Gordon Brown 'Bard of Britishness'
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Ideology and Social Attitudes: a Review of European and British Attitudes to European Integration Jeremiah J
Florida State University Libraries Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations The Graduate School 2005 Ideology and Social Attitudes: A Review of European and British Attitudes to European Integration Jeremiah J. Fisher Follow this and additional works at the FSU Digital Library. For more information, please contact [email protected] THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY THE COLLEGE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES IDEOLOGY AND SOCIAL ATTITUDES: A REVIEW OF EUROPEAN AND BRITISH ATTITUDES TO EUROPEAN INTEGRATION By JEREMIAH J. FISHER A Thesis submitted to the Department of International Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Degree Awarded: Spring Semester, 2005 The members of the Committee approve the Thesis of Jeremiah J. Fisher defended on April 1, 2005. _____________________ Dale L. Smith Professor Directing Thesis _____________________ Burton M. Atkins Committee Member _____________________ Patrick M. O’Sullivan Committee Member The Office of Graduate Studies has verified and approved the above named committee members. ii In memory of my grandfather, Joseph Paul Blanchard, Whose gentle kindness I hope to always emulate. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank the Florida State University, and especially the College of Social Sciences and Department of International Affairs, for providing fellowship assistance that has made this thesis and my graduate studies possible. I am especially thankful to my thesis director, Dale Smith, as well as my defense committee members, Burton Atkins and Patrick O’Sullivan, for agreeing to contribute time and ideas critical to completing the thesis process. While writing a thesis can often be a daunting task, the process has been eased by having positive feedback available to me. -
Two Case Studies in Self-Determination: the Rock and the Bailiwick
Two Case Studies in Self-Determination: The Rock and the Bailiwick INGE V. PORTER* TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................... 340 II. SELF-DETERMINATION ....................................................................................... 342 A. History...................................................................................................... 342 B. General Scope and Content...................................................................... 345 1. Decolonization................................................................................... 345 2. Post-Decolonization.......................................................................... 349 3. Historic Title ...................................................................................... 350 4. Limits to the Principleof Self-Determination.................................... 354 C. M icrostates ............................................................................................... 356 D. Future Trends ........................................................................................... 357 1. The Demise of the Principle of Self-Determination?......................... 357 2. Self-Determination as Customary Law .............................................. 358 3. Self-Determination as a Right to a Democratic Form of Government ......................................................................... 360 III. THE CASE OF GIBRALTAR ................................ -
Empire and English Nationalismn
Nations and Nationalism 12 (1), 2006, 1–13. r ASEN 2006 Empire and English nationalismn KRISHAN KUMAR Department of Sociology, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, USA Empire and nation: foes or friends? It is more than pious tribute to the great scholar whom we commemorate today that makes me begin with Ernest Gellner. For Gellner’s influential thinking on nationalism, and specifically of its modernity, is central to the question I wish to consider, the relation between nation and empire, and between imperial and national identity. For Gellner, as for many other commentators, nation and empire were and are antithetical. The great empires of the past belonged to the species of the ‘agro-literate’ society, whose central fact is that ‘almost everything in it militates against the definition of political units in terms of cultural bound- aries’ (Gellner 1983: 11; see also Gellner 1998: 14–24). Power and culture go their separate ways. The political form of empire encloses a vastly differ- entiated and internally hierarchical society in which the cosmopolitan culture of the rulers differs sharply from the myriad local cultures of the subordinate strata. Modern empires, such as the Soviet empire, continue this pattern of disjuncture between the dominant culture of the elites and the national or ethnic cultures of the constituent parts. Nationalism, argues Gellner, closes the gap. It insists that the only legitimate political unit is one in which rulers and ruled share the same culture. Its ideal is one state, one culture. Or, to put it another way, its ideal is the national or the ‘nation-state’, since it conceives of the nation essentially in terms of a shared culture linking all members. -
The Lobby in Transition: What the 2009 Mps’ Expenses Scandal Revealed About the Changing Relationship Between Politicians and the Westminster Lobby?
City Research Online City, University of London Institutional Repository Citation: Gaber, I. (2013). The Lobby in transition: what the 2009 MPs’ expenses scandal revealed about the changing relationship between politicians and the Westminster Lobby?. Media History, 19(1), pp. 45-58. doi: 10.1080/13688804.2012.752962 This is the published version of the paper. This version of the publication may differ from the final published version. Permanent repository link: https://openaccess.city.ac.uk/id/eprint/18258/ Link to published version: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13688804.2012.752962 Copyright: City Research Online aims to make research outputs of City, University of London available to a wider audience. Copyright and Moral Rights remain with the author(s) and/or copyright holders. URLs from City Research Online may be freely distributed and linked to. Reuse: Copies of full items can be used for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge. Provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. City Research Online: http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/ [email protected] Media History ISSN: 1368-8804 (Print) 1469-9729 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cmeh20 THE LOBBY IN TRANSITION Ivor Gaber To cite this article: Ivor Gaber (2013) THE LOBBY IN TRANSITION, Media History, 19:1, 45-58, DOI: 10.1080/13688804.2012.752962 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13688804.2012.752962 © 2013 Taylor & Francis Published online: 11 Jan 2013. -
Download Clinton Email November Release
UNCLASSIFIED U.S. Department of State Case No. F-2014-20439 Doc No. C05772613 Date: 11/30/2015 RELEASE IN FULL CONFIDENTIAL October 9, 2010 For: Hillary From: Sid Re: Yes, some things: 1. Richard Wolff told me that one of the reasons Jones was summarily executed was payback for dumping Mark Lippert (whom he called "Thing Two," from Dr. Seuss' Cat in the Hat), McDonough's sidekick (whom Jones calls "Thing One"). Of course, Jones had to go to Obama himself to dispose of Lippert. The true cause was that Thing One and Thing Two were leaking negative stories about Jones. McDonough, naturally, has assumed Donilon's post. Obladi, oblada, as John Lennon (who would have been 70) might say. 2. Shaun Woodward is in the Labour shadow cabinet in his former position as Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. Gordon Brown's hatchetman, Charlie Whelan, whose job was to undercut Tony, had worked the unions to vote for Ed Miliband rather than Ed Balls (the one closest to Gordon) in order to beat David--the last scene in the revenge tragedy of Gordon v. Tony. Only 19 percent of the union people voted, but were credited with the full one-third of Labour votes for leader selection, so a minority of a minority threw the election by 1.3 percent to Ed. Then Balls, his wife Yvette Cooper (an MP and former cabinet secretary), and other Brownites ran as a slate for shadow cabinet--the first time the shadow cabinet was to be elected by the constituency. That succeeded to electing them all and shutting out Peter Hain, the former deputy PM, as well as Shaun. -
BALLIOL COLLEGE ANNUAL RECORD 2019 1 ANNUAL RECORD 2019 Balliol College Oxford OX1 3BJ Telephone: 01865 277777 Website
2019 BALLIOL COLLEGE ANNUAL RECORD 2019 1 ANNUAL RECORD 2019 Balliol College Oxford OX1 3BJ Telephone: 01865 277777 Website: www.balliol.ox.ac.uk Editor: Anne Askwith (Publications and Web Officer) Printer: Ciconi Ltd FRONT COVER The JCR after refurbishment, 2019. Photograph by Stuart Bebb. Editorial note This year’s edition of the Annual Record sees some changes, as we continue to heed and act on the views expressed in the alumni survey 2017, review how best this publication can record what goes on at Balliol during the academic year, and endeavour to use resources wisely. For the first time theAnnual Record has been printed on 100% recycled paper. We are distributing it to more people via email (notifiying them that it is available online) and we have printed fewer copies than we did previously. To change your preference about whether you would like to receive a print copy of the Record or to be notified when it is available to read online (or if you would like to change how Balliol communicates with you or how you receive any of our publications), please contact the Development Office at the address opposite or manage your preferences online at www.alumniweb.ox.ac.uk/balliol. ‘News and Notes’ from Old Members (formerly in the Annual Record) is now published in Floreat Domus. We welcome submissions for the next edition, including news of births and marriages, and photographs: please send these by email to [email protected]. Deaths will continue to be listed in the Annual Record; please send details to the Development Office at the address opposite or by email to [email protected]. -
How Andrea Leadsom Could Have Avoided the Debate About Her Times Interview
This is the newspaper article at the centre of the furore Jul 09, 2016 20:58 +08 How Andrea Leadsom could have avoided the debate about her Times interview Do parents make better government leaders than childless people? This question has become a big source of embarassment for Andrea Leadsom, who is competing with Theresa May to lead the Conservative Party and become the United Kingdom's Prime Minister after David Cameron steps down. At issue is a newspaper interview with the London Times, in which she suggested that being a mother made her more qualified than the childless May. "I feel being a mum means you have a very real stake in the future of our country, a tangible stake," she is quoted as saying. When the article was published, she was incensed, saying in a tweet: Truly appalling and the exact opposite of what I said. I am disgusted. https://t.co/DPFzjNmKie — Andrea Leadsom MP (@andrealeadsom) July 8, 2016 Journalist Rachel Sylvester defended the article in an interview with the BBC, saying that "...the article was 'fairly written up' and she was 'baffled' by Mrs Leadsom's 'rather aggressive reaction'." (full article under Links) Times Deputy Editor Emma Tucker tweeted the relevant part of the transcript: Transcript from the key part of the interview with Andrea Leadsom this morning in @thetimespic.twitter.com/aFtIECBIiC — Emma Tucker (@emmatimes2) July 8, 2016 David Cameron weighed in with his own tongue-in-cheque assessment: I'm disgusted that Andrea #Leadsom has been reported saying exactly what she actually said. Shoddy journalism. -
39 Mcnally Radice Friends and Rivals Review
REVIEWS the result is a refreshing mix Dr Tim Benson is Director of the that makes fascinating reading Political Cartoon Society, an organi- for anyone interested in cur- sation for those interested in history rent affairs, one which will also and politics through the medium of be appreciated by students of cartoons. politics, history, journalism and Visit www.politicalcartoon.co.uk cartoon art. When personal ambitions collide, mutual co-operation is precluded Giles Radice: Friends and Rivals: Crosland, Jenkins and Healey (Little, Brown & Co., 2002), 382 pp. Reviewed by Tom McNally et us start with the con- narrative parallels Dangerfield’s clusion. Giles Radice has The Strange Death of Liberal Eng- Lwritten an important land in seeking to explain how book, a very readable book and both a political establishment and one that entirely justifies the a political philosophy lost its way. many favourable reviews it has I watched this story unfold received since its publication in first of all as a Labour Party re- September 2002. By the device searcher in the mid- and late them. In that respect Tony Blair of interweaving the careers and sixties, then as International Sec- and Gordon Brown did learn the ambitions of Anthony Crosland, retary of the Labour Party from lessons of history by cementing Roy Jenkins and Denis Healey, 1969–74 (the youngest since their own non-aggression pact, Radice is able to tell the tale of Denis Healey, who served in the and reaped their full reward for the rise and fall of social democ- post from 1945–52), followed by so doing. -
Jeremy Corbyn's Apparent Hardline on Indyref2 May Make Labour
Academic rigour, journalistic flair Jeremy Corbyn’s apparent hardline on indyref2 may make Labour prospects in Scotland even worse November 14, 2019 3.31pm GMT Author Sean Kippin Lecturer in Politics, University of Stirling Jez-ebel. Andrew Milligan/PA The issue of Scottish independence continues to tie the Labour party in knots. Jeremy Corbyn’s pronouncements during a visit to Glasgow are the latest example of Labour’s difficulties in maintaining its traditional role as the party of Scotland’s working classes and liberal intelligentsia – particularly since the 2014 independence referendum. Asked about a second referendum, the Labour leader initially said he would not agree to one in the first term of a Labour government, “because I think we need to concentrate completely on investment across Scotland”. This appeared to bring him close to Conservative leader Boris Johnson’s “cast-iron pledge” against another Scottish referendum. Shortly afterwards Corbyn’s aides were clarifying to journalists that this was not a shift from Labour’s previous apparent position, that the party would grant a referendum if the SNP won a majority in the 2021 Scottish election. Corbyn confirmed as much in Hamilton on the next stop of his two-day Scottish tour. Glove me do. Andrew Milligan/PA That the Labour leader rowed back on his initial statement speaks to the multi-faced approach that the shifting political dynamics of independence have forced the party to adopt. A variety of statements from senior Labour figures in recent weeks and months have ranged from saying they wouldn’t stand in the way of another indyref to expressing almost outright opposition. -
New Labour, Globalization, and the Competition State" by Philip G
Centerfor European Studies Working Paper Series #70 New Labour, Globalization, and the Competition State" by Philip G. Cemy** Mark Evans" Department of Politics Department of Politics University of Leeds University of York Leeds LS2 9JT, UK York YOlO SDD, U.K Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] • Will also be published in Econonry andSocitD' - We would like to thank the Nuffield Foundation, the Center for European Studies, Harvard University,and the Max-Planck-Institut fur Gesellschaftsforshung, Cologne, for their support during the writing of this paper. Abstract The concept of the Competition State differs from the "Post-Fordist State" of Regulation Theory, which asserts that the contemporary restructuring of the state is aimed at maintaining its generic function of stabilizing the national polity and promoting the domestic economy in the public interest In contrast, the Competition State focuses on disempowering the state from within with regard to a range of key tasks, roles, and activities, in the face of processes of globalization . The state does not merely adapt to exogenous structural constraints; in addition, domestic political actors take a proactive and preemptive lead in this process through both policy entrepreneurship and the rearticulation of domestic political and social coalitions, on both right and left, as alternatives are incrementally eroded. State intervention itself is aimed at not only adjusting to but also sustaining, promoting, and expanding an open global economy in order to capture its perceived -
Download the Scotland Ebook
Yes or No? A collection of writing on Scottish independence Neal Ascherson, Menzies Campbell, David Marquand, Linda Colley, John Kay, John Kerr PROSPECT 2014 2 Introduction he vision of an independent Scotland will not disap- articulate a compelling case for the Union other than one based pear, even with a No vote in the referendum on 18th on prophesies of doom for Scotland if it goes it alone. This is September, which opinion polls suggest is likely. As partly because the question that David Cameron chose to pose Neal Ascherson argues in “Why I’ll vote Yes,” that in this referendum—full independence, or no change at all—is idea, now that it has taken root, will not go away. the wrong one. There should have been the option on the bal- TWhen Scots looks south, Ascherson writes, they see little of lot of “devo-max”—full autonomy, minus responsibility for for- themselves there. And all the while, the internal voice which eign policy and defence. Yet Cameron ducked that, wanting muses that “my country was independent once” gets louder. to force Scotland into a No vote; even though that is the likely Like many countries before it, Scotland sees independence “as result, the tactic has backfired by forcing serious consideration the way to join the world, modernise and take responsibility for of the Yes option. their own actions and mistakes.” Whatever happens on 18th September, Britain will have to Yet for all the feelings of national identity and self-assertion rethink the way it runs itself. The writer and former Labour MP that the referendum campaign has stirred up, economic ques- David Marquand imagines a federal future for the UK which tions—particularly concerning the currency and membership of grants autonomy to the constituent parts of the Union, short the of European Union—have dominated the debate. -
British Politics and Policy at LSE: the Real SNP 'Peak' Is Yet to Come – If
British Politics and Policy at LSE: The real SNP ‘peak’ is yet to come – if Conference deals successfully with two key issues Page 1 of 3 The real SNP ‘peak’ is yet to come – if Conference deals successfully with two key issues The cleavages created by Labour’s 2017 electoral performance and by Brexit have made the political landscape more challenging for the SNP. But if the party are able to tack successfully into the new political winds, these challenges can be met, writes Sean Swan, making the forthcoming conference decisive for the party’s future. The SNP annual conference will be held on 8-10 October in Glasgow. It comes as Alex Rowley, Scottish Labour’s acting leader, claims that Scotland is past ‘peak SNP’. Support in the latest opinion polls has the party on 41% support in a future Westminster election, and 38% for a Holyrood election. Meanwhile, support for independence languishes at 43%, which is 2% lower than the Indyref result. These figures are hardly disastrous: the SNP share of the vote in the 2017 Westminster election was 36.9%, and the party took 41.7% in the 2016 Holyrood vote. But there is a tendency to judge the SNP’s performance against the 2015 Westminster general election when it took almost 50% of the vote. The 2015 victory was the product of disappointed Yes voters, who effectively decided on a long march through the institutions, joining the SNP en masse in the wake of the 2014 independence referendum defeat. The 2015 victory was as close to total as it could realistically be, but failed to deliver much tangible progress towards independence.