsstelle Osteuropa, Bremen No. 107: Andreas Heinrich The Formal Political System in Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan. A Background Study March 2010 ISSN: 1616-7384 About the author: Andreas Heinrich is a researcher at the Research Centre for East European Studies at the University of Bremen. This working paper has been produced within the research project ‘The Energy Sector and the Political Stability of Regimes in the Caspian Area: A Comparison of Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan’, which is being conducted by the Research Centre for East European Studies at the University of Bremen from April 2009 until April 2011 with financial support from the Volkswagen Foundation. Language editing: Hilary Abuhove Style editing: Judith Janiszewski Layout: Matthias Neumann Cover based on a work of art by Nicholas Bodde Opinions expressed in publications of the Research Centre for East European Studies are solely those of the authors. This publication may not be reprinted or otherwise reproduced—entirely or in part—without prior consent of the Research Centre for East European Studies or without giving credit to author and source. © 2010 by Forschungsstelle Osteuropa, Bremen Forschungsstelle Osteuropa Publikationsreferat Klagenfurter Str. 3 28359 Bremen – Germany phone: +49 421 218-69601 fax: +49 421 218-69607 e-mail: [email protected] internet: http://www.forschungsstelle.uni-bremen.de Contents List of Tables ................................................................................................................................5 1. -
Why the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict Is Still Not Resolved
WHY IS THE NAGORNO-KARABAKH CONFLICT STILL NOT RESOLVED? Shavarsh Kocharyan Yerevan 2016 Shavarsh Kocharyan Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Armenia since 2008. Associate professor at the faculty of International Relations and Diplomacy of the Yerevan State University. In 1971 he graduated from the State Engineering University (Yerevan), Faculty of Technical Cybernetics, with specialization as Mathematician-Engineer. In 1975 completed his postgraduate studies at the All-Union Scientifi c Research Institute of Genetics (Moscow). In 1977 defended his PhD thesis on Biological sciences. From 1976 to 1990 he worked in the Scientifi c Institutions of Armenia, holding the positions of Associate Scientist, Senior Scientist, Head of Laboratory and Head of Department. He is the author of more than 150 scientifi c works and more than 30 inventions licensed in dozens of countries. In 1990, 1995, 1999 and 2003 he was elected as Member of the National Assembly of the Republic of Armenia. In the National Assembly he was the member of the Committee on Social, Health and Environmental issues,Committee on European Integration, was elected the Deputy Chairman of Committee on Foreign Relations (1990-1995) and the Chairman of Committee on Scientifi c, Educational, Cultural and Youth issues (1999-2003). He was a member of the delegations of the National Assembly of Armenia to the CIS Parliamentary Assembly (1992-1995 and 1999-2003), the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly (1999-2003) and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (2003-2005). He was Chairman of the National Democratic Unity (1992-1993), Head of the Parliamentary Group “National Democrats” (1990-1995). -
General Assembly Security Council Seventy-Fourth Session Seventy-Fifth Year Agenda Item 31 Prevention of Armed Conflict
United Nations A/74/771–S/2020/242 General Assembly Distr.: General 27 March 2020 Security Council Original: English General Assembly Security Council Seventy-fourth session Seventy-fifth year Agenda item 31 Prevention of armed conflict Letter dated 27 March 2020 from the Permanent Representative of Armenia to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General I have the honour to enclose herewith the memorandum of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh Republic) in response to the distortion of facts by Azerbaijan about the events that took place in Kho jalu in February 1992. I kindly request that the present letter and its annex be circulated as a document of the General Assembly, under agenda item 31, and of the Security Council. (Signed) Mher Margaryan Ambassador Permanent Representative 20-04690 (E) 010420 *2004690* A/74/771 S/2020/242 Annex to the letter dated 27 March 2020 from the Permanent Representative of Armenia to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General Memorandum of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Artsakh In response to the repeated distortion of facts by Azerbaijan about the Khojalu events in February 1992, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Artsakh would like to communicate the following: The actions of the defense forces of the Nagorno Karabakh Republic (Republic of Artsakh) aimed at neutralizing the shelling and firing positions of the Azerbaijani armed forces located in Khojalu, as well as at liberating the Stepanakert airport, were in line with the norms and principles of international humanitarian law. -
International Protection Considerations Regarding Azerbaijani Asylum-Seekers and Refugees
International Protection Considerations Regarding Azerbaijani Asylum-Seekers and Refugees United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) Geneva September 2003 Department of International Protection 1 Protection Information Section TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION...................................................................................................... 3 II. BACKGROUND ........................................................................................................ 3 1. GENERAL INFORMATION ON AZERBAIJAN..................................................................... 3 1.1. General Information on Nagorno-Karabakh .................................................. 9 2. THE POLITICAL CONTEXT AND ACTORS SINCE 2001................................................... 10 2.1. Referendum, August 2002 ............................................................................. 12 2.2. Presidential Elections – October 2003, Outlook .......................................... 13 2.3. The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict and Peace Initiatives Since 1999............. 14 2.4. Regional Implications ................................................................................... 20 2.5. Internally Displaced Persons........................................................................ 21 3. REVIEW OF THE GENERAL HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION IN AZERBAIJAN...................... 22 3.1. Freedom of Movement................................................................................... 24 3.2. Organized Crime.......................................................................................... -
Azerbaijan: Recent Developments and U.S
Azerbaijan: Recent Developments and U.S. Interests Jim Nichol Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs February 22, 2013 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov 97-522 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Azerbaijan: Recent Developments and U.S. Interests Summary Azerbaijan is an important power in the South Caucasus by reason of its geographic location and ample energy resources, but it faces challenges to its stability, including the unresolved separatist conflict involving Nagorno Karabakh (NK). Azerbaijan enjoyed a brief period of independence in 1918-1920, after the collapse of the Tsarist Russian Empire. However, it was re-conquered by Red Army forces and thereafter incorporated into the Soviet Union. It re-gained independence when the Soviet Union collapsed at the end of 1991. Upon independence, Azerbaijan continued to be ruled for a while by its Soviet-era leader, but in May 1992 he was overthrown and Popular Front head Abulfaz Elchibey was soon elected president. Military setbacks in suppressing separatism in the breakaway NK region contributed to Elchibey’s rise to power, and in turn to his downfall just over a year later, when he was replaced by Heydar Aliyev, the leader of Azerbaijan’s Nakhichevan region and a former communist party head of Azerbaijan. In July 1994, a ceasefire agreement was signed in the NK conflict. Heydar Aliyev served until October 2003, when under worsening health he stepped down. His son Ilkham Aliyev was elected president a few days later. According to the Obama Administration, U.S. assistance for Azerbaijan aims to develop democratic institutions and civil society, support the growth of the non-oil sectors of the economy, strengthen the interoperability of the armed forces with NATO, increase maritime border security, and bolster the country’s ability to combat terrorism, corruption, narcotics trafficking, and other transnational crime. -
Azerbaijani Women, Online Mediatized Activism and Offline Mass Mobilization
http://www.diva-portal.org This is the published version of a paper published in Social Sciences. Citation for the original published paper (version of record): Mehrabov, I. (2016) Azerbaijani Women, Online Mediatized Activism and Offline Mass Mobilization. Social Sciences, 5(4): 1-17 https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci5040060 Access to the published version may require subscription. N.B. When citing this work, cite the original published paper. Permanent link to this version: http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-46451 social sciences $€ £ ¥ Article Azerbaijani Women, Online Mediatized Activism and Offline Mass Mobilization Ilkin Mehrabov Geography, Media and Communication Studies, Karlstad University, Universitetsgatan 2, Karlstad 65188, Sweden; [email protected] Academic Editor: Martin J. Bull Received: 25 May 2016; Accepted: 1 October 2016; Published: 12 October 2016 Abstract: Despite its post-Soviet history, Azerbaijan is an under-investigated country in academic research—compared with the other former constituencies, such as the Baltic countries or Russia, of the USSR—and gender questions of the contemporary Azerbaijani society are even less touched on. Within the current context of the post-“Arab Spring” era of mediatized connectivity and collective political engagement, this article looks into and analyzes how Azerbaijani women participate in different online and offline social and political movements, and if (and how) they are impeded by the increased state authoritarianism in Azerbaijan. Using data, obtained from online -
Do Parties Converge to the Electoral Mean in All Political Systems?
Do parties converge to the electoral mean in all political systems? Maria Gallegoand Norman Schofieldy Center in Political Economy, Washington University, 1 Brookings Drive,Saint Louis, MO 63130. May 23, 2014 Abstract Many formal models suggest that parties or candidates should locate at the electoral mean. Yet, there is no consistent evidence of such convergence across political systems. Schofield’s (2007) Valence Theorem proves that when valence differences across parties are large, there is non-convergence to the mean. Convergence to the mean depends on the value of the convergence depends, c. When c is high (low) there is a significant centrifugal (centripetal) tendency acting on parties. In this paper we apply the stochastic valence model of elections in various countries under different political regimes and use the convergence coeffi cient of these elections to classify political systems. Our results show that the convergence coeffi cient varies across elections in a country, across countries using the same political system and across political regimes. For countries using proportional representation, namely Israel, Turkey and Poland, the centrifugal tendency is very high and parties locate away from the mean. In the majoritarian polities of the United States and Great Britain, parties locate at the mean as the centrifugal tendency is very low. In anocracies, the autocrat imposes limitations on how far from the origin the opposition parties can move but the equilibrium is fragile. Key words: stochastic vote model, valence, local Nash equilibrium, convergence coeffi cient, the heart. 1 Introduction The political economy literature highlight that institutions matter. Understanding how institutions shape agents decisions has shown that agents make different decisions under different political institutions.