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Slow Violence and Movement Resistance by the Gas Peddit in Neoliberal India

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Slow Violence and Movement Resistance by the Gas Peddit in Neoliberal India University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 8-2019 Slow Violence and Movement Resistance by the Gas Peddit in Neoliberal India Nikhil Deb University of Tennessee, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss Recommended Citation Deb, Nikhil, "Slow Violence and Movement Resistance by the Gas Peddit in Neoliberal India. " PhD diss., University of Tennessee, 2019. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss/5520 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a dissertation written by Nikhil Deb entitled "Slow Violence and Movement Resistance by the Gas Peddit in Neoliberal India." I have examined the final electronic copy of this dissertation for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, with a major in Sociology. Paul Gellert, Major Professor We have read this dissertation and recommend its acceptance: Stephanie Bohon, Harry Dahms, Jon Shefner, Raja Swamy Accepted for the Council: Dixie L. Thompson Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) Slow Violence and Movement Resistance by the Gas Peddit in Neoliberal India A Dissertation Presented for the Doctor of Philosophy Degree The University of Tennessee, Knoxville Nikhil Deb August 2019 Copyright © 2019 by Nikhil Deb All rights reserved. ii For Mukhor & Tuli iii Acknowledgments Mentors. Writing this dissertation has been socially and intellectually collaborative work. This dissertation has been indebted to more people than I can mention here. For his unflagging support, I extend my sincere gratitude to my mentor and committee chair, Dr. Paul Gellert, whose scholarship has ceaselessly impressed me since I joined the UTK sociology Department in 2015. Without his guidance and crucial support, this dissertation would not have reached its current form. It’s been an excellent opportunity to be supervised by him, although he started chairing the dissertation committee after the sudden passing of Dr. Scott Frey in December 2018. Frey’s contribution to my Ph.D. journey is enormous. It has been an honor to be working with him very closely over the last four years. Not only that he was very generous and helpful, but also he kept me engaged with Bhopal. Completing this dissertation is a sign of his active presence in my academic journey. I want to express my gratefulness to Dr. Stephanie Bohon, who never stops encouraging me to explore and examine educational opportunity that I’d otherwise dare to pursue. I must also note that Bohon was always available when I needed help and advice. Dr. Harry Dahms offered invaluable help along the way in this journey. Dr. Dahms taught me a countless lesson about the importance and nuances of social theory. His valuable theoretical insights, along with his comprehensive worldviews, influenced not only this dissertation but also my other scholarly works. I want to extend my appreciation for Dr. Jon Shefner, who, despite being busy leading the Department of Sociology, always provided vital support through this challenging journey. He offered me useful insights into social movements that enriched this dissertation. I highly appreciate Dr. Raja Swamy for his scholarly and heartening engagement, using the lens of his research on marginalized groups in India. Finally, I iv express my appreciation for many faculty members and peers of the Sociology Department for their support along the way. Family. Writing dissertation robbed me of my social life. I must note that nobody deserves more thanks than my 4-year old, Mukhor, and my wife, Tuli. They had to endure lots of sacrifices for years, especially during my field trips in Bhopal, as well as for the last couple of busy months when I was deeply engrossed in writing. My son’s incredible support moved me emotionally; I consistently made negative reply every time he attempted to pursue me to play with him. Eventually, he understood the tenacity required for writing a dissertation. I also thank my siblings, my mom, and my relatives. They are proud that I—who was born in a highly disadvantaged rural area, a place deprived of necessary human conditions—have a Ph.D. now! Miscellaneous. I thank the people who helped me during my fieldwork in Bhopal. I thank Rachna Dhingra and Satinath Sarangi (Sathyu) from Bhopal for offering valuable helps to gain access to victims and activists in Bhopal. I am happy that my bond with them extended beyond this academic work. I thank my interviewees for their keen insight on the disaster, its consequences, and movement resistance. It was an extreme privilege to hear their voices that enriched this dissertation. I would also like to thank all of my friends who read part of the dissertation over time. Finally, I express my thanks to Adam Simmons for reading and commenting on the dissertation. Special thanks are due to the SSSP Graduate Student Racial/Ethnic Minority Fellowship, the Yates Dissertation Fellowship, the McClure Scholarship, and the Penley-Thomas-Allen Fellowship, for the funding that supported this research. v Abstract The Bhopal disaster that caused at least 25,000 deaths and over 600,000 injuries, health defects, socioenvironmental destruction, and other ailments is remembered almost exclusively by the spectacle of its immediate aftermaths. Yet few are cognizant of the way in which the slow violence of biosocial and environmental destruction continues to affect marginalized people living in Bhopal, as well as their struggles for social and environmental justice, including clean up of toxic zones, compensation, health care, and importantly, recognition of their rights and memories. More than three decades after the disaster, children are born with mental and physical disabilities, and women and girls are plagued with reproductive health problems. To this day, many dangerous chemicals left in the abandoned factory continue to contaminate soil and groundwater, affecting more and more marginalized Bhopalis. This dissertation goes beyond the spectacle-driven understanding of the tragedy by examining both the disaster and its ongoing adverse consequences as the outcomes of political and economic dynamics that create conditions for catastrophes and render invisible the lingering devastation affecting vulnerable populations in peripheral countries. This dissertation uses structural fieldwork methods, which continued for a total of 4 years. Based on 60 interviews with Bhopal gas and water sufferers (Gas Peddit) and activists, field observations, archives, and official and independent reports, this dissertation argues that a) the disaster that happened under a shrinking developmental state was the outcome of a long chain of global political economic development; b) prolonged biosocial and environmental destruction is characteristic of India’s neoliberal regime; and c) the process of marginalization of affected Bhopalis in neoliberal India has created a new kind of politics for social and environmental justice, evident in the Bhopal Movement, the longest-running social movement in postcolonial India. Findings of this dissertation suggest that Bhopal is the vi embodiment of slow violence in neoliberalism, not only because the enduring consequences elude political, judicial, and medical discourse and restitution from governments and corporations, but also because neoliberal actors have tried to suppress the legitimacy of the sufferers’ crises in Bhopal. vii Table of Contents CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................... 1 INTRODUCING THE TERRAIN ........................................................................................................ 1 MULTIPLE CATASTROPHES .......................................................................................................... 7 ISSUES AT STAKE ....................................................................................................................... 11 Spatiotemporal Dimensions of Injustice ............................................................................... 13 Resisting Socioenvironmental Destruction ........................................................................... 16 RESEARCH QUESTIONS .............................................................................................................. 17 OVERVIEW OF THE DISSERTATION ............................................................................................. 19 CHAPTER TWO: “EVERYONE OF US TO DIE”: POLITICAL ECONOMY OF THE BHOPAL CATASTROPHE ...................................................................................................... 21 BHOPAL AT A CROSSROADS ....................................................................................................... 25 Diversity to Segregation ....................................................................................................... 26 “EVERY ONE OF US TO DIE”: UNION CARBIDE IN BHOPAL, INDIA.............................................. 29 Centralized Decision Making ..............................................................................................
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