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January - April 2021 Volume 30: Number 1 Poverty & Race PRRAC POVERTY & RACE RESEARCH ACTION COUNCIL January - April 2021 Volume 30: Number 1 Land Values and the Enduring Significance of Racial Residential Segregation Henry Louis Taylor, Jr. I. Introduction comes, wealth, and other critical services has celebrated the ideal of inclusivity, and experiences that bolster their life’s residential integration, and social mo- The life chances of many African opportunities and outcomes. For this bility since the dismantling Jim Crow Americans are tied to their experiences reason, researchers that study neighbor- racism in the 1960s. Yet, despite the in underdeveloped central city neighbor- hood effects have convincingly argued passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, hoods. The implication of living in these that neighborhood-based social deter- the Fair Housing Act of 1968, and the Black spaces was suggested in a provoca- minants produce undesirable health and outlawing of redlining, restrictive cov- tive question posed by the historian Carol socioeconomic outcomes among Blacks. enants, and discrimination in the rental Anderson in her book, Eyes on the Prize, Consequently, African Americans cannot and sale of housing, residential segre- which I paraphrase, “How could the Civ- make significant socioeconomic progress gation endures and continues to define il Rights Movement leave in its wake a until this racist system of segregation Whiteness and frame storylines about nation where schools are more segregat- is dismantled and their neighborhoods Blackness. Why does residential segre- ed than ever, where Black workers are turned into great places to live, work, gation endure despite efforts to end it? stuck in low-income jobs, where racial play, and raise a family. The ending of ra- Discussion of residential segregation residential integration is a dream de- cial segregation will require dismantling typically defaults into narratives about ferred, where most Black children live in the land value system that undergirds it. government housing policies, individual poverty, where significant health dispar- preferences, and discriminatory practic- ities exist between the races, and where II. The Systemic Structural es. I want to take a different approach by Blacks comprise 32% of American pris- Racism Framework situating residential segregation within oners but only 13% of the population?” market dynamics and systemic structur- I theorize that African Americans have Persistent racial residential segrega- al racism and social class inequality. The made minimal socioeconomic advance- tion is an American paradox. The nation (Please turn to page 2) ments since the Civil Rights Era because of racial residential segregation. Residen- tial segregation is more than the separa- IN THIS ISSUE: tion of Blacks and Whites in geograph- ical space. It is a market-driven system Land Values and the Enduring Significance of Racial of denying African Americans equal and Residential Segregation.........................................................1 equitable access to education, jobs, in- Henry Louis Taylor, Jr. Henry Louis Taylor, Jr. (htay- The Making of Boston’s AFFH Ordinance - A Brief Oral [email protected]) is a Professor in History......................................................................................3 the Department of Urban and Re- Megan Haberle gional Planning in the University at The American Right to Education: The Northwest Buffalo. This article is part of an upcom- Ordinance, Reconstruction, and the Current Challenge....5 ing policy brief series on housing Derek Black finance, racial justice, and segre- Gentrification, Demographic Change, and the Challenges gation, produced as a collaboration of Integration...........................................................................7 between staff at PRRAC and the Furman Center at New York Uni- Kfir Mordechay versity. Poverty & Race Research Action Council • 740 15th Street NW • Suite 300 • Washington, DC 20005 Recycled Paper 202/866-0802 • E-mail: [email protected] • www.prrac.org (LAND VALUES: Cont. from page 1) Frederick M. Babcock invented this land government, the White masses, and Black value system based on the intertwining people. Thus, on the eve of the Second intent is to shift the conversation away of race, place, economics, and culture. A Great Migration of African Americans to from “state blaming” and the actions of belief that the mere presence of Blacks in urban centers, the government and their individual Whites and to refocus it on the a community reduces residential property private sector allies had already created markets and systems that produced these values anchors the system. However, land a new method of residentially segregat- segregated outcomes. The systemic struc- value is not an autonomous ontological ing Blacks. In this system, White racism tural framework is critical to understand- feature of the city-building process, but a and economic advantage are inextricably ing how market dynamics interact with system that is reflective of, and constitut- bound together. This interconnectivity state systems to produce residential seg- ed by, prevailing social values and biases. drives the residential segregation process regation. Structural racism refers to insti- Babcock played to the racist sentiments of and produces a culture infused with ra- tutions merged into systems that operate Whites in developing a land value system cial stereotypes and biases to support it. to bring about undesirable socioeconomic that supported racism and the commodi- and health outcomes for Blacks. Although fication of the owner-occupied house and III. Black Neighborhood and institutions and systems’ operations are its transformation into a wealth-produc- Predatory Development unique, they nevertheless work inter- ing vehicle. Therefore, he structured a actively to generate policies, programs, mortgage-risk system in which the pres- Our story does not end here. Blacks and activities that produce unwanted ence or absence of Blacks determined pay a heavy price for being segregated social, economic, cultural, and political the value of housing and neighborhoods. in residential spaces. Scholars typical- outcomes for Blacks and people of color. Babcock argued that neighborhoods ly conceptualize Black communities as Operating within this market-driven had life-cycles and that the presence of disadvantaged, poor, or sites of disin- structural racism framework, the educa- Blacks in a community signaled the onset vestment and concentrated poverty. I tion, labor, housing, and land valorization of a period of rapid decline in that area. conceptualize these Black neighborhoods systems interactively function to push In this system, as the percent of Whites as underdeveloped places characterized Blacks into low-value, marginalized, and social class exclusivity-- measured in by “segrenomics” and predatory entre- and underdeveloped neighborhoods. For terms of median household income and preneurship. A high wall of land values example, the failure of resource-deplet- percent of the population with a college trapped Blacks in these underdeveloped ed schools that often service the Black degree— increases in a locality, so does sites, where they do not own the land on community reduces Black success in the the house-value and the wealth-produc- which they are building their community. labor market, while Whites have the com- These sociospatial units become the petitive edge because of their access to site of oppression, exploitation, and con- resource-rich schools with an abundance The ending of racial segre- testation because Blacks have limited of extra-curricular activities. Blacks are gation will require disman- housing and shopping options; segre- the perpetual losers in this rigged la- tling the land value that nomics dominate. Segrenomics refers to bor market competition and the result- undergirds it. the predatory profit-making activities that ing low incomes force them to search occur in communities where residential for housing in the most undesirable segregation limits residents’ consump- residential settlements in a metropolis. ing capacity of that residential district. tion options. Thus, in these residential Many Blacks are trapped in these On the flip side, as the percent of Blacks districts, predatory landlords generate low-value, marginalized, and underde- and social class inclusivity increases, hyper-profits in Black neighborhoods veloped neighborhoods. The sociologist the house-value and wealth-producing by delaying or postponing maintenance Patrick Sharkey argues that they are stuck power of that residential district de- and charging high rents. Neighborhood in place. Based on a longitudinal study creases. These residential districts are merchants overcharge them for goods of African Americans in Chicago over scattered across a land value continuum, and services. Local governments fail to four decades, beginning in 1968, Shar- and where a community falls along this maintain streets and sidewalks, poorly key concludes that residential mobility continuum will determine its housing maintain publicly owned vacant lots, and does not exist for most Blacks. Roughly values, amenities, hedonic features, and refuse to aggressively enforce existing three-quarters of all Black children who access to quality goods and services. housing and building codes. Concur- grew up in the 1970s and 1980s in under- This land value system structured an rently, these residents are often the tar- developed Chicago neighborhoods were urban residential
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