Papua New Guinea: Under the Spell
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Charles Lepani I
Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies AN INITIATIVE OF THE WOODROW WILSON SCHOOL OF PUBLIC AND INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS AND THE BOBST CENTER FOR PEACE AND JUSTICE Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies Series: Governance Traps Interview no.: P2 Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies Interviewee: Charles Lepani Interviewer: Matthew Devlin Date of Interview: 15 March 2009 Location: Canberra, Australia Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies, Bobst Center for Peace and Justice Princeton University, 83 Prospect Avenue, Princeton, New Jersey, 08544, USA www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties Use of this transcript is governed by ISS Terms of Use, available at www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties DEVLIN: Today is March 15th, 2010. We’re in Canberra, Australia, with His Excellency Charles Lepani, Papua New Guinea’s high commissioner to Australia. The high commissioner was one of Papua New Guinea’s top public servants during the years we’ll be discussing today and has a rather unique insight into both the political dynamics that shaped those events and the administrative aspects of the implementation of Papua New Guinea’s decentralization. Mr. High Commissioner, thank you for joining us. LEPANI: Thank you. DEVLIN: If you don’t mind, I’d like to begin by first asking you how you came to enter the public service, and what positions you held over the years of your governmental career. LEPANI: I started off as a trained trade unionist. After high school in Queensland, Australia, I spent two years at the University of Papua New Guinea in 1967-68. -
Download a PDF of the Oil Search Presentation
Sydney Mining Club | 6 June 2019 OIL SEARCH LIMITED | ARBN 055 079 868 | ASX: OSH | POMSoX: OSH | US ADR: OISHY www.oilsearch.com DISCLAIMER While every effort is made to provide accurate aNd complete iNformatioN, Oil Search Limited does Not warraNt that the iNformatioN iN this preseNtatioN is free from errors or omissioNs or is suitable for its inteNded use. Subject to aNy terms implied by law which caNNot be excluded, Oil Search Limited accepts no responsibility for any loss, damage, cost or expense (whether direct or indirect) incurred by you as a result of any error, omission or misrepresentation in information in this presentation. All informatioN in this preseNtatioN is subject to change without notice. This preseNtatioN also coNtaiNs forward-looking statemeNts which are subject to particular risks associated with the oil and gas industry. Oil Search Limited believes there are reasonable grounds for the expectatioNs oN which the statemeNts are based. However actual outcomes could differ materially due to a range of factors including oil and gas prices, demand for oil, currency fluctuations, drilling results, field performaNce, the timiNg of well work-overs and field development, reserves depletion, progress on gas commercialisation and fiscal and other government issues and approvals. Sydney Mining Club – 6 June, 2019 | PAGE 2 TALK OUTLINE OIL SEARCH – A NINETY YEAR JOURNEY IN PAPUA NEW GUINEA OIL SEARCH 90 YEARS ON DRIVERS FOR GROWTH OVER THE LAST 25 YEARS THE PNG OPERATING ENVIRONMENT v Politics v BusiNess aNd social issues THE -
Becoming Art: Some Relationships Between Pacific Art and Western Culture Susan Cochrane University of Wollongong
University of Wollongong Research Online University of Wollongong Thesis Collection University of Wollongong Thesis Collections 1995 Becoming art: some relationships between Pacific art and Western culture Susan Cochrane University of Wollongong Recommended Citation Cochrane, Susan, Becoming art: some relationships between Pacific ra t and Western culture, Doctor of Philosophy thesis, , University of Wollongong, 1995. http://ro.uow.edu.au/theses/2088 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact Manager Repository Services: [email protected]. BECOMING ART: SOME RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN PACIFIC ART AND WESTERN CULTURE by Susan Cochrane, B.A. [Macquarie], M.A.(Hons.) [Wollongong] 203 CHAPTER 4: 'REGIMES OF VALUE'1 Bokken ngarribimbun dorlobbo: ngarrikarrme gunwok kunmurrngrayek ngadberre ngarribimbun dja mak kunwarrde kne ngarribimbun. (There are two reasons why we do our art: the first is to maintain our culture, the second is to earn money). Injalak Arts and Crafts Corporate Plan INTRODUCTION In the last chapter, the example of bark paintings was used to test Western categories for indigenous art. Reference was also made to Aboriginal systems of classification, in particular the ways Yolngu people classify painting, including bark painting. Morphy's concept, that Aboriginal art exists in two 'frames', was briefly introduced, and his view was cited that Yolngu artists increasingly operate within both 'frames', the Aboriginal frame and the European frame (Morphy 1991:26). This chapter develops the theme of how indigenous art objects are valued, both within the creator society and when they enter the Western art-culture system. When aesthetic objects move between cultures the values attached to them may change. -
Politics in Papua New Guinea 2017–20: from O'neill to Marape
Politics in Papua New Guinea 2017–20: From O’Neill to Marape R.J. May Discussion Paper 2020/3 The author has been chronicling the politics of Papua prosecutor); and amendments to the constitution and New Guinea (PNG) for decades, and this Discussion the Organic Law on the Integrity of Political Parties and Paper constitutes the most recent instalment in that Candidates (the general effects of which were to make body of work. It is hoped this account will assist it more difficult to remove a sitting government, which observers of the latest developments in the fast- attracted successful challenges). moving and frequently unpredictable world of political By 2015, popular opposition to O’Neill was growing contestation in PNG. and there were calls for him to step down. In October In an earlier paper, I surveyed the events in PNG that year, a protest rally in Port Moresby was broken politics from the political coup against incumbent up by police, with several protesters injured in the prime minister Sir Michael Somare in 2011 through confrontation. The following year saw students at to early 2017, preceding the country’s ninth post- the country’s four state universities initiate a boycott independence general election (May 2017). During this of classes in protest against the government; they time, PNG was governed by a coalition headed by Peter were supported by the PNG Trade Union Congress, O’Neill. That paper, which detailed the way O’Neill a coalition of civil society groups that called for a came to power — in defiance of two Supreme Court National Disobedience Day and opposition politicians decisions in 2011–12 and then through legitimate who sought a parliamentary vote of no confidence. -
The Pacific Solution Or a Pacific Nightmare?: the Difference Between Burden Shifting and Responsibility Sharing
THE PACIFIC SOLUTION OR A PACIFIC NIGHTMARE?: THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN BURDEN SHIFTING AND RESPONSIBILITY SHARING Dr. Savitri Taylor* I. INTRODUCTION II. THE PACIFIC SOLUTION III. OFFSHORE PROCESSING CENTERS AND STATE RESPONSIBILITY IV. PACIFIC NIGHTMARES A. Nauru B. Papua New Guinea V. INTERPRETING NIGHTMARES VI. SPREADING NIGHTMARES VII. SHARING RESPONSIBILITY VIII. CONCLUSION I. INTRODUCTION The guarantee that persons unable to enjoy human rights in their country of nationality, who seek asylum in other countries, will not be returned to the country from which they fled is a significant achievement of international efforts to validate the assertion that those rights truly are the “rights of man.” There are currently 145 states,1 including Australia, that are parties to the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees (Refugees Convention)2 and/or the 1967 Protocol relating to the Status of Refugees (Refugees Protocol).3 The prohibition on refoulement is the key provision of the Refugees Convention. Article 33(1) of the Refugees Convention provides that no state party “shall expel or return (refouler) a refugee in any manner * Senior Lecturer, School of Law, La Trobe University, Victoria 3086, Australia. 1 As of February 1, 2004. 2 July 28, 1951, 1954 Austl. T. S. No. 5 (entered into force for Australia and generally on April 22, 1954). 3 January 31, 1967, 1973 Austl. T. S. No. 37 (entered into force generally on October 4, 1967, and for Australia on December 13, 1973). 2 ASIAN-PACIFIC LAW & POLICY JOURNAL; Vol. 6, Issue 1 (Winter -
Wantok Namba 2040.Pdf
Namba 2040 Oktoba 3 - 9 , 2013 28 pes Niuspepa Bilong Yumi Ol PNG Stret! K1 tasol Nau yu ken Teksim Wari, Tingting, Painim Pren o Pas bilong yu i kam long Digicel namba 7235 6149 na bai mipela putim long Pes 2... BRUKIM HET LONG EKSAM: MOA long 420 Gret 10 sumatin long Gerehu Sekonderi skul Mosbi i sindaun long fainol eksam wantaim moa long 47,000 wanlain bi- long ol long 252 provinsal na sekonderi skul long kantri. Eksam bai ron long 9-pela de i bin stat long dispela wik Tunde na bai pinis long neks wik Fraide long lukim husat tru bai kisim spes long go hetim skul i go long Gret 11. Dispela poto bilong Nicky Bernard i soim Nelly Gado, Karen Bolla na Nathaniel Boski bilong Gerehu Sekon- deri i skelim tingting taim ol i sindaun long eksam aste bikos taim bihain bilong ol i stap long ol ansa ol i raitim long ol eksam pepa. UBE bai no inap bungim Nesenel Rises Institut i tokaut long wanpela ripot bilong en.... Stanley Nondol i raitim Aninit long MDG, gav- edukesen long 2013, olsem planti sumatin long 2015Insait: gol man i putim 2015 olsem planti pikinini i no go long gret 8 na i go antap i no Catholic Reporter GAVMAN i no stap long yia mak long lukim olgeta skul na ol i raun nating gutpela long Tok Inglis na bilong October gutpela mak long lukim pikinini mas go long skul autsait. i no mekim gut long Ing- Milenium Divelopmen stat long elementeri i go Dispela ripot i tok tu lish eksam na i feil. -
Loggers, Donors and Resource Owners PAPUA NEW Papua New Guinea Is Well Endowed with Tropical Forest, Almost All of Which Is Held by Local People Under Customary Title
Policy thatworksforforestsandpeople Loggers, donors and resource owners PAPUA NEW Papua New Guinea is well endowed with tropical forest, almost all of which is held by local people under customary title. But the forest sector is in a mess. Over the last ten years a major national process G UINEA of policy and institutional reform has sought to sort out the sector, but some key features of PNG society continue to frustrate this process. The ‘ideology of resource ownership’ is the core of national identity, yet it undermines the potential for diversified economic development based on the use or value of land and forests. Also, a widespread obsession with the pursuit of personal political power grows alongside an equally widespread loss of faith in the ability of government to deliver social and economic devel- opment. These contradictions help to explain why the national policy process centres on a struggle between the logging industry and donor agencies for the hearts and minds of the resource owners. Whilst this struggle throws up many problems, it also presents opportunities for establishing a new approach to policy for forests and people. This would establish the common ground upon which a wider coalition of interests - a new ‘policy community’ - could be built. Opportunities include: developing mechanisms for testing and publicising claims to productive innovation; combining different scales of No: 2 NewGuinea Papua Sekhran with Filer enterprise; generating a vision of the public interest through dialogue; and installing a brokering mechanism to connect needs with existing capacities. Policy that works for forests and people series Forest issues often concern large amounts of money, long timeframes, huge areas of land, and diverse livelihoods. -
I2I Text Paste Up
PART 3: THE LIMITS OF INDEPENDENCE Chapter 12 Independence and its Discontents apua New Guineans handled the transition to independence with flair, despite their Plimited experience, the speed with which they had to act and the explosive agenda that they inherited. With great skill and some luck, they brought their country united to independence with new institutions, a new public service, a guaranteed income and a home-made constitution. A Failing State? The coalition that achieved these feats tottered in 1978 when Julius Chan took the PPP into opposition, and collapsed in March 1980 when the Leader of the Opposition, Iambakey Okuk, won a no-confidence motion, naming Chan as preferred Prime Minister. Chan had quit the coalition over the attempt to buttress the Leadership Code (Chapter 9) and disagreement on relations between private business and public office. Somare returned to office after the 1982 election but once again he was ousted in mid- term by a vote of no confidence, yielding to the ambitious young Western Highlander Paias Wingti. The pattern was now set, whereby coalitions are formed after an election but no government survives the fixed five-year parliamentary term. Votes of no confi- dence are the mechanism for replacing one opportunist coalition with another. By this device, Wingti was replaced by Rabbie Namaliu, who yielded to Wingti again, who was replaced by Chan, whose coalition collapsed in the wake of a bungled attempt to employ mercenaries (see below). After the 1997 election, Bill Skate — a gregarious accountant from Gulf Province, Governor of Port Moresby and cheerful opportunist — held a Cabinet together for nearly two years. -
Ethnic Conflict in Papua New Guinea
Asia Pacific Viewpoint, Vol. 49, No. 1, April 2008 ISSN 1360-7456, pp12–22 Ethnic conflict in Papua New Guinea Benjamin Reilly Centre for Democratic Institutions, Australian National University, Canberra, ACT 0200, Australia. Email: [email protected] Abstract: On many measures of ethno-linguistic diversity, Papua New Guinea is the most frag- mented society in the world. I argue that the macro-level political effect of this diversity has been to reduce, rather than increase, the impact of ethnic conflict on the state. Outside the Bougainville conflict, and (to a lesser extent) the recent upsurge of violence in the Southern Highlands, ethnic conflicts in Papua New Guinea have not presented a threat to national government. In contrast to most other ethnically diverse societies, the most consequential impacts of ethnic conflict in Papua New Guinea are at the local level. This paper therefore examines the disparate impacts of local- and national-level forms of ethnic conflict in Papua New Guinea. Keywords: diversity, elections, ethnic conflict, Papua New Guinea Papua New Guinea combines two unusual fea- impact of ethnic conflict on the state. The reason tures which should make it a case of special for this is relatively straightforward: outside the interest to scholars of ethnicity and ethnic con- Bougainville conflict and (to a lesser extent) the flict. First, it boasts one of the developing recent upsurge of violence in the Southern High- world’s most impressive records of democratic lands, ethnic conflicts in Papua New Guinea longevity, with more than 40 years of continu- have not presented a threat to national govern- ous democratic elections, all of them chara- ment. -
3 Political Style in Modern Melanesia*
State and Society in Papua New Guinea 3 POLITICAL STYLE IN MODERN MELANESIA* In recent writing about contemporary politics in Melanesia one frequently comes across the term style. The suggestion seems to be that there is, if not a unique, at least a distinctive Melanesian style (or styles) of politics. Hegarty, for example, speaks of an ‘essentially accommodative political and governmental style’ in Papua New Guinea (1979c:110) and Quiros (1979) speaks simi- larly of a ‘conciliatory style of political leadership’ in that coun- try. (Also see Standish 1978:29 and Herlihy 1982:575.) Mela- nesian political leaders themselves frequently talk about doing things ‘in the Melanesian Way’ (for example, see Lini 1980). This paper seeks to identify some of the elements of political style in modern Melanesia and to relate them to broader aspects of the region’s political culture. I begin by accepting that there is such a thing as political style; I will not, however, attempt to define the term, except to say that it has something to do with the way in which nations’ leaders (and by extension nations themselves) behave within a frame- work set by formal constitutions and realpolitik. The suggestion that one can distinguish a national or regional political style implies the existence of an identifiable political culture,1 though * This paper was presented at a seminar at the ANU in 1980 and published in R.J. May and Hank Nelson (eds), Melanesia Beyond Diversity (1982). 1 On the concept of political culture see Almond and Verba (1963), Pye and Verba (1965), Almond and Powell (1966:chapter 3), Kavanagh (1972). -
New Commemorative Banknotes and Coins in Papua New Guinea
L Wilson Kamit: New commemorative banknotes and coins in Papua New Guinea Speech by Mr L Wilson Kamit, CBE, Governor of the Bank of Papua New Guinea, at the Launch of the banknotes and coins to commemorate the 35th Anniversary of the Bank of Papua New Guinea, Port Moresby, 7 November 2008. * * * Thank you for accepting the invitation to join us at the Bank of Papua New Guinea to celebrate this important occasion. There are two important dates on our calendar we acknowledge each year. On 1st November 1973, soon after self-Government and almost 2 years before independence, the Bank of Papua New Guinea was established as the Central Bank of the emerging nation and a young Mr Henry ToRobert (now Sir Henry ToRobert) was appointed the first Governor. The new Secretary for finance then was Mr Mekere Morauta (Sir Mekere Morauta). The tasks before the two former Governors and particularly the Bank was to develop and pursue appropriate fiscal and monetary policies, adopt best practices in supervision of an infant financial system and introduce our own national currency. Such were the challenges. The Bank continues to face challenges and at times is compelled to undertake tasks outside of its core functions and these have been most satisfying. For instance, we were equity partners in starting up 2 commercial banks in the 1980s. In the 1990s, we were involved in the establishment of the Port Moresby Stock Exchange and the Governor was a Director from its inception till June 2008. Our role was to nurture the financial institutions from their establishment and once they were operational the Bank would exit. -
July 3, 1991 the UNIVERSITY of HAWAI'i at MANOA AUSTRALIAN AID to PAPUA NEW GUINEA POLICE GOALS and LIMITS a PLAN B RESEARCH
July 3, 1991 THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI'I AT MANOA AUSTRALIAN AID TO PAPUA NEW GUINEA POLICE GOALS AND LIMITS A PLAN B RESEARCH PAPER SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE CENTER FOR PACIFIC ISLANDS STUDIES IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS SCHOOL OF HAWAIIAN, ASIAN AND PACIFIC STUDIES BY EDWARD JOSEPH MICHAL AUGUST 1991 Committee Members: Dr. Robert Kiste, Chairperson Dr. Michael P. Hamnett Dr. Terence Wesley-Smith c Copyright 1991 by Edward J. Michal, Port Moresby, Dept. of State, Washington, D.C. 20521-4240 Executiye Summa~ Crime, a perennial problem in Papua New Guinea, is once again the center of attention, due to an upsurge in violent or spectacular incidents in both urban and rural areas. Domestic and foreign confidence in the government's ability to control organized gangs, militant landowners, Bougainville rebels, corrupt politicians and other malefactors is fading. The level of violence is rising, prompting foreign governments to issue warnings and Prime Minister Namaliu to unveil a series of proposals to crack down on criminals. The 1984 Clifford Report, a major study sponsored by both government and private enterprise in Papua New Guinea, advocated increased efforts to support community-based policing, but there is no indication the Government is moving in that direction. Both Western and Papua New Guinean commentators consider the imported Australian legal system bequeathed to Papua New Guinea to be alien to its numerous fragmented communities, leading to tension between customary and Western means of resolving conflict. Australia has embarked upon a major effort to strengthen the Royal Papua New Guinea Constabulary (RPNGC), the nation's one and only police force, through the provision of technical assistance, especially training.