Day Zero: Discourse of the Water Crisis

Catherine J. Bruns James Madison University ~ [email protected]

Abstract

In 2017, the apocalyptic-sounding Day Zero—a reference to the day when city taps in Cape Town, would be turned off and replaced with daily water rations—became all too real when a prediction of April 21, 2018 solidified. Although the day of reckoning did not come for Cape Town, the panic is not new: locations around the world, from London to Tokyo to São Paulo, have experienced their own water crises (Laudicina, 2018). Despite its prominence in our daily lives, water remains understudied in environmental communication. Therefore, an opportunity exists to explore the turning points of apocalyptic rhetoric in water discourse—for example, when a once inevitable water apocalypse becomes uncertain. This paper seeks to understand the escalation and de-escalation of Day Zero apocalyptic rhetoric by examining media discourse surrounding the Cape Town water crisis. A NewsBank sample of local and international newspaper discourse associated with Day Zero was analyzed for apocalyptic rhetorical themes. Findings present two implications: water crisis discourse is largely isolated to the community experiencing the crisis, and the value of apocalyptic rhetoric in water crisis discourse is connected to the crisis’ certainty and proximity. Ultimately, this paper contributes to our understanding of water in environmental communication; the use of apocalyptic rhetoric as motivation in water crises; and the responsibility of scholars, media, and laypersons to develop and maintain conversations on water issues that are not our own.

Presented at Waterlines: Confluence and Hope through Environmental Communication The Conference on Communication and Environment, Vancouver, Canada, June 17-21, 2019 https://theieca.org/coce2019 Page 2 of 19

Introduction

On Thursday, January 18, 2018, Cape Town Mayor addressed reporters at the for a press briefing. Solemn and slow, De Lille (2018) began, “We have really reached a point of no return.” After reprimanding Capetonians for their careless use of water in recent months, she broke the news: “At this point, the chances of reaching Day Zero on the 21st of April is now very likely” (De Lille, 2018).

De Lille’s briefing was not the first mention of Day Zero. The apocalyptic term, a reference to the day when Capetonian taps would be turned off and replaced with daily water rations, had been operational since 2017, when it became clear that Cape Town’s reservoirs did not have enough water to outlast the that had been ongoing since 2015 (Wolski, 2018). However, following Mayor De Lille’s announcement, the Day Zero that had been coined as an “evocative way of visualizing the emergency” escalated into a very real crisis with a very real end date (Wolski, 2018, para. 18).

Yet Cape Town did not run out of water on April 21, 2018. Or on June 4. Or on any of the dates that had been predicted (Ma, 2018). Now, the Day Zero that once meant certain catastrophe does not even have a date, merely a possible year of 2019 (Chutel, 2018). Residents in Cape Town, and the world, can breathe easy knowing that doomsday has been averted.

But Cape Town’s Day Zero is not new. Locations across the world, from London to to Melbourne to São Paulo, have dealt with their own water scares (Laudicina, 2018), and with nearly half the world’s population predicted to experience severe water stress by 2030, the question is no longer when Cape Town will run out of water, but whether they will be the first city to do so (UNEP, 2016).

Previous research has noted the influence media coverage of drought can have in shaping public understanding of environmental issues (O’Donnell & Rice, 2008), and water itself has been a well- examined in scholarship. Yet in seeking to understand the aftermath of water crises, an opportunity has been overlooked to explore turning points in crisis discourse—for instance, when an impending water apocalypse becomes an inevitability, or perhaps worse, when the inevitability becomes assuaged. Because publics frequently use mass media to gain information on environmental issues and assess risk before enacting policies (Dearing, 1995), it is essential to consider how the media’s communication of environmental crises like Day Zero may influence public response efforts around the globe.

This paper asserts that use of the apocalyptic term Day Zero damaged public understanding of the Cape Town water crisis by paralyzing local residents during key crisis stages and encouraging self- reflection rather than action in international actors. In doing so, Day Zero discourse created a bubble that isolated those impacted by the issue during a time when global intervention was critically needed. To better understand the discursive implications of apocalyptic rhetoric such as Day Zero, this essay analyses and compares local and international news media talk surrounding the Cape Town water crisis during pre-crisis, height of crisis, and post-crisis turning points. After reviewing relevant literature and providing a methodological framework, an analysis is presented. The essay culminates with an overview of key findings and suggested future actions.

Literature Review

In this section, methodological and analytical context is provided through a short review of scholarship on drought, South African water discourse, and apocalyptic rhetoric.

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Drought Analyses Previous scholarship on drought has explored localities in Athens (Kaika, 2003, 2006), California (Nevarez, 1996), Yorkshire (Bakker, 1999, 2003; Haughton, 1998; Lesley, 2003), Sydney (Bell, 2009), and London (Bell, 2009), among others. Scholars assert that media reporting of contributes to public sensemaking of droughts, climate change, and environmental issues more generally (Bell, 2009; O’Donnell & Rice, 2008). Bell (2009) furthers that comparative analyses of drought reporting are ripe for providing insight into public sensemaking of the relationship between water, infrastructure, and consumption, and Downing and Bakker (2000) assert that there is a need for rigorous discourse analyses that “understand the various relationships, institutions, and socio-ecological configurations…that drought reinforces and stabilises” (p. 227). This paper seeks to fulfil this need by providing a thorough analysis of what is arguably the most threatening environmental crisis this decade.

Water Discourse in South Africa Lawhon and Makina’s (2017) essay analysing water discourse in local South African news provides a strong methodological framework and rationale for this paper’s examination of local Cape Town Day Zero discourse. Their essay notes that “the local scale has been described as a site of action where change can happen and where ordinary people feel empowered to contribute” (Lawhon & Makina, 2017, p. 240), yet scholarship rarely approaches environmental issues from this perspective (Lawhon & Patel, 2013; Marvin & Guy, 1997). South African water issues are more commonly assessed from a global perspective, such as Bond and Ruiters’ (2001) examination of post- drought and flood discourse. This paper advances scholarship by comparing local discourse of an environmental crisis to international discourse of the same crisis, a juxtaposition that is not often seen.

Apocalyptic Rhetoric Zamora (1982) explains that the term “apocalypse” is used in traditional Judeo-Christian religion to forecast, reveal, or envision the world’s annihilation. Apocalyptic rhetoric thus describes a narrative telos, or end-point, and predicts either implicitly or explicitly that the current world order will be dramatically destroyed and replaced with a new world order (Brummett, 1984, 1991). The common narrative is of a tragic ending, which assumes that the oncoming experience is determined and decided by uncontrolled external forces (Wojcik, 1996). Foust and Murphy (2009) explain this outcome by saying, “Like God’s wrath or nuclear war, the apocalyptic scenario is so much greater than humanity (let alone individual human effort), that there seems little hope for intervention” (p. 154).

Burke (1984) envisions apocalyptic frames through two lenses: comic and tragic. A tragic apocalypse is illustrated through humanity’s acceptance of a prophesied ending (Burke, 1984) in which the telos is catastrophic and unavoidable (Foust & Murphy, 2009). In contrast, a comic apocalypse is forgiving and perceives humanity as having made a mistake (Burke, 1984), often one that has been caused by humanity (Foust & Murphy, 2009). In these comic instances, the telos is less defined and can still be influenced by human actions (Foust & Murphy, 2009). O’Leary (1993) also differentiates tragic and comic apocalypses as having closed and open-ended interpretations of time, respectively. The use of apocalyptic frames to explore environmental film is relatively new, yet opens the door for further environmental applications, such as the discourse analysed in this essay (Foust and Murphy, 2009; Salvador & Norton, 2011).

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Method

In order to gain insight into rhetorical turning points during the Cape Town water crisis, this essay explores media discourse surrounding Day Zero. For this study, the term Day Zero was considered to have apocalyptic potential. A constant comparative analysis of media talk during three stages—pre- crisis, height of crisis, and post-crisis—was then completed.

Data Collection For the purpose of this study, media discourse was limited to newspaper talk. Data were collected from a twelve month period between June 1, 2017 and June 1, 2018. This time frame was selected to allow for adequate development of the term Day Zero and for media to communicate public understanding of the term Day Zero before and after Mayor De Lille’s January 2018 press conference. A NewsBank search with “Day Zero” in the headline and “water” in the lead/first paragraph yielded 251 newspaper results worldwide. To accurately compare local and international newspaper talk, results from non- Capetonian South African newspapers were eliminated. After removing article duplicates across outlets, a collection of 83 articles in Cape Town-located newspapers and 28 articles in international or non-South African newspapers were solidified for constant comparative analysis.

The two data groups were organized chronologically and broken into three stages: pre-crisis, height of crisis, and post-crisis. The pre-crisis stage was defined as any discourse published between June 1, 2017 and January 17, 2018, or any news that occurred prior to Mayor De Lille’s January 2018 press conference in which Day Zero was attached to a date of April 21, 2018. The height of crisis stage was defined as the period of time between January 17, 2018 and February 13, 2018, the day before low water consumption allowed Day Zero to be pushed back from April 2018 to June 2018. The post-crisis stage was defined as any discourse occurring between February 14, 2018 and June 1, 2018 when data collection ceased.

In Capetonian news, Day Zero discourse was most prominent during the height of crisis stage and least prominent during the pre-crisis stage, peaking in February 2018 with 31 pieces of original content. In international and non-Capetonian news, discourse was most prominent during the post-crisis stage, also peaking in February 2018 with discourse spanning across eight countries. No international or non- Capetonian news occurred during the defined pre-crisis stage.

Data Analysis Following data collection and organization, data in each crisis stage were analysed and results compared between Capetonian and non-Capetonian categories. Following recommendations provided by Strauss and Corbin (1990), data were first analysed using open coding, or “the process of breaking down, examining, comparing, conceptualizing, and categorizing data” (p. 61). To accomplish this, each data set were read thoroughly for coherency and understanding. Data sets were reviewed a second time with specific attention being devoted to the identification of recurring concepts and themes present in each of the three crisis stages. Special consideration was given to mention of apocalyptic tropes, including disease, violence, and religion, as well as common crisis descriptions such as “avoid” and “denial.”

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Analysis

The following section overviews and compares the most prominent discursive threads identified in Capetonian and international media discourse and provides examples for support.

Pre-Crisis As would be expected during a pre-crisis stage, Cape Town’s news discourse reflected confidence that Day Zero could be avoided and explained innovative means of solving the crisis. These themes were also supported by ideas of teamwork or partnership, sometimes described in the discourse as “whole- of-society” efforts (“Day Zero plans,” 2018, para. 4; “Measures in place,” 2017, para. 6).

First, news talk sought to frame Day Zero as a worst-case scenario that could be avoided (Attempting to push back,” 2017; “‘Day Zero’ delayed 2 months,” 2017; “Day Zero pushed back,” 2017; Day Zero threatens,” 2017). “Although the drought in the is serious, there is no need to panic,” Premier was quoted as saying in Cape Argus in September 2017, “because the provincial government is doing everything it can to avoid ‘Day Zero’ and not run out of water” (“Measures in place,” para. 1). Other outlets described Day Zero with potentiality overshadowed by uncertainty that would merely result in a “close call” (“‘Day Zero’ delayed 2 months,” 2017, para. 12) as long as residents followed prescriptions (“Day Zero pushed back,” 2017). As the pre-crisis stage continued, however, mentions of avoidance became accompanied by clarifying language, such as “Day Zero can only be avoided if we work together in partnership” (“Attempting to push back,” 2017, para. 9). Furthermore, mentions of avoidance tapered off as the pre-crisis stage continued, with the last use of the phrase appearing in December 2017 (“Day Zero threatens”).

Second, media discourse referenced action steps and campaign efforts to solve the water crisis, with varying levels of approval (“Army to help,” 2017; “Augmentation: City’s slow start slammed,” 2017; “Day Zero standpipe ‘solution’ impractical,” 2018; “In for a long, dry summer,” 2017; “Water plans behind schedule,” 2017). Initially, news talk was optimistic in its coverage of proposed and ongoing initiatives, such as plants and aquifer and water recycling projects (“‘Day Zero’ delayed 2 months,” 2017). Other outlets described intended plans for emergency purification services, should Day Zero arrive (“Army to help,” 2017). In late November 2017, The Cape Times made its first reference to a formal five point plan with proposed solutions to aid in drought management, including reducing public demand and shifting from the municipal potable to alternative water sources (“Province is working hard,” 2017).

However, not all discourse discussed solutions in a positive light. Some news outlets interviewed residents who expressed concern at the length of time it was taking to get projects off the ground (“Augmentation: City’s slow start slammed,” 2017; “Water plans behind schedule,” 2017). An early December 2018 article in Weekend Argus also noted cost concerns related to the treatment of spring water on , which would yield an amount that was “in no way the solution to the drought” (“In for a long, dry summer,” 2017, para. 3). Yet perhaps the most biting criticism of a proposed solution appeared in an article in The Cape Times on January 17, 2018, the day before Mayor De Lille’s announcement of an April 21st Day Zero:

Much has been written about the water problems facing the , but little is of practical value. Day Zero looms on the near horizon, when water will cease to be supplied to households and, reportedly, some 200 standpipes will be made available for households to

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collect 25 litres per person/per day. There is no reference to the logistics of such an exercise. Even with multiple feeders from each standpipe, the impossibility of the exercise should be apparent. (“Day Zero standpipe ‘solution’ impractical,” para. 1-3)

Finally, Day Zero pre-crisis discourse was firmly associated with an air of collective responsibility and teamwork (Day Zero delayed 2 months,” 2017; “Day Zero pushed back,” 2017; “More cuts, charges,” 2018; “Winelands cognisant of Day Zero,” 2017). Some of the collectivism was displayed as a demand rather than request (“Day Zero pushed back,” 2017; “Day Zero delayed 2 months,” 2017). Peter Flower, the director of water and sanitation in Cape Town, was quoted in Weekend Argus urging “friends, neighbours, families and colleagues to join the water-saving effort by holding each other accountable and helping each other stay motivated” (“More cuts, charges,” 2018, para. 9). Yet other articles expressed a sense of comradery in facing the crisis, such as “If we all work together to save water, this day may never have to come” (“Day Zero delayed 2 months,” 2017). Most admirable was an article on Cape Winelands, a district municipality bordering Cape Town that faced its own Day Zero separate from the city: though Cape Winelands operates independently from Cape Town, its Day Zero was of concern because Cape Town uses water from three of its dams (“Winelands cognisant of ‘Day Zero,’” 2017). When asked about Day Zero preparation measures, Cape Winelands’ Mayor Dr. Helena von Schlicht stated, “We go with Cape Town’s (Day Zero); we stick to what they’re saying because they’re our neighbours” (“Winelands cognisant of ‘Day Zero,’” 2017, para. 6).

Though analysis of Cape Town’s news discourse showcased clear themes of avoidance, solutions, and teamwork, no non-Capetonian news talk was published during the pre-crisis stage.

Height of Crisis As the Cape Town water crisis escalated, so too did news discourse surrounding Day Zero. While Capetonian news talk of Day Zero became more detailed and expansive, international and non- Capetonian news finally acknowledged the crisis as its impending date “advanced ominously” toward the South African city (“In Cape Town, ‘Day Zero’ is coming,” 2018, para. 6). During this transition from pre-crisis to height of crisis, Day Zero took on a more concrete meaning, both locally and internationally, and local discourse featured the two apocalyptic narratives.

First, both Capetonian and non-Capetonian Day Zero news talk solidified understanding of the meaning of Day Zero for use in public discourse. Previously, pre-crisis discourse had provided varying interpretations of what counted as Day Zero, from the hopeful “the day Cape Town potentially runs out of water” (“Hospitality sector gearing up,” 2017, para. 4) to the specific “the moment it [Cape Town] runs out of water completely” (“Augmentation: City’s slow start slammed,” 2017, para. 2) to an emphasis on dam levels (“Day Zero threatens earlier,” 2017; “Plea to tourists,” 2017; “Water plans behind schedule,” 2017). In contrast, height of crisis discourse streamlined a Day Zero definition that city taps would be turned off (“Day Zero April 12,” 2018; “Ensuring animal welfare,” 2018; “Live as if it’s Day Zero,” 2018; Save water to avoid ‘Day Zero,’” 2018). As the meaning of Day Zero became clear locally, both local and international news outlets began sharing specifics of what a Day Zero transition would entail, such as queueing for water ( “Day Zero plans still in the pipeline,” 2018; Dixon, 2018; “Save water to avoid ‘Day Zero,’” 2018; “A taste of Day Zero at the spring,” 2018), military and police oversight of water collection sites (Dixon, 2018; “City’s sights on Day Zero,” 2018; Torchia, 2018), and new toilet flushing systems (“City’s Day Zero plan,” 2018; “Composting loos,” 2018; “Suitable toilet alternatives,” 2018). Furthermore, while Capetonian news outlets began sharing extractions from FAQ documents (“Day Zero questions answered,” 2018; “Suitable toilet alternatives,” 2018), non-Capetonian discourse became fascinated by the logistics of daily life in Cape Town, with articles detailing city mandates of

Presented at Waterlines: Confluence and Hope through Environmental Communication The Conference on Communication and Environment, Vancouver, Canada, June 17-21, 2019 https://theieca.org/coce2019 Page 7 of 19 two-minute showers (Swindon, 2018), drained swimming pools (Dixon, 2018), minimal toilet flushing (Torchia, 2018), and use of disposable drinkware (“Countdown in the Cape,” 2018).

International news’ enthralment with Cape Town’s Day Zero preparations also included criticism of its transition procedures. The first non-Capetonian news article to mention Day Zero, a piece in the American newspaper The Bend, took issue with the city’s plans for the arrival of Day Zero:

…a number of the details of the crisis plan remain unclear. How would one person carry 26 gallons of water for a family of four? How would the elderly and disabled cope? What about the fact that officials expect there will be insufficient water to flush the city’s toilets? (“In Cape Town, ‘Day Zero’ is coming,” 2018, para. 5)

Around the same time, Capetonian outlets began publishing stories of resident confusion related to the city’s Day Zero communication (“Cosatu concern over water crisis,” 2018; “Day Zero a reality,” 2018; “Zero plan for Day Zero,” 2018). “The city has no plans to avoid Day Zero,” an op-ed in The Cape Times written by the Water Crisis Coalition stated, “and they are clueless of what will happen then” (“Water Crisis Coalition protest,” 2018, para. 28).

Concern regarding the crisis’ logistics soon led to a divide in the local Day Zero apocalyptic narrative. A more comic portrayal of Day Zero emphasized the potentiality of the crisis while stressing it could be avoided with continued teamwork and commitment (“City bracing for Day Zero,” 2018; “Day Zero April 12,” 2018; “Day Zero plans still in the pipeline,” 2018; “We have a crisis,” 2018). In this main narrative, Capetonian news talk described Day Zero as serious, but something that could still be averted (“City activates water disaster plan,” 2018; “We can prevent Day Zero,” 2018), with one article quoting Cape Town’s Deputy Mayor Ian Neilson as saying, “…it is still possible to push back Day Zero if we all stand together now and change our current path” (“Day Zero April 12,” 2018, para. 5). As the date of Day Zero neared, however, desperation increased and frustration at public water consumption levels skyrocketed (“City activates water disaster plan,” 2018; “Day Zero looms,” 2018; “We can prevent Day Zero,” 2018). To counter this, and perhaps to clarify public understanding of Day Zero operations, documents were released in early February 2018 addressing common Day Zero questions, such as which areas would remain connected to waterlines, why the Day Zero date fluctuated, and what additional restrictions should be anticipated (“Day Zero questions answered,” 2018).

A second underlying narrative showcased Day Zero in a tragic light, playing in to doomsday apocalyptic tropes. This tragic narrative was initially hinted in late January 2018, when Greater Cape Town Civic Alliance chairperson Philip Bam gave an interview to The Cape Times in which he stated “I fear there will be frustration, violence, service delivery protests over water” (“City bracing for Day Zero,” 2018, para. 17). The same day, the Daily Voice published an article in which a city resident expressed panic at the realisation that Day Zero was truly coming:

The worst case scenario is unthinkable. To prevent outbreaks of diseases, schools and businesses will have to close, prices of everything will skyrocket as a result, and desperate people will attack anyone even just suspected of having water. Forget about cash van robberies. There will be water tanker heists and armed robbers will leave cell phones and TVs behind, while making off with bottles of water. (“Live as if it’s Day Zero already,” 2018, para. 16- 19)

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Additional news talk exhibited fear and anxiety, either existing or potential, of theft (De Klerk, 2018; Live as if it’s Day Zero already,” 2018), violence ( “City bracing for Day Zero,” 2018; “Cosatu concern over water crisis,” 2018), price spikes for food and goods (“Cape Town’s ‘water economy’ booms,” 2018; “Heavy price as Day Zero delayed,” 2018), disease and public health risks (“Cosatu concern over water crisis,” 2018; “Heavy price as Day Zero delayed,” 2018; Live as if it’s Day Zero already,” 2018), and panicked water stockpiling ( “City’s sights on Day Zero,” 2018; “Day Zero? I’m already struggling,” 2018; “ stocks up,” 2018). Taken together, these references suggest a paralyzing acceptance of an inevitable Day Zero disaster scenario, because “But ja, klaar wat dit so is. What’s done is done, blaming anyone never ever filled a JoJo tank” (“Day Zero a reality,” 2018, para. 11).

Yet an even more terrifying local subtheme was the belief that Day Zero was a hoax, or even worse, a good thing. During the height of the crisis, some local coverage of Day Zero posited that the crisis was “a cover for the privatisation of water resources and provision” (“Water Crisis Coalition protest,” 2018, para. 18) or mentioned the commonality of conspiracy theories or other false information (“Day Zero a reality,” 2018; “Social media alive,” 2018; “Warning: schools might have to close,” 2018). One eerie op- ed even discussed Day Zero positively, explaining, “Good Day Cape Town, don’t complain about water levies. They will be short-lived. Day Zero means we don’t pay for water at all” (“Day Zero twists,” 2018, para. 1-2).

Ultimately, the turning point between the pre-crisis and height of crisis stages impacted Day Zero news discourse in two key ways. First, this turning point enacted an operational definition of Day Zero in Capetonian news, which was then repeated in non-Capetonian news. Using the operational definition as a framework, both Capetonian and international news talk communicated Day Zero logistics, with Capetonian news focusing on ongoing Day Zero preparation and transition efforts and international news dedicating coverage to Day Zero’s impact on daily life. Second, this turning point led local news talk to portray two apocalyptic narratives, one comic and one tragic, and included small mentions of Day Zero conspiracies or hoaxes.

Post-Crisis Arguably the most influential turning point in Day Zero discourse was the transition from height of crisis to post-crisis. Unsurprisingly, Capetonian news talk of the crisis shifted from preparations for or necessary avoidance of Day Zero and towards the need for continued commitment to low water consumption, with some lingering apocalyptic tropes. In contrast, international discourse reflected on which countries could face their own Day Zero, argued the value of witnessing a doomsday crisis, and delved into some minor apocalyptic tropes.

The first Capetonian mention of Day Zero in the post-crisis stage opened with a statement of relief: “Day Zero has been pushed back to June 4 as water usage in the city reached a record low” (“Day Zero moved,” 2018, para. 1). Whereas media discourse during the height of the crisis took time to acknowledge the severity, post-crisis discourse appeared to readily understand the gravity of what had been avoided. Although some pieces did note lingering concerns that Day Zero was still looming (“8 questions to help,” 2018; “Day Zero double whammy,” 2018; “Muslims pushing back Day Zero,” 2018; “Officers deployed on Day Zero,” 2018), after DA leader Mmusi Maimane formally announced that Day Zero would not occur in 2018, this concern dissipated (“No Day Zero in 2018,” 2018). By mid-March 2018, discourse instead focused on water consumption levels, which remained inconsistent: an article in The Cape Times lamented that water consumption spiked to 54 million litres per day following news that Day Zero 2018 had been beaten (“Day Zero ‘beaten,’” 2018), yet a separate article in Cape Argus just a day later expressed that water usage levels had dropped the month prior (“Water savings

Presented at Waterlines: Confluence and Hope through Environmental Communication The Conference on Communication and Environment, Vancouver, Canada, June 17-21, 2019 https://theieca.org/coce2019 Page 9 of 19 impressive,” 2018). Despite Cape Town’s Deputy Mayor pleading “All preparations for the possibility of reaching Day Zero also continue as planned” in mid-February 2018 (“Day Zero moved,” 2018, para. 8), the last Capetonian news story referencing Day Zero occurred on May 18, 2018 and centred on the economic impact Day Zero continued to wreak on the city even after the doomsday date had been removed (“Drought keeps guests away,” 2018).

As the Day Zero date fluctuated and eventually removed, local newspaper coverage did continue to mention tragic apocalyptic themes. Some were simplistic, such as theft and vandalism of water supplies (“Day Zero Diewe,” 2018) or mentions of disease and illness (“City prepares,” 2018; “Day Zero double whammy,” 2018). One article discussed an activist group that doubted the reality of Day Zero, calling it “a hoax conjured up by the City of Cape Town to intimidate residents into saving water and to cause fear and panic” (“Day Zero a big con,” 2018, para. 1). In response to this, a lead researcher at Future Water Institute at the explained how Day Zero aided in water management:

We all make up things because most of our terms and phrases are socially constructed. You can’t really explain to people that there are different phases in a water management plan, but Day Zero is a term people can understand. (“Day Zero a big con,” 2018, para. 9)

The post-crisis discourse in Cape Town appeared to display two groups: one aware of what the effects of Day Zero would be, and another lost in confusion. The first group was best identified in a Cape Argus article in which children at a local school were interviewed about their awareness of the water crisis— and they clearly were aware. “I know we [sic] running out of water and it makes me scared because water is life and we can’t live without it,” one of them said fearfully, with another saying, “I get tired when people tell me I must save water every time because I know I must” (“Schools produce Day Zero ‘water heroes,’” 2018, para. 2-3). In contrast, a separate Cape Argus article interviewed ANC Western Cape spokesperson Yonela Diko, who stated bluntly, “Many people in the Western Cape remain in the dark as to the cause, how did we get here, and who’s responsible. Was Day Zero even real?” (“No tariff drop,” 2018, para. 10).

Whereas Capetonian post-crisis discourse was understandably Capetonian focused, international and non-Capetonian post-crisis discourse was rich with self-comparisons and predictions of which country would be next. During this post-crisis stage, Australia (“Australian capital cities,” 2018; Hannaford, 2018), Pakistan (Ahmed, 2018), Egypt (El-Menawy, 2018), India (“The shape of water,” 2018; Tiwari, 2018), Zimbabwe (Nyavaya, 2018), and the Middle East and Northern Africa (“The Middle East,” 2018) all published articles contemplating their relationship to global . Among many, a sentiment was expressed that and accessibility could impact any area, and that little separated their own locations from the Day Zero fate that Cape Town faced (Ahmed, 2018; El-Menawy, 2018; Mohan, 2018; Nyavaya, 2018; Steinhauser, 2018; “The shape of water,” 2018).

Relatedly, some discourse expressed that the risk of Day Zero had been helpful in visualizing the gravity of water crises: “Cape Town is a really good example of what might happen in the future in many other places,” explained University of Cape Town hydrologist and climatologist Piotr Wolski when speaking to The Australian, “I hope that other cities will learn a lesson from us” (Steinhauser, 2018, para. 10). Some asserted that Capetonians seemed to have gotten the message that “the crisis is real” (Chambers, 2018, para. 13) and that battling Day Zero aided in bridging one of the largest economic gaps in the world (Cassim & Dyer, 2018; Chambers, 2018; Pellot, 2018; “We always have Day Zero,” 2018).

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At the same time, the apocalyptic and conspiracy narratives scattered through Capetonian news discourse also made an appearance in international discourse. Phrases such as “the 11th hour” (Lee, 2018, para. 21) and “doomsday” (Lee, 2018, para. 16) were mentioned, and one article asserted that Day Zero was a hoax staged to receive kickbacks from the Jewish mafia (Chernick, 2018). Religious- affiliated terms such as “divine intervention” (Lee, 2018, para. 21) and “act of God” (Lee, 2018, para. 21) also made an appearance, and it was revealed that Muslim and Jewish communities led prayers for rain (Pellot, 2018).

Additionally, some media discourse specifically criticized the use of the term Day Zero due to its sense of finality (Pellot, 2018). Instead, Cape Town Anglican Archbishop Thabo Makgoba encouraged his parishioners to use Day One:

From a biblical perspective, the concept of void and nihilism does not sit well, because we take the creation story very seriously… Zero has the connotation that this is the end. It doesn’t give us hope. But we are responsible. We can do something. We can avert it. (Pellot, 2018, para. 8)

This comic narrative was also seen in discourse focusing on efforts to overcome Day Zero and the need for environmental changes to avoid future crises. The lead-up to the defeat of Day Zero wavered between a difficult struggle and an overly optimistic assurance, but an accomplishment nonetheless (“Cape Town pushes back,” 2018; Pellot, 2018; Prez-Pena, 2018; Nyavaya, 2018). More importantly, news talk stressed that infrastructure and policy changes must be made to accommodate for the stresses of climate change (Ahmed, 2018; Chambers, 2018; “The Middle East,” 2018; Nyavaya, 2018; Steinhauser, 2018;). To do this, countries must be forward-thinking but realistic, because as one MINT article put it, “What we need is for Elon Musk to save our earth instead of trying to colonise Mars” (“The shape of water, 2018, para. 12). Some of the realistic proposals mentioned included desalination and water treatment plants (“Australian capital cities,” 2018; El-Menawy, 2018; Hannaford, 2018), increasing water costs (Chambers, 2018; “The shape of water,” 2018), and improving water consumption and recycling practices (Ahmed, 2018; Mohan, 2018; “The shape of water,” 2018; Tiwari, 2018). Altogether, discourse echoed the need to be “water wise” (Ahmed, 2018, para. 3) and the learning opportunity the world received by witnessing Cape Town’s Day Zero crisis from afar (Chambers, 2018).

Findings and Implications

Analysis of local and international news talk of Day Zero shed light on multiple rhetorical narratives. Individually, local media discourse emphasized confidence in avoidance and accompanying solutions in the crisis’ early stages, with cooperation as a main thread. Leading into the height of crisis, talk sought to communicate a cohesive definition of Day Zero and the logistics of what a Day Zero transition would entail, yet also produced apocalyptic narratives, both comic and tragic. During the post-crisis transition, some of these apocalyptic ideas remained, along with elements of self-reflection and relief.

International and non-Capetonian news produced no Day Zero content during the defined pre-crisis period. When discourse did begin during the height of crisis, non-Capetonian media outlets reiterated the Day Zero narrative being produced by Capetonian news agencies, but with a stronger focus on the day-to-day challenges faced by Cape Town residents. Arguably the richest international discourse occurred during the post-crisis stage, at which point questions arose of which cities could face their own Day Zero and how useful it was for nations to witness the water crisis in South Africa. Some comic and tragic apocalyptic narratives also appeared, related to both Cape Town and global water crises more

Presented at Waterlines: Confluence and Hope through Environmental Communication The Conference on Communication and Environment, Vancouver, Canada, June 17-21, 2019 https://theieca.org/coce2019 Page 11 of 19 broadly. Comparatively, these findings highlight two key problems with media discourse surrounding Day Zero: isolated coverage and a flawed understanding of public reaction to apocalyptic threats.

First, it was impossible to compare local and international discourse during the pre-crisis stage of Day Zero because international news did not even begin to cover the issue until the crisis had reached its height. As mentioned during analysis, the first non-Capetonian mention of Day Zero was in late January 2018, at which point Cape Town media had already produced over 20 news stories on the crisis. This discovery is coupled with the fact that over a twelve month period, Day Zero references in Cape Town papers made up nearly 75% of all media talk, far outweighing the coverage from newspapers in more than a dozen other nations. On top of this, the majority of international and non-Capetonian news discourse occurred post-crisis rather than during the crisis’ peak, signaling that the little Day Zero news that did reach global publics did so after the threat had mostly dissipated. Sequestering water crisis conversations such as Day Zero to local media severely limits the ability of global changemakers to re- route impending disasters and unknowingly enables what could be a comic apocalyptic narrative to turn tragic.

Second, both local and international discourse of the Cape Town water crisis clearly showcased the apocalyptic rhetorical power of the Day Zero term in alignment with scholarship produced by Burke (1984), Foust and Murphy (2009), and O’Leary (1993). Unfortunately, the apocalyptic power of Day Zero was strongest during inopportune moments in the crisis: in local discourse during the transition from the height of crisis into post-crisis, and in international discourse during the post-crisis stage itself. As the crisis peaked and de-escalated, Day Zero was perceived by the public as having a catastrophic telos rather than a changeable telos. These turning points were not only unhelpful in harnessing the apocalyptic power of Day Zero, but were actually detrimental to the comic narrative of enacting change, especially change on the local level. Day Zero rhetoric was most productive when the inevitability of the event was not constrained by its nearness—or, per O’Leary’s (1993) understanding of open-ended time, when Day Zero could be comically interpreted and altered.

This second finding is of particular interest because the harm of using a Day Zero reference was mentioned in news talk (“Day Zero a big con” 2018; Pellot, 2018). Though this criticism was not strong throughout the discourse, its appearance signals that laypersons are aware of the risk that accompanies utilizing doomsday language to influence behavioral change. But if Day Zero was too threateningly cataclysmic, as some warned, a separate dilemma exists in identifying language that provokes appropriate doomsday-level fear. Although the creation and dissemination of a Day Zero narrative was not immediately effective in Cape Town, Day Zero was ultimately avoided, which some could argue demonstrates successful rhetoric. At the end of the day, “Day Zero is a term people can understand” rang true—isn’t delayed action better than no action at all (“Day Zero a big con,” 2018, para. 9)?

Conclusion

This analysis does incur some limitations. First, a small amount of discourse included in the analysis was related to water and the term “Day Zero,” yet not specifically related to the Cape Town water crisis. The decision to include these few articles was made because they offered additional context for public awareness of the severe meaning of Day Zero, yet their inclusion also impacted the comparative amount of discourse collected between Capetonian and non-Capetonian media. Second, Day Zero’s pre-crisis, height of crisis, and post-crisis stages were determined using moments in the crisis timeline that were independently deemed critical to the crisis’ development. Self-defining these time periods

Presented at Waterlines: Confluence and Hope through Environmental Communication The Conference on Communication and Environment, Vancouver, Canada, June 17-21, 2019 https://theieca.org/coce2019 Page 12 of 19 influences how the discourse was viewed and interpreted, and it is possible that utilization of a different crisis timeline lens would produce different results. An opportunity therefore exists for future scholars to consider alternative stages of crisis in the Day Zero phenomenon, and thus alternative turning points.

Ultimately, this paper contributes to our understanding of water in environmental communication; the use of apocalyptic rhetoric as behavioral motivation in water crises; and the responsibility of scholars, media, and lay publics to develop and maintain conversations on water issues that are not our own. Finally, this essay ends with a desperate plea for increased interconnected journalistic communication of not only water-related issues, but all impending environmental crises so that publics may have the opportunity to choose a comic narrative rather than have a tragic narrative forced upon them.

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