45 Dirasat

The Chinese Islamic National Salvation Association and the

Ramadan, 1440 - May 2019 Hui Minority: 1937–1948

WAN Lei

The Chinese Islamic National Salvation Association and the Hui Minority: 1937–1948

WAN Lei 4 Dirasat No. 45 Ramadan, 1440 - May 2019

© King Faisal Center for Research and Islamic Studies, 2019 King Fahd National Library Cataloging-In-Publication Data

Lei, WAN The Chinese Islamic National Salvation Association and the Hui Minority: 1937–1948. / Lei, WAN. - Riyadh, 2019

32 p ; 23 x 16.5 cm

ISBN: 978-603-8268-15-5

1 - Salvation (Islam) I - Title 273.4 dc 1440/9107

L.D. no. 1440/9107 ISBN: 978-603-8268-15-5 Table of Contents

Abstract 6 I. Introduction 7 II. The Chinese Salvation Association 10 III. Protecting Hui Refugees and Combating Poverty 19 IV. Supporting Hui Education at Various Levels 25 V. Defending the Hui Faith and Their Traditions 34 VI. Settling Confrontations between the Hui and the Han 44 VII. Historical Limitations that the Association Could Not Overcome 52 VIII. Conclusion 61 Bibliography 66

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Abstract The Hui in China is a singular ethnic group. They speak Chinese but appear to have pursued a uniquely cultural evolution following immigration of its main grouping into China during the Mongol Yuan dynasty nearly eight centuries ago. But Hui societies only became evident in the first half of the 20th century, symbolizing Hui in–group consciousness; a nationwide semi–official China Huijiao [Islamic] Nation–Salvation Association was the national organization that played a significant part in uniting the Hui minority to support the Second Sino–Japanese War (The Resistance War against Japan) and in protecting the Hui minority in many ways during war period. The organization was led by General Bai Chongxi and other Hui elites and possessed its branches in many provinces across China. The operable and successful functioning of such an Islamic Association during WWII relied on Hui such a distinctly characteristic and the special Hui way of life. The endeavor of the Association’s protection of the Hui also demonstrated the Hui’s political and social strength in Chinese society during the period. This article mainly takes central China’s Henan province as its primary example and is based mainly on the Bulletin of The China Huijiao National Salvation Association and other historical resources. The Association made efforts to promote Hui education, to secure Hui livelihood by creating every possible method of assistance, to protect Hui interests in army service in administrations at all levels, and to solve the problems regarding Hui–Han confrontations. I. Introduction The Chinese Huijiao [Islamic] National Salvation Association was the title of a nation–wide Hui organization since the year 1940 (though it had two former titles between 1937 and 1940). This Association represents the first time that the Hui organized themselves to act for their mutual interests on a national scale socially, politically, and even militarily. Two prior organizations before this organization need to be mentioned. The first was the voluntary association——“The Chinese Islamic Progressive Association” (Zhongguo Huijiao jujinhui) launched by Wang Kuan (王寬) in Beiping (Beijing) whose local branches had existed in most parts of China prior to 1936; it re–applied for review and re–registration from the Beiping Administration in that year, but was rejected and, thus it came to an end. The excuse for the rejection was that the competing “Chinese Muslim League” (Zhongguo Huijiao gonghui) launched by Ma Liang (馬良) from Shandong Province, which was supported by the Central Committee of the Nationalist Party, was registered in 1934; however, Ma Liang’s association, a supposed second national–wide Hui association, only existed for two years and due to personnel contradictions, never practically unfolded work. The Association functioned well throughout all of China, and its activities covered many affairs beyond the normal limitations of a common civil society. Today, academic research on many topics of post–1937 Hui studies can hardly avoid mentioning the Association. The subject of the article first aims at a general “combing” of the contributions of the Association toward the Hui minority during the periods of the Resistance War against the Japanese (the Second Sino–Japanese War, 1937– 45) and the Chinese Civil War (1946–49); second, I elucidate the mechanism of its functioning; and, third, I will explain how much power it was ultimately able to gain. Success in pursing such aims will inevitably involve exploring and discussing many relevant sub–topics, which may seem miscellaneous and

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messy indeed. However, some striking findings will be reached that, while giving some readers an understanding of the general conditions of the Hui during the second half of the Republican era, will definitely provide us some with both the general Hui issues in China and the specific questions of how a minority may survive in a modern multi–ethnic country. The article mainly takes Central China’s Henan Province as a case study. This selection is purposeful: first, Henan Province has been the third largest Hui–populated province, next only to Ningxia and Gansu in northwest China, but the academic research on the Hui in Henan has obviously not been as deep as for those in the northwest today. Second, Hui populations are scattered throughout the province, so research on the Hui here can model the typically represent the existing multi–ethnic relationships, particularly the Hui–Han relationship, in China as a whole. Through historical and anthropological perspectives, research on the Hui in Henan will possess significance in exploring such multi–ethnic relationships. And third, I am from Henan Province and am familiar with its geography, history and culture. I have done research on some similar topics; this knowledge is helpful for me to further explore this subject. Due to some key factors, the time range of this study was limited to the years 1937 to 1948. A first factor is that the activities of the Association’s Henan Branch stopped functioning due to the loss of Kaifeng, the capital of Henan, by the National Army (Kaifeng was the last base of the Henan Provincial Branch of the Islamic Association). The second factor is related to the literary sources for this article. The research mainly relies on the contents of the bulletins published by the Association; however, the bulletins published in 1949 have not survived, or at least I have not found them so far. I suspect that publication of the bulletins came to the end in Mainland China by the end of 1948. I sought to remedy the lack of information about activities of the Association in 1949 with other contemporary historical documents, other than the bulletins, but they could not supply fully satisfactory information. The English translations of the citations in this article, except those which are given quoted remarks, have all been done by me. The Chinese Pinyin transcription system is adopted for supplementary interpretations in the contexts, footnotes, and bibliography. Occasionally, some translated words are not exactly identical with the Pinyin; they are purposely written in a way to avoid the similarities with English words. For example, “An” as a Chinese surname is the same as an English article; it will be changed into “Anh” to avoid the confusion. The word “war,” used in the article is an abbreviation for the Resistance War against the Japanese between 1937 and 1945. The Civil War between 1946 and 1949, however, will be written with its full title, or “the Civil War.” The “Association” is the abbreviation used for the Chinese Huijiao [Islamic] National Salvation Association, regardless of its name changes that took place three times. For the sake of simplicity, I will introduce the names of the bulletins with the name changes of the Association. Initially, the publication was called The Weekly Bulletin of the Chinese Huimin National Salvation Association (hereinafter abbreviated as Huimin Bulletin) from no. 1 to no. 37 (Oct. 1938–– Sept. 1939). Then, the title was changed to The Bulletin of the Chinese Huijiao National Salvation Federation (abbreviated as Huijiao Bulletin) from vol. I, no. 1 to vol. 2, no. 12 (Oct. 1939––Oct. 1, 1940). Finally, it was changed to The Report of Chinese Huijiao Association (abbreviated as Huijiao Report) from vol. III, no. 1 to vol. VIII, no. 2 (Nov. 1940––Oct. 1948). Apart from the Association’s bulletins, other source literature is also mentioned, but without using abbreviations.

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II. The Chinese Salvation Association Hui organizations came into being in the late Qing dynasty, and the earliest societies were for the public benefits of the Hui communities, such as protecting female babies, extinguishing fires, and performing funeral services. During the Republican era, Hui societies developed into academic research societies, societies for social reformation, and societies for military purposes. The Association discussed in this article has hitherto been the largest multi– purpose, nation–wide Hui society.

A report in Sept. 1940 in the Huijiao Bulletin states that the Nationalist Army could not station soldiers inside mosques. This was an endeavor by General Bai Chongxi and the Association to protect the Hui during war time. ——Photo by WAN Lei in Nanjing Library in Sept. 2008.

General Omar Bai Chongxi, Director–in–Chief of the Chinese National Salvation Association between 1938–1967. This is his picture was taken in 1960s (He is the taller man on the left) when the Taipei Grand Mosque was completed. ——The original picture is archived at The Center for Malaysian Chinese Studies in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia and reprinted by Wan Lei in Oct. 2009. ), 中興路 ) no. 105 and, 105 and, ) no. ) no. 15, Zhengzhou, 15, Zhengzhou, ) no. 騾馬店 ), no. 62, Chongqing, Sichuan 62, Chongqing, ), no. Publication 三馬路三德里 張家花園 Huimin Bulletin, no. 1–5 (Jan. 10–Feb. 28, 1938), published 28, 1938), published 10–Feb. 1–5 (Jan. Bulletin, no. Huimin ( sandeli in Sanmalu, Henan in 7), published 10– April 6–13 (Mar. Bulletin, no. Huimin Hubei. Hankou, 18, 1938– Sept. Nov. on 14 (Resumed Bulletin, no. Huimin ( in Luomadian 1, 1939), published ( huayuan Zhangjia in no. 2, published Bulletin 1 & vol. (Oct. 5, 1939), vol. Huijiao Chongqing; huayuan, 62, Zhangjia Dec. 1940 to 12 (Nov. 4, no. vol. to 3, no.1 Report, vol. Huijiao 62, Chongqing no. huayuan, in Zhangjia 1942), published Dec. 23, 1943 to 11 (Jan. no. to, 5, no.1 Report, since vol. Huijiao Road ( Zhongxing and huayuan 1948), in Zhangjia the Capital Nanjing, and Chongqing, in China Islam ), 麗水街 Place Zhengzhou, Zhengzhou, Province Henan Hankou, Province Hubei Chongqing, Province Sichuan Chongqing, Province Sichuan Chongqing, Province Sichuan Road 310, Nanjing, Taiping the Capital ( Street Lishui Province Taiwan Taipei, Director ), Wang Jingzhai, and others: Vice Vice others: and Jingzhai, ), Wang 馬亮 Shi Zozhou: Director; Zozhou: Shi Maliang ( directors Director; Bai Chongxi: Vice so Shengwu, and on: Sun Kesan, Tang Directors Kai– Chiang President conference, National First Bai Chongxi: Chairman; as self–appointed shek Director Director Bai Chongxi: him, Zhao 1967): after (until Zizhou: Director Shi Director Mingyuan Acting as Table 1: The Transmutation of the Chinese Huijiao National Salvation Association of the Chinese Huijiao National Salvation Transmutation The 1: Table Duration Dec. 1937 – 1938 Mar. 1938 – Mar. Sept. 1938 Sept. 1938 – Sept. 1939 Oct. 1939 – Dec. 1942 1943 Jan. 20, 1945 Aug. 949—58 Spring 1958 since Title Federation Association Association Anti–Japanese Anti–Japanese Chinese Huijiao Chinese Huijiao Chinese Huijiao Chinese Huimin Chinese Huimin National Salvation Salvation National Salvation National Source: The table is based on all the issues of Huimin Bulletin, Huijiao Bulletin, Huijiao Report and other contemporary source literature and is produced by WAN Lei. WAN by is produced and literature source contemporary other and Report Huijiao Bulletin, Huijiao Bulletin, Huimin issues of the all is based on table The Source:

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The national Hui alliance during WWII, initially called The Chinese Huimin National Salvation Association (Zhongguo Huimin jiuguo xiehui), was established in December 1937 in Zhengzhou, Henan Province, mainly by some members of the Hui elite such as Shi Zizhou, Wang Jingzhai and Ma Liang (馬亮). Shi Zizhou had been a high–positioned Kuomintang official of Hebei Provincial Government, and when his province was occupied by the Japanese Army, he and many of the provincial governmental colleagues were exiled to Henan. Huimin was a term used to refer to the Muslim minority in China, meaning the “Hui people,” which has been a self–designation used by the Hui as well as the Han Chinese from ancient times until the present–day. They are called the Dungan by Turkic central Asian peoples and Chinese Muslims by some of the Western Hui researchers. Its formal title, however, is the “Hui Hui,” or, simply the abbreviated form, the “Hui.” They are a singular ethnic group in China who can trace their ancestors to the Muslim people from the Islamic western and central Asian regions from the seventh century onward. During the times of the Mongol Empire in the thirteenth century, the Mongol conquerors drove the peoples or tribes of the conquered countries or “khanates” in large numbers into China as part of military missions; these people composed the main body of the forefathers of the present–day Hui. During the urgent time of resisting the Japanese invasion in 1937, in order to unite all people of the country, President Chiang Kai–shek entrusted General Omar Bai Chongxi, a highest–ranking Hui official in the central National Government, to be in charge of the national Hui affairs. Then, under General Bai’s instruction, the Zhengzhou–based Association was moved to Hankou (part of Wuhan today), the capital of Hubei Province, in the spring of 1938. By that May of the same year, they extended its internal executive body. General Bai acted as the director, other Hui elites such as Sun Shengwu and Tang Kesan and several Hui warlords from the Northwest Provinces, eleven personalities in total, acted as deputy directors.(1) At that point, it became a semi–governmental organization and in addition to accepting donations from home and abroad, it relied on funds from the governmental budget.(2) In October 1939, the Association was moved to Chongqing, a new war– capital, as Wuhan was facing the threat of Japanese invasion. Immediately after this move, the first national conference of the Association was held and its title was changed into “The Chinese Huijiao [Islamic] National Salvation Association” (Zhongguo Huijiao jiuguo xiehui). In 1941, its title was renamed once again as the Chinese Huijiao Association (Zhongguo Huijiao xiehui). After the war, the Association was moved to Nanjing, the capital of the Republic; and in 1949, it was moved, once more, to Taipei, Taiwan, where it is located today.(3) The Association started establishing its branches in 1939; they were called provincial branches, prefecture branches in main cities and counties, and district branches in towns or villages where there were large Hui populations. At the same time, General Bai announced that all other existing Hui associations or societies throughout the country with various titles should merge with the Association and become its subsidiaries. The Hui had never before possessed

(1) See “New Mohammedan Chief” in The North–China Herald, January 22 (Shanghai): 1938, 482. Also, “Zhongguo Huijiiao jiuguo xiehui yi Yu ji fen hui zhi chengli” [The Chinese Huijiao National Salvation Association moved to Chongqing and established its branches]” in Huimin Yanlun [Huimin’s Voice Semimonthly] (Hankou), 1, no. 10 (1939), cited from Li Xinghua and Feng Jinyuan, ed., Selected Data on the Islamic History in China, 1911––1949. (Yinchuan: Ningxia renmin, 1985: 1679). Also, Ma Tianying, “Zhongguo Huijiao Xiehui jinxi” [The past and present of the Chinese Islamic Association] in Ma Tinying, ed., Islamic Light (Kuala Lumpur), no. 39 (September 1972): 2. No source has provided the exact foundation date of the Association. In the Moonlight Magazine (Yueh Hwa Zazhi), 10, no. 7 (June 5, 1938): 16, it reported the news on May 15; so, the date must be earlier than this date. Popularly, the foundation date was written as “May 1938” in many publications. See the article “Jiuguo xiehui zhengshi chengli’ [The National Salvation Association was formally established]. (2) The government granted 20,000 yuan to give to the Association every year since 1939. See “Bai lishizhang dui Henan Huimin xunci” [Director Bai’s instruction to the Henan Hui compatriots],” in Huijiao Bulletin, 2, combined numbers 10–11 (September 1940), title page. (3) The evolution of this Association may be seen in the memoir of one of the Association members, “The past and present of the Chinese Islamic Association,” Ma Tianying, ibid., note 1.

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a national institution that guided their affairs so directly and forcefully across the entire country before: this was the first to play such a role. The Association published its declaration in 1938, which states, We have decided to unite all the comrades from the Huijiao circle to establish the Chinese Huimin National Salvation Association with the aim of perpetuating the spirit of our religion [Islam] and showing our determination. ...We call on our compatriots to demonstrate our bravery which has been inherited from our Sage Mohammed to endure the calamity, and save our country and keep the peace of the world.(4) The Association did much work for the sake of China’s resistance against the Japanese invasion. Its contributions to the wartime China had many aspects: First was tom publicize both the cruelties committed by the Japanese invaders and the encouraging news of triumphant military battles in its bulletin.(5) Next was to organize the Hui youth regiment, Hui battlefield service teams, and Hui service teams including female Hui service teams to provide assistance for the victims of air–raids, for the wounded soldiers, and for the war–refugees.(6) Third was the direct participation in the war; the Association organized the Hui to undertake the transportation of military supplies and established many local Hui forces to fight against the Japanese invaders.(7)

(4) “Zhongguo Huimin jiuguo xiehui xuanyan [The Declaration of the Chinese Huimin National Salvation Association],” Xinhua Ribao (Xinhua Daily) (newspaper in Yan’an), Jan. 16, 1938. (5) See “Huimin jiuguo xiehui fabiao gao xibei jiangling wen [A public letter from the Huimin National Salvation Association to the Northwest military generals],” Xinhua Daily, February 23, 1938. (6) See “Huimin zhandi fuwutuan fu Yu xuanchuan kang ri [The Huimin Battlefront Service Team going to Henan for publicity of resisting the Japanese],” Xinhua Daily, June 24, 1938. And, “Huiqing Fuwutuan gongzuo jin kuang [Recent work of the Huimin Youth Corps],” Huijiao Report, 1, no. 10 (June 1940): 36–37. (7) In terms of the Hui transportation, see an example in 1942 when the Association’s Yunnan Provincial Branch organized the local Hui to transport military goods with more than 1,000 man–drawn carts and 10,000 horses in a half–year’ time. See Ma Tingbi, “Dianxi Huimin canjia qiangyun jishi [The western Yunnan Hui’s participation in transportation”],” Huijiao Report, 5, no. 1 (March 1, 1943): 6. In terms of the Hui local forces, they were numerous. See more in Wan Lei, The Hui Minority in China: Identity and Struggles (Istanbul: 2012), Chapter 6, with the sub– title “The Second Sino–Japanese War and the Civil War.” As a complement to the government’s urgent diplomacy, the Association also employed the advantages of the Hui to do the work of people–to–people diplomacy. General Bai called upon the Hui to strengthen their relationships with the world’s Muslims. The Association had dispatched two good–will missions, to the Middle East and Southeast Asia, for anti–Japanese publicity and for collecting donations.(8) Apart from all these endeavors, the Association also made many efforts to improve Hui livelihoods by creating every possible method of assistance, to promote Hui education, to protect Hui interests in military service with the assistance of the governmental administrations at all levels, and to solve the problems regarding Hui–Han conflicts.(9) The Association even established the Islamic Cultural Research Society, endeavoring to support academic studies.(10) In fact, the Association carried out its work as a de facto independent administrative department and military department, combined for the sake of managing the Hui affairs. The Association seemed so powerful and so authoritative, and even could frequently “send its formal letters” to other governmental departments demanding collaboration to solve many issues concerning the Hui. The reason was mainly due to the high position that the Director Omer Bai, held, with the salient consent given by President Chiang Kai–shek, in doing many things both militarily and administratively; this was also tolerable in Chinese society with its bureaucratic tradition. General Bai had earned his fame in the

(8) See Bai Chongxi, “The anti–invasion and Huijiao culture,” Huijiao Bulletin (Chongqing), 2, no. 1 (April 15, 1940): 3–5. Also, “Huijiao in China and in the World,” first published by the Central News Agency in 1942, in Bianjian lunwen ji [Symposium on Borderland Affairs] edited by Chang Chi–yun, vol. 2, 1034–37 (Taipei: The National Defense Research Institute, 1966). In terms of the two such missions, see Wan Lei, “The Chinese Islamic Good–Will Mission to the Mid–East,” Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies (Istanbul), 15, no. 29 (Feb. 2010): 133–170; and Wan Lei, “The Chinese Islamic Good–Will Mission to Southeastern countries during the Anti– Japanese War,” Journal of Malaysian Chinese Studies (Kuala Lumpur), 13 (2010): 55–88. (9) Wan Lei, “The Hui contribution to the Anti–Japanese War in Henan,” Journal of Xuchang College, no. 3: 87–91. (10) See “Huijiao wenhua yanjiu hui ganshi xuanding [The executive staff of the Islamic Cultural Research Society having been Selected],” Huimin Bulletin, no. 32 (Mar. 31, 1939): 127.

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Northern Expedition in 1927, and he belonged to the Guangxi–clique warlords.(11) When the Resistance War broke out, he was invited by President Chiang Kai– shek to act as the deputy chief–of–staff of the National Army, as well as to be in charge of the national Hui affairs. He, cooperating with General Li Zongren, commanded many large–scale campaigns during the war, which had brought him immense fame. Furthermore, the Hui warlords in the Northwest China, and a corresponding group of Hui civilian elite of the time, were acting as leaders of the Association’s provincial branches, such as Ma Bufang, commanding Qinghai Province, and Ma Hongkui, commanding Ningxia Province; they were generals ranking only next to General Bai Chongxi. The privileges of the leaders of the Association definitely reinforced the Association’s sphere of influence. Although there had been times of both unity and division with the top leader, President Chiang Kai–shek, Bai’s fortune and fate were closely bound up with the Nationalist Party and the Nationalist Government until Bai’s death in Taiwan in 1966; he never returned to the Communist side as some of the generals did during the Civil War.(12) However, his later years were unhappy, as the Nationalist Party did not give him any important position in Taiwan. His contributions——to the Northern Expedition, to Hui unity during the Sino–Japanese War, and later to the establishment of Hui communities in Taiwan——were immense in modern Chinese history. In the following discussion, I will detail the means used by the Association to protect the Hui minority during the wars mainly in Henan as a case study. As mentioned above, the main literary sources are the bulletins published by the Association in Chongqing during the war and in Nanjing after the Resistance War. The Association’s Henan Provincial Branch was established in December 1938 in Nanyang County in the southwestern part of the province, with the

(11) See more in Cheng Siyuan, Biography of Bai Chongxi, chapters 1–4, 1–71. (12) The Communists endeavored to persuade Bai Chongxi to go over to the Communists’ side in June 1949, but Bai refused. See Cheng Siyuan, Biography of Bai Chongxi, 288. local Hui elite, Shui Zili, acting as the director. When the Association’s first national conference was held in the war capital, Chongqing, in October 1939, the provisional provincial capital Luoyang located in the western part of the province was chosen as the base of the Henan Provincial Branch, because the provincial capital Kaifeng had been occupied by the Japanese troops by the time. This time, General Liang Guangfu (also known as Liang Wendou) acted as the director; the previous director, Shui Zili, acted as a vice–director as well as the director in charge of the Nanyang Prefecture Branch. In May 1944, Luoyang was lost to the Japanese; subsequently, the functioning of the Provincial Branch was terminated for five months. In autumn of 1944, the Provincial Branch was re–established in Neixiang, a county in the southwestern corner of the province, because that county had become the new provisional provincial capital; this time, the Nexiang District Branch took the position of the “directorship” of managing Hui affairs for the entire province. After only operated in Neixiang for half a year, the Provincial Branch was discontinued for the second time because Neixiang fell to the Japanese Army. The new Provincial Branch was established after the war, in March 1946, in Kaifeng and a distinguished Hui man, Du Xiusheng, became the director. The Henan Provincial Branch ended in October 1948 when the Communist army attacked Kaifeng.(13) During one of the peak administrative periods of the Provincial Branch in August 1942, the number of the subordinate Prefecture and District Branches of the Provincial Branch amounted to 57; these comprised around half of the total number of counties in the province.(14)

(13) Wan Lei, “The Evolution of the Chinese Islamic Association’s Henan Branch,” Journal of Hui Muslim Minority Studies, no. 94 (May 2014): 44–53. (14) Liang Guangfu, “Records on the conference for welcoming Director Bai Chongxi,” original manuscript kept in Center for Malaysian Chinese Studies. The manuscript has six pages, recording the speeches of the director of Henan Provincial Branch, Liang Guangfu, and the speech of General Bai Chongxi when he visited Luoyang on August 29, 1942. I explored the manuscript and had it published on the Chinese Islamic Association, ed., China Muslims (Beijing), no. 5 (Sept. 2014): 48–51. According to the speech of Liang Guangfu, by the time Bai Chongxi visited Luoyang, there were 57 prefectural– and county–branches under the Association’s Henan Provincial Branch. The local organizations in Henan were widely scattered.

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Table 2: The Transmutation of the Chinese Huijiao National Salvation Association Henan Branch Association

Initiating Ending Title Place Duration Leader Time Time Zhengzhou Dec. 1937 Mar. 1938 3 months Director: Shi Zizhou (no (headquarters) Henan Branch yet) Nanyang Dec. 9, Oct. 1939 11 months Zong ganshi [Secretary– Chinese Huimin 1938 (ended as Provincial General] of Henan Branch: National Salvation capital moved to Shui Zili. Association Lyuoyang) Luoyang Oct. 1938 Sept. 1939 11 months Lisizhang [Chairman of the board] of Henan Provincial Branch: Liang Guangfu Chinese Huijiao Luoyang Oct. 1939 Dec. 1942 3 years and 2 Lishizhang [Chairman of National Salvation months broad] of Henan Provincial Association Branch: Liang Guangfu Luoyang Jan. 1943 May 25, around 1 year Lishizhang [Chairman of 1944 (ended with the broad] of Henan Branch: invasion) Liang Guangfu First Time May 25, Oct. 1944 around Due to the invasion by Suspending 1944 5 months Japanese Army Neixiang Sept. 1944 Mar. 28, half year (ended Neixiang Sub–Branch acting County 1945 with the invasion) as Chairman of board of Chinese Huijiao Henan Branch Association Second Time Apr. 1945 March, 11 months Due to the occupation by Suspending 1946 (ended with the Japanese, the Civil War, invasion) until the Branch was re– established in Kaifeng Kaifeng Mar. 1946 Oct. 1948 2 years and 7 Lishizhang [Chairman of months (ended by board] of Henan Provincial the Communist Branch: Liang Guangfu Army attacks)

Source: The table is based on all the issues of Huimin Bulletin, Huijiao Bulletin, Huijiao Report and other contemporary source literature. III. Protecting Hui Refugees and Combating Poverty The war caused many common people to become refugees. War–refugees were a constant issue for the government. The Association tried its best to protect the Hui refugees. The first manner of assistance was direct donations. In the winter of 1938, the Japanese airplanes bombed Xi’an and Guilin: in Xi’an alone, one mosque was completely destroyed and the fire lasted seven hours; another mosque for women was partially smashed; and the pray hall of a third mosque was damaged. Altogether, the bombings caused the deaths of 300 people, including 18 Hui men.(15) To assist the Hui families of the victims, General Bai Chongxi donated 500 silver dollars at first and then 2,000 dollars the second time. Bai also called up the relevant governmental departments to assist all of the victims in Yichang and Xi’an.(16) Zhengzhou, Henan Province was attacked by Japanese air raids three times in 1941. The Hui communities in the city suffered to a great extent, with more than 100 Hui people killed, one mosque for women destroyed, and more than 300 houses demolished. The leader of the Battlefield Service Team subordinate to the Association, Ma Chenglin, who was working in Zhengzhou at the time, witnessed the event and reported it to the Association; the Association donated 1,000 silver dollars to the Hui victims through its Zhengxian County Branch. In the same year, a Hui man named Wang Huamin from central Henan’s Xuchang city reported to the Association that the city had suffered losses due to similar air raids by the Japanese, and the Association gave two hundred silver dollars as pensions for the Hui people there.(17) The Association also instructed eight of its Provincial Branches, including Henan

(15) See “Jiuji pi zai jiaobao Huixie fafang zhen kuan [Relieving the Hui victims by air–raids],” Moonlight Magazine, 11, combined number 1–3 (January 25, 1939): 14. (16) See “Bai lishizhang zai hui zhen kuan liangqian yuan [Director Bai donated 2,000 yuan for a second time],” Huimin Bulletin, no. 18 (Dec. 16, 1938): 70. (17) See “Jiuji Zhengzhou Huibao [Relieving the Zhengzhou Hui victims]” and “Huiwu·jiaoyu·xuanchaun [Association’s Affairs, Education and Publicity],” Huijiao Report, 3, no. 5 (Mar. 1941): 22. Also, “Zhengzhou Huibao bei zha tongji [The statistics on Zhengzhou Hui victims],” Huimin Bulletin, no. 10 (Apr. 20, 1938): 10.

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Province, to protect refugees; Hui refugees could also contact their local Refugee Offices for assistance.(18) There were disasters other than the war: the severe drought in Henan in 1942 caused many Hui families homeless. The Association made a hard effort to assist the Hui people with great sums of donations; however, such donations could only help the counties which suffered most and which remained under the National Army’s control, such as the counties of Mianchi and Dengfeng in western Henan, Shenqiu County in eastern Henan, and Gushi County in southern Henan.(19) The majority of counties of the province were beyond the Association’s ability to assist because they were occupied by the Japanese troops. The instances above demonstrated the fact that, first, Bai Chongxi himself had provided a good example by donating to Hui war–victims; second, the subordinate organizations and the Branches of the Association were functioning forcefully, doing their duties to assist Hui victims; and third, the catastrophe caused by the Japanese invasion was immense. The second manner of assistance was to financially help Hui soldiers’ family members. For instance, the Association’s Zhoujiakou Prefecture Branch in eastern Henan did a good job of investigating and registering the National Army men’s family members in 1940, which helped the local administrations at all levels to support the Hui families financially according to relevant governmental regulations.(20) Henan was mired in the see–sawing struggles between the Chinese and Japanese military forces during this year, so it was not an easy matter for the Prefecture Branch to do the investigative work. Another case was the financial assistance to the Hui men from the Huijiao Battlefront Service Group (Huijiao zhandi fuwu dui). This Service Group

(18) See “Huiwu baogao [Reports on the Association’s meetings],” Huijiao Report, 4, combined no. 5–8 (May 1941): 30. (19) See “Huiwu baogao [Reports on the Association’s meetings],” Huijiao Report, 5, no. 1 (Jan. 1943): 15, and the same–titled report in Huijiao Report, 5, combined no. 2–5: 18. (20) See “Zhoujiakou zhihui huiwu jinzhang [Zhoujiakou Prefecture Branch being busy with work],” Huijiao Bulletin), 2, combined no. 8–9 (August 1940): 26–27. was established in 1938 under the leadership of the Association’s Nanyang Prefecture Branch. The Service Group had successfully blocked the Japanese army and the puppet Wang Jingwei’s army in January 1941 when the Japanese army attacked Zhenping County in southeastern Henan. They killed 150 of the Japanese and puppet army soldiers, but several members of the Service Group laid down their lives.(21) The Association provided financial pensions to their family members after the war in 1946.(22) The second instance came late because this region was occupied by the Japanese troops soon after the battle and it passed beyond the control of the Association. The third manner of assistance was to establish factories in order to provide jobs for Hui refugees. Due to the constant threat of war, numerous Hui people escaped and fled to the government–controlled areas, called the “Rear Front.” They usually wandered with their big families and waited for the governmental assistance. As early as in 1938, the Association started an experiment of establishing factories in Hunan Province and in the city of Xi’an, Shaanxi Province. By June 1938, tens of thousands of Hui people from the Japanese–occupied regions flooded into the provinces of the Rear–Front. The Association’s Hunan Provincial Branch did much work to re–settle the Hui refugees and arranged for them to settle in several Hunan cities. As the refugees were mainly peasants, workers, or peddlers, the Provincial Branch made great efforts to offer them relevant jobs so that they would not remain aimlessly or continue begging. The Provincial Branch also established a school, which could hold 200 pupils. Most importantly, the Branch established a factory in Baoqing particularly to give work to the Hui refugees. This was the first factory of such a kind among all of the provinces.(23)

(21) See Nanyang minzu zongjao zhi [The Minorities and Religions Annals of Nanyang], 43. (22) See “Nanyang zhihui qingqiu jiang xu chuli ji xunzhi zhi Zhangshi Fuwu Dui duiyuan [Nanyang Prefecture Branch asking reliving the members of the Battle Front Service Group died in war],” Huijiao Report, 7, no. 2 (Dec. 1946): 17. (23) See “Huimin jiuguo xiehui zhi jingren fazhan [The fast development of the Huimin National Salvation Association],” Moonlight Magazine, 10, combined no. 25–27 (Dec. 25, 1938): 16.

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By 1939, Guilin, Guangxi Province; Shaoyang, Hunan Province; and Chengdu, Sichuan Province had established factories particularly for Hui refugees. In the autumn of this year, the Association issued detailed pronouncements for establishing such factories. The titles of organization of the factories should be uniform so that they might be supported and managed by the Association.(24) However, no detailed sources exist that show how many of such factories were established or where they were located. The fourth manner of assistance was to create financial foundations. In the winter of 1938, when many of the Hui communities in Hunan suffered Japanese air raids, the Hui people, under the guidance of the Association’s Hunan Provincial Branch, established a Production Safeguarding Foundation (shengchan jijin baoweihui). The Foundation was founded by 20,000 silver dollars provided by the central government and the local Fund–Raising Society for Disasters with the purpose of assisting Hui handicraftsmen and small businessmen.(25) This kind of method functioned well to help the Hui to support themselves with their own hands. In 1940, Bai Chongxi advised that the Association should establish a loan foundation to provide loans to small Hui handicraftsmen,(26) which was put into practice afterwards. Based on these successful experiments, the Association then ordered all of its provincial branches to carry out the “small–loan project” in order for the beneficiaries to support themselves and their families. The first loans were arranged in Luoyang, Henan Province; Ji’an, Jiangxi; and Kunming, Yunnan Province. By the autumn of 1941, the Hui people from Henan had accepted the third round of loans;(27) with such a foundation, many Hui handicraftsmen started small businesses.

(24) “Ben hui niding juban nanmin gongchang banfa [The Association has given detailed methods for establishing factories for refugees],” Huijiao Bulletin, 1, no. 2 (Oct. 31, 1939): 30. (25) See “Xi’an chengli Huimin shengchan jijin baoweihui [Xi’an established production safeguarding foundation],” Huimin Bulletin, no. 24 (Jan. 17, 1939): 95. Also, “Xi’an Huibao banli zhenzai shiqing” [How the Xi’an Hui applied for the Fund] in Huimin Bulletin, no. 25 (Jan. 24, 1939): 100. (26) “Bai lishizhang dui Henan Huimin xunci [Director Bai’s instruction to the Henan Hui compatriots],” Huijiao Bulletin, 2, combined no.10–11 (Sept. 1940), title page. (27) See “Juban xiaoben daikuan [Small sum of loan arranged],” Huijiao Bulletin (Chongqing), 2, combined no.8–9 (August 1940): 24 and “Jiaoyu, jiaowu, xuanchaun [Education, Religious Affairs and Publicity],” Huijiao Report, 3, combined nos. 11–12 (Oct. 1941): 23. According to the memoir of Ma Jingyi, in Shaanxi Province, every household with a particular small business profession was able to borrow two silver dollars; some households could borrow as much as ten dollars to initiate their businesses.(28) After the war, the small–loan business developed into a so–called Consumption Cooperative Community, which was similar to the small–loan project.(29) The last means that the Association devised was to protect the Hui’s traditional butchery profession. Oxen butchery is the traditional occupation of the Hui people; wherever the Hui lived, they actually monopolized this profession. The job was not only a good means of their survival, but also a way to protect their “Hui way of life,” that is, they have to consume halal meat. However, the monopolization of oxen butchery from time to time raised real competition with Han majority; it also raised psychological challenges because China was a traditional agrarian society, and farm cattle were regarded by many just as important as their land property. The Hui–Han confrontations over the Hui’s oxen butchery took place repeatedly, especially more so in southern China than in the northern part, because the south did not have as much cattle as in the north. According to my own statistics, merely during the first four years of the 1940s, the Huijiao Report reported no less than eight striking cases involving in cattle butchery by the Hui. These cases occurred in the provinces of Hubei, Hunan, Sichuan, and Fujian in the south, and Henan in the north. When the Association negotiated with the relevant provincial administrations of Hunan and Fujian, the Fujian provincial administration refused frankly, saying that “to allow slaughtering farm cattle is a suggestion that this provincial administration is hard to agree with.”(30) Considering the importance of solving this issue,

(28) Ma Jingyi, “Before and after the establishment of the Huijiao Association’s Shaanxi Provincial Branch” in Selected Historical Data of Xi’an, no.12, 50. (29) See “Ge zu gongzuo jianxun [Briefings of the Association’s Branches],” Huijiao Report, 7, combined nos. 8–12 (Mar. 1948): 24. (30) See “Jin zai niu zhi yingxiang Huibao shenghuo [Prohibiting slaughtering cattle influenced Hui lives],” Huijiao Report, 3, no. 10 (August. 1941): 20.

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which was related to the livelihood of many Hui people, the Association had to appeal to the Civil Ministry, asking the Ministry to order all provinces to follow the solution for solving this issue that had been pronounced by the Civil Ministry;(31) as reported in the Huijiao Report in October 1941, the Civil Ministry worked out three methods for the oxen butchery by the Hui, but the contents of the reply were not mentioned.(32) In any case, such an important issue was settled to some extent, if not completely. Apart from the several abovementioned methods that the Association provided to assist the Hui, the Youth Service Regiment, subject to the Association, helped rescue the Hui people from Yichang, Hubei Province, in 1938 when the National Army withdrew from Wuhan. Because of Japanese bombings at the time, the evacuation center in Yichang became crowded and chaotic; in this key example of their work, the Youth Service Regiment had to overcame many difficulties before they finally ushering the Hui refugees to safe places.(33) In brief, the efforts that the Association made in protecting Hui refugees and combating poverty for the Hui included several aspects. Detailed means included giving direct donations to the Hui refugees and poverty–stricken Hui people, financial benefits to Hui soldiers’ family members, and jobs provided to Hui refugees by production factories established by the Association or its Provincial Branches. Apart from these, the Association also provided loans for small–scale businesses and enterprises to support the Hui traditional butchery and other professions.

(31) Ibid. This author could not find the solution of the Civil Ministry at the time. However, according to the expression of the Huijiao Report, the solution should have been favorable to the Hui. (32) See “Huiwu·jiaoyu·xuanchuan [Education, Religious Affairs and Publicity],” Huijiao Report, 3, combined nos. 11–12 (Oct. 1941): 23. (33) See “Ben hui Qingnian Fuwutuan xiezhu Yichang Huijjiao nanmin shusan [The Youth Service Regiment helped evacuate the Hui people from Wuhan],” Huimin Bulletin, no. 15 (Nov. 25, 1938): 58. IV. Supporting Hui Education at Various Levels(34) There were two old and difficult issues existing among the Hui societies—— poverty and illiteracy——which became more serious during the period of war, of which the Association was fully aware. As early as October 1939, Bai Chongxi mentioned the issues when he gave a speech to the Hui representatives at the Association’s first national conference: In education, the Huijiao Association believes that to promote Hui education is one of its responsibilities.... We design that each mosque should establish a school to educate the children of our Islamic compatriots. At the same time, we make our efforts not only for educating the children, but also the adults in particular.... In addition, we wish to establish a university, but it is impossible and impractical at the present time; as an alternative, we will add quotas [of Hui students] to some existing universities, or financially support Muslim students to go to universities.(35) In 1940, General Bai gave another speech to the Hui people of Luoyang, Henan Province, stressing the two critical issues of poverty and illiteracy. He pointed out that to establish schools was the very means to solve the issue of illiteracy among the Hui, and that was why the Association called upon every Hui community to establish a Hui school. In 1942, in the third meeting of the Association’s Councilors at Chongqing, Bai gave a speech and once more reiterated his solution for the issues.(36)

(34) There are three levels for the National education after 1917, which were the primary school (6 years), middle school (junior middle school for 3 years and senior middle school for 3 years), and college/university (normally 4 years). A student who had completed his education of senior middle school may apply for college/university studies. (35) Bai Chongxi, “Zhongguo Huijiao jinhou de zhanwang [The future of Chinese Huijiao––speech in the First Conference of All Representatives],” Huijiao Bulletin, 1, no. 1 (Oct. 15, 1939): 7. (36) See “Bai lishizhang dui Henan Huimin xunci [Director Bai’s instruction to the Henan Hui compatriots],” Huijiao Bulletin, 2, combined no. 10–11 (Sept. 1940): title page. Bai’s speech in 1942, see “Bai lishizhang zhi bimu ci” [Director Bai’s speech on the closing ceremony] in Huijiao Report, 4, no. 4 (April 1942): 26–28.

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The Hui educational experience, in its long historical development in China until the Republican era, could be divided into two stages: the mosque education and the modernist education. The mosque education concentrated only on teaching the heritage of Islamic doctrines, while modernist education focused on teaching modern sciences and technologies but did not cast aside of the traditional religious content. At the time, a Hui scholar, Pang Shiqian, who graduated from Al–Azhar, Egypt, pointed out that “this new education pattern is favorable and practical both for spreading the Hui’s national education and for inheriting the Hui traditional mosque education.”(37) In fact, such modern schools came into being in the late Qing dynasty among Hui societies; more schools of this nature developed through the endeavor of many elite Hui men and many Hui organizations during the Republican era, but they were, as before, limited to the levels of primary schools and middle schools. A modernist Hui school was normally attached to a mosque or established by the financial support of a Hui community. The first concern by the Association was to found Hui primary schools; in fact, the Association sent a notice that all the District Branches of the Association should establish a Hui school in any Hui community. It also asked the Education Ministry to help such Hui schools and to enlist them into the governmental financial–assisting system, but this endeavor was not successful. In April 1939, the Association once more asked the Education Ministry to assist Hui schools with some “appropriate” financial allocations from the government’s compulsory education budget.(38) The ministry agreed and so instructed all provincial administrations, but it was soon obvious that not all of local administrations had carried out the instruction.(39) On May 4, 1940,

(37) Pang Shiqian, “The evolution of Mosque–Education in China and its textbooks] in Yu Gong [The Chinese Historical Geography,” 7, no. 4 (1937): 99–103. (38) “Jiao bu dui ben hui ‘Fazhan Huimin Jiaoyu Jihua’ zhi caina banfa [The methods of developing Huimin education” proposed by the Association was adopted by Ministry of Education],” Huijiao Bulletin, l. no. 2 (Oct. 31, 1939): 29. (39) Some Hui schools were enlisted into the National Education category, but these were few. the Association sent another official letter, firstly expressing its gratitude for those supporting the Hui schools, but then pointing out that the ministry’s sub–departments had not carried out the instruction thoroughly, this failure being due to various factors including discrimination against the Hui minority by the Han majority. Therefore, an additional instruction was urgently needed: first, Hui schools should be given financial assistance in practice; second, Hui schools should be allowed to be registered and should not be immediately shut down even if they could not provide satisfactory facilities and conditions as required; and third, the educational officials at all levels should understand the importance of the Chinese nation’s overall unity, and thus should not discriminate between the Hui and the Han. The Education Ministry then gave all provinces a new instruction, but the second request by the Association was dropped.(40) In March 1942, Sun Shengwu, one of the deputy directors of the Association, went to negotiate with the Education Ministry in person. Through negotiation, the ministry agreed that all the Hui schools across China should be entitled “pure–and–true” as a symbol that would be understandable to the local administrations, so they could identify such schools and assist them financially. Upon this agreement, all Hui schools adopted such a title.(41) The pure–and–true terminology, qing zhen in literal translation, had become a popular from its first appearance in the late Ming (1368––1644) and early Qing (1644––1911) dynasties. Islam is called the Qingzhen–jiao, that is, the Pure–and–True Religion, and the mosque was called qingzhen–si, that is the Pure–and–True temple. Several examples demonstrate the Association’s efforts on behalf of the Hui schools in Henan. In 1941, the Association sent an official letter to the Xingyang County Administration, asking it to register the Jinzhai Hui School in the county

(40) “Wei Huimin jiaoyu xiang Jiaoyubu huyu [Appealing to the Educational Ministry for Huimin Education],” Huijiao Bulletin, vol. 2, no. 4 (June 1, 1940): 18. (41) “Jiaoyu·xunlian·diaocha [Education, Training and Investigation],” Huijiao Bulletin, 2, no. 4 (June 1. 1940): 27.

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and to give it financial assistance. A second letter required the Wuyang County Administration to keep the Nandianzhen Hui School in operation. A third letter asked the Xuchang County Administration to give salaries to Hui school teachers in line with the salary standards for regular public–school teachers. In early 1942, the Association required the Wuyang County Administration once more to assist the county’s other Islamic Schools.(42) As mentioned at the beginning part of this article, the Association carried out its work as a de facto independent administrative department and a military department combined into one, so all governmental departments processed the official letters from the Association seriously and solved many of the issues it relegated to them. Apart from asking assistance from the government, the Association also raised funds internally to give assistance or prizes to Hui schools. Several such instances occurred in Henan. For example, the Association’s Xuchang District Branch possessed a Hui school, with 200 pupils, where Imam Li Zhenji was also the Arabic teacher. In praise of the school’s contribution to the local Hui community, the Association awarded the school with 150 silver dollars in 1940. In another instance, the Huijiao Bulletin reported that the Association also financially supported the Shizai (Stone Homestead) Hui community, Xiping County in central Henan because the community there had established a school for 45 pupils.(43) Zhoujiakou, a large town in the eastern part of the province, which was a densely Hui–populated region, possessed one of the best Hui schools during the war period. The Zhoujiakou Hui School was established in the spring of 1941; this school recruited not only Hui pupils, but also illiterate Hui adults who worked as peddlers. To encourage the Hui people here to boost their educational career, the Association awarded the school with 100 silver dollars in the winter of 1941.(44)

(42) “Jiaoyu·xunlian·diaocha [Education, Training and Investigation],” Huijiao Bulletin, 4, no. 1, (Jan. 1942): 25. (43) See “Buzhu Xuchang Huimin xiaoxue [Financial Support to Xuchang Huimin Primary School],” Huijiao Bulletin, 3, no. 1 (Nov. 1940): 25. (44) See publication in Note 43, “Jiangli Zhoukou Yisilan xiaoxue [Award to Zhoukou Islamic School].” In order to achieve uniformity of the Hui primary school textbooks, the Association entrusted the Chengda Teacher’s School, a well–known Hui school at the time, to compile a set of standard textbooks.(45) The principal of that school was the distinguished Imam Ma Songting. By June 1940, the compiling group had finished editing the first eight textbooks and sent them to the Association for assessment. The names of the main assessors should be listed here, as they were all members of Hui elite at the time; they were Wang Jingzhai, Sun Shengwu, Wang Zengshan, Ma Ce, Xue Bo, Wang Nongcun, Wang Mengyang, Ai Yizai, and Shen Hongjun. These assessors were appointed during the twenty–fifth meeting of the standing committee of the Association.(46) The uniformity of the textbooks possessed a great significance: when all of the Hui primary schools could use identical textbooks, it helped them to reach equal levels of education with mobility. After WWII, the Association could assist Hui schools with better conditions. There were many more examples of such assistance: in 1946 alone, five cases were mentioned in the Huijiao Report. For example, the Association sent an official letter asking the Henan educational commission to assist all of the Pure– and–True schools in the province; a second letter, to Xiangcheng County, asking the local administration to free the Islamic school from various taxations; and a third letter requiring the Dengxian County Administration to support the Chongshi School financially and agree to the opening of an attached Arabic school.(47) In 1947, the Association pushed the Mianchi Administration, a county in western Henan, to have the Tonggou Village (literarily, “Copper Ditch” Village) Pure–and–True School registered immediately. The school belonged

(45) See “Huimin xiaoxue keben xingjiang bian jun [The textbooks for the Hui primary schools to be published],” Huijiao Bulletin, 1, no. 11 (March 15, 1940): 20. Due to many factors, the Chengda Teacher’s School (established in 1925 in Ji’nan, Shandong) had been moved to Beiping (Beijing) and then Guilin, Guangxi province. The school produced many prominent members of society. (46) See “Shencha Huimin xiaoxue keben [The textbooks for the Hui primary schools will be examined],” Huijiao Bulletin, 2, no.5 (June 15, 1940): 21. (47) See “Ge di gongzuo jian xun [Briefings of the Association’s Branches],” Huijiao Report, 7, no.1 (Nov. 1946): 13.

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to Yinghao township in the county, which started applying for registration as early as 1946 and after this, applied several more times, but all in vain. In another case in 1947, it required an exemption from taxations for a Hui school attached to the mosque in western Henan’s Lingbao County.(48) The second category of concern was the middle school education (junior and senior middle school education) and college/university education. Due to the war and other disasters, many Hui students dropped out of their middle school education. Since the spring of 1940, the Association started to investigate the exact numbers of Hui students throughout China. The Association produced a form, asking all its local branch managers to investigate private middle schools for Hui student numbers at the county level. Upon the completion of the investigation, it informed the identified Hui students that they could apply for financial assistance from the Association in accordance with detailed regulations.(49) No sources show the exact numbers of Hui students who benefited from such assistance, but doubtlessly, it must have saved many middle school students from the discontinuation of their education. Regarding higher education, there was no university particularly for the Hui during the Republican era. As an alternative, the Association entrusted Fudan University in Chongqing to recruit Hui students.(50) Fudan University agreed and offered a 30 students quota for Hui candidates, regardless of sex. When a Hui candidate was accepted, he would also receive the financial assistance from the Association.(51) In addition, the Association helped three universities——National

(48) See “Ge di gongzuo jian xun [Briefings of the Association’s Branches],” in Huijiao Report, 7, combined nos 6–7 (May 1947): 10 and “Ge di gongzuo jian xun [Briefings of the Association’s Branches],” Huijiao Report, 7, no. 5 (March 1947): 7. (49) See “Diaocha quan guo Huijiao zhongxue sheng [Investigation of the Hui students throughout China],” Huijiao Bulletin, 1, no. 11 (March 15, 1940): 20. The detailed regulations for the application of financial support was also given in Moonlight Magazine, 8, combined nos. 19–21 (January 30, 1941): 14–15. (50) See “Ben hui hanqing Fudan Daxue xuzhao xinsheng [The Association asked Fudan University to continue recruiting Hui students],” Huijiao Bulletin, 1, no. 1 (Oct. 31, 1939): 29–30. (51) See “Huijiao shengxue qingnian qing zhuyi [To the attention to the Huijiao university candidates],” Huimin Bulletin, no. 31 (March 12, 1939): 121. Central University, National Northwest United University, and National Yunnan University——to establish Arabic departments and to hold Islamic seminars.(52) According to the memoir of General Bai Chongxi, the Hui students enrolled by Fudan University majored in agricultural cultivation; the Hui students who graduated from senior middle schools could be accepted without any additional conditions. In terms of the National Central University and other universities, they lowered the entrance examination marks to accept Hui students.(53) This endeavor helped many Hui students pursue their higher education. Besides supporting middle school students, the Association also financially assisted Hui college/university Hui students: in June 1940, the Association outlined a program to financially support 40 poverty–stricken Hui students in colleges and universities and later the number was increased to 50.(54) In the first half of 1941, a second group of Hui students, altogether 49from many universities throughout China, received scholarships.(55) In July 1941, the name–list for the second half of the academic year was made known; the scholarships were mainly for students majoring in the sciences, engineering, and medicine. Twenty students in total received the scholarships; students from Henan Province comprised nine of them. Only one month later, the third time scholarships were offered to college and university Hui students, and Hui students from Henan took five seats.(56) The above–mentioned numbers were actually quite large; in comparison, the total graduates of Henan University, the

(52) See “Jiaoyubu chi san daxue [The Education Ministry gives orders to three universities],” Huijiao Bulletin, 1, no. 6 (January 1, 1940): 45 and, “Alabo yu ji Yisilan wenhua jiangzuo jiaoyubu zhiding san daxue juban [Ministry of Education appointed three universities to hold Islamic seminars],” Huimin Bulletin, no. 16 (April 20, 1938): 63. (53) Guo Ting–yee, The Reminiscences of General Pai Chung–hsi (vol. 2), 585. (54) See “Zengjia Hui sheng jiangzhujin ming’e [Increasing the Hui students’ numbers with scholarship],” Huijiao Report, 2, no. 4 (June 1, 1940): 20. (55) See “Zhuanke yishang shoujiang Hui sheng diaocha wanjun [Investigation of college and university Hui students completed],” Huijiao Report, 2, no.4 (June 1, 1940): 20–21. (56) See “Ben hui jiangli zhuanke yishang xuesheng mingdan [Meeting report: name–list of college and university students with scholarships],” Huijiao Report, 3, no. 9 (July 1941): 28–29 and no. 10 (Aug. 1941): 21–22.

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sole higher educational institution in the province throughout the Republican era, during the hardest years of the Resistance War against Japan, in 1938, were 146 graduates; in 1939, 149; in 1940, 62; in 1941, 69; and in 1942, only 55.(57) One can compare the statistics with the Hui students’ numbers assisted by the Association so as to grasp a general impression of the its great efforts. In 1943, the Association expanded the program for students’ financial support, extending the program to cover senior middle school students.(58) By this time, the Association seemed to have combined the financial supporting programs for middle school and college/university students into one streamlined program. Another way to support Hui higher education was to send Hui students to overseas higher institutions. In early 1941, the Association discussed such a program with the Education Ministry. Hui candidates ought to be aged 20 to 30 years old and they should be selected among the registered students from public colleges or universities (not from privates ones). The first group had a quota of 15 students, among whom 6 would be sent to India, 3 to Iran, and the rest to a third country.(59) According to the memoir of General Bai, other Islamic countries also agreed to offer seats to Hui students from China. Turkey agreed to accept 10 students majoring in the arts and 5 students majoring in military affairs such as submarine warfare, infantry and navy. Farouk University in Egypt offered 10 seats, but sometimes in practice the seat numbers increased to 20, or even 30; the period of study lasted for four years; upon graduation, the graduates mainly served in China’s Defense Ministry.(60) General Bai’s reminiscence seemed general, however, and left no exact records of the students’ academic years.

(57) Zhang Zhenjiang et al, eds., Henan daxue xiaoshi [The History of Henan University], 729. (58) See “Jiangzhu Huijiao xuesheng banfa gaiding [The program for supporting Huijiao students newly edited],” Huijiao Report, 5, combined nos. 6–8 (Aug. 1943): 21. (59) The original source at this author’s hand was not recognizable for the name of the country due to the original poor printing. Also, see “Huijiao jiuguo xiehui yu jiao bu shangding pai Huijiao xuesheng chuguo liuxue [The Islamic Association discussed with the Ministry of Education for sending Hui students to study abroad,” Moonlight Magazine, 14, combined nos. 7–8 (Jan. 30, 1941): 16. (60) Guo, The Reminiscences of General Pai Chung–hsi (vol. 2), 585–586. I will briefly summarize the efforts that the Association made in supporting Hui education at various levels: The first effort concerned primary schools. The Association called upon each Hui community to establish a primary Hui school, which were invariably called the Pure–and–True schools. It requested the Education Ministry to assist Hui schools with appropriate financial allocations from the government’s Compulsory Education budget and to allow Hui schools to be established even when their conditions were not satisfactory. The Association also raised funds by itself and gave financial assistance or prizes to Hui primary schools and organized textbook writers to achieve uniformity of the textbooks for Hui primary schools. The second principal effort concerned the middle schools. One of the important tasks it performed was a thorough investigation of the numbers of Hui students across the country and the subsequent financial assistance to a number of Hui students. The third effort concerned Hui higher education, in which aspect the Association entrusted Fudan University to recruit Hui students and helped three universities to establish Arabic departments and hold Islamic seminars. Other efforts were similar to the methods used with the middle–school students, which mainly consisted of financial supports. In addition, the Association sent Hui students to foreign higher institutions. It is astonishing that the Association protected an independent Hui educational system during the hardest years of war.

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V. Defending the Hui Faith and Their Traditions The Association pursued many strategies to protect the Hui faith and traditions. In essence, to protect Hui faith and their traditions was one of the most important targets of the Association. I will first discuss the protection of mosques. A foremost means of protection was to prohibit army men from stationing in a mosque. Many people know the basic function of a mosque, but a mosque in China seems to have more functions. A Hui researcher, Barbara Linne Kroll Pillsbury, stated that “in China,… the average mosque is used not only for prayer but serves also as a meeting hall, a school, a wedding hall, a banquet hall, a dormitory for single man or journeying Muslims, a butcher shop, a mutual aid cleaning house and a funeral home.”(61) To protect the mosque is to protect their homestead, their faith, and their way of life. Army troops’ occupation in public utilities was common during war period, such as their stationing in Buddhist and Taoist temples and public ancestral halls. The prohibition of stationing troops in a mosque was first issued in 1940 in the name of the Central Military Commission, the top commission during wartime, announcing that “The National Army troops are prohibited from stationing in any mosque.” The instigation of such a prohibition was owed to General Bai Chongxi. According to the memoir of Li Xian, an aged Hui man from Luoyang, Henan Province, this advice was initially put forward by Liang Guangfu, the director of the Association’s Henan Provincial Branch, to General Bai when Bai visited Luoyang in the spring of 1940.(62) Then the Association printed the prohibition and distributed it to all mosques throughout China. To carry out this order, General Bai had a particular symbol made, with his own handwriting on the symbol, so that every mosque in China could display it and would have an excuse to refuse

(61) Barbara Linne Kroll Pillsbury, Cohesion and Cleavage in a Chinese Muslim Minority, 44. (62) See Li Xian, “Liang Wendou: hu Jiao you gong de Guomindang guanyuan [Liang Wendou: a man who made contributions to protecting the Religion]” in Selected Historical Data of Huizu from Luoyang, ed. Li Xian, 231. the National troops to stay.(63) However, this did not prevent all of the National Army men from making mistakes. In early 1941, concerning the cases where the prohibition was disobeyed, such as occurred sometimes in the provinces of Henan and Shaanxi, the Association sent a formal letter to the Military Commission Xi’an Office and the Headquarters of the First War Zone which was also located in Xi’an, requiring them to thoroughly investigate the offensive cases that some Hui people from these areas had reported to the Association.(64) By the end of 1946, when the Civil War broke out, the Defense Ministry once again repeated the prohibition.(65) This prohibition was helpful indeed to the Hui people. The second principal method to protect mosques was to relieve them from tariffs and obligation to supply laborers. Some regulations were issued by the republic on the management of Buddhist and Taoist temples before the Resistance War Against Japan in 1937, but there had been no exact authoritative regulation on imposing tariffs upon mosques. This mission might have been due to the singularity of the function of mosques. However, there were occasions when some local administrations, due to war reasons, interfered with the management of mosques. I found some cases which occurred in Henan Province during the war period. In the spring of 1941, the administration of Xiangxian County Administration of Henan imposed several kinds of property taxes on mosques; the Association delivered a letter to the Henan Provincial Administration to stop the imposition. Almost at the same time, Pengxian County, in Hubei Province, imposed a quota of arbitrary laborers to be supplied by mosques;(66) the Association

(63) See Huijiao Bulletin, 2, combined nos. 8–9 (August 1940): 24; ibid. 3, no. 5 (Mar. 1941): 22; and ibid, 7, no. 1 (Nov. 1946): title page. (64) See “Han qing Shaan Yu gesheng dangju qieshi baohu qingzhensi [Letter posted to the Shannxi and Henan Provincial Governments to protect mosques],” Huijiao Report, 3, no. 5 (Mar. 1941): 23. (65) See “Guofangbu tongling quanguo budui jinzhi zhanyong qingzhen si [Ministry of Defense announced prohibiting all troops from stationing in mosques],” Huijiao Report, 7, no. 2 (Dec. 1946): title page. (66) “Arbitrary laborers” referred to the government’s organization of laborers for various war construction purposes.

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also prohibited them from doing so by again informing the Hubei Provincial Administration. In 1944, the Nanzhao County Administration, Henan Province imposed miscellaneous levies on local mosques; the Association once again stopped it from doing so.(67) Cases concerning miscellaneous levies on mosques continued to occur after the war in central Henan’s Mixian and Xinzheng counties in 1946 and 1948, and the Association tried as before to protect Hui mosques.(68) Third, the Association defended mosques and the management autonomy of mosque–related affairs against troublemakers. A particular instance occurred in Zhenping County in southwestern Henan in 1941, when one of the managers of the mosque, Wang Pingxi, ganged up with the village chief of security, or baozhang in Chinese, and commandeered the town mosque and the Pure– and–True Primary School as their private properties. The Association pushed the local administration to solve the issue. In 1942, the Association once again delivered a formal letter to the Eighth Administrative Agency, asking the Agency to order the unlawful possessors to move out of the mosque and the school. In May and August 1943, the Association again pushed the local administration to settle the issue.(69) A similar case also happened in southern Henan’s Gushi County, where an uncle and his nephew seized the local mosque for themselves. The Association pushed the local County Administration to solve the matter.(70) Astonishingly, offensive matters occurred even more frequently than during the Resistance War. For example, in Henan Province

(67) In terms of the cases in Xiangxian and Pengxian counties, see “Han qing Henan deng sheng xian zhengfu weihu huimin anquan ji Huimin xiaoxue [Letters for requesting some administrations of Henan and other provinces for protecting the safety of Huimin and their schools],” Huijiao Report, 3, no. 5 (Mar. 1941): 22. (68) See the short news reports in Huijiao Report, 7, no. 1 (Nov. 1946): 13. And Huijiao Report, 7, combined no. 8–12 (Mar. 1948): 26. (69) See a series of reports in Huijiao Report, 3, combined nos. 11–12 (Oct. 1941): 23; ibid, 4, no. 1 (Jan. 1942): 25; ibid, 5, combined nos. 2–5 (May 1943): 18; and ibid, 5, combined nos. 6–8 (Aug. 1943): 17. However, I failed to find the final result of this dispute. (70) See “Zuzhi·xunlian·diaocha [Branches/Training/Investigation],” Huijiao Report, 4, combined nos. 2–3 (Mar. 1942): 26. The original page was not clear enough due to its poor printing. in 1948, the major cases related to mosques amounted to at least four, solely in the news reports which was only according to the news report just in the Huijiao Reports––the Xingyang County Mosque was damaged by some “evil persons;” two persons from Zhenping County purposely spoiled the Association’s District Branch and humiliated Islam; the Shahedian township office, Wuyang County publicly humiliated Islam; and two high–handed persons illegally monopolized the management of the Association’s district branch affairs.(71) Due to the simplicity of the news reports, a reader today can hardly know what happened in detail; however, it is most likely that the Association made urgent efforts to solve these problems. Fourth, the sheltering and training of imams composed a decisive part of protecting mosques. A mosque without an imam would not function because an imam is the person who presides over all of the affairs of a mosque. All imams and imams–to–be who were studying in the Hui Arabic schools could defer army service; this regulation was issued by the military commission and was declared by the Association to the whole country.(72) In terms of the training of imams, the central government organized training sessions for imams in 1941; this agenda had been certainly pushed by the Association. Imams from all provinces were trained in Chongqing during two separate periods, and the imam members numbered 1,000.(73) These activities were organized for the first time in Hui history across all the country. The second aspect of the efforts to protect Hui traditions was made to assist the assimilated Hui people to revive their traditions and to acknowledge their ethnic identities. In Sanjitun, Tanghe County, Henan Province, the Tongwan Village compromised more than fifty households who were the descendants of a Hui man

(71) See “Ge zu gongzuo jianbao [Briefings of the Association’s Branches],” Huijiao Report, 7, combined nos. 8–12 (Mar. 1948): 25–26. (72) See “Jiaozhang ji A zhuan xuesheng mian fu bingyi [Imams and students in Arabic schools can be free from army servicing],” Huijiao Report, 4, no. 1 (Jan. 1942): 24. (73) See “Zhongyang jiang juban Huijiao zhang jiangxisuo [The central government will hold Islamic training sessions],” Huijiao Bulletin, 2, combined nos. 8–9 (Aug. 1940): 30.

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named Li Shun, who had been the vice–commander of the royal guards in the Kangxi era (1662––1763) in the early Qing dynasty. The mosque of this village had been destroyed long before, and the Hui people there had gradually lost their faith and traditions. However, they still did not breed pigs, nor did they consume pork. Imam Li Pinsan, who was from an adjacent Hui community, discovered this condition and reported it to the Association in late 1940; he also asked two imams to go to the village with him, trying to persuade the assimilated Hui there to recover their traditions. The Association regarded this matter as similar to another case, in Chengbu County, Hunan Province, where there were even more Hui households than in Sanjitun. The Association wrote a letter to one of the leaders of this village, hoping that he would lead his clan back into the Hui community; at the same time, the Association encouraged Imam Li to continue his work to persuade the villagers to return to the Hui community. During Ramadan in 1941, the first 17 households agreed to “return” to Hui traditions. Imam Li held the religious ceremony for these “returned” people.(74) Another similar case, as mentioned above, was the effort made for the assimilated Hui people in Chengbu County of southwestern Hubei Province. Sixty households of Hui people had lost their Hui traditions. To implement the directive of the Association, as Huijiao Report states: The Association’s Hunan Provincial Branch investigated the conditions and persuaded the assimilated sixty Hui families to return to their forefathers’ Religion. The Association allocated some funds for building a new mosque and a central institution for the newly returned Hui people; the expenses of the publicists from the Association’s Hunan Provincial Branch were also undertaken by the Association.(75) The above two instances were extraordinary contributions by the Association toward the Hui revival during the Republican era. As a minority in China, Hui

(74) See “Quandao Li Shun houyi guifu zujiao [Persuading the descendants of Li Shun to return to the Hui commintiy],” Huijiao Report, 3, no. 1 (Nov. 1941): 24. (75) See “Chengbu xian Huibao fanzu guijiao [The Hui compatriots of the Chengbu County returned to the forefathers’ Religion],” Huijiao Report, 3, no. 9 (July 1947): 26. communities were quite stable and continuous. When a Hui community was assimilated or disappeared for any reason, a strand of the scattered net of the Hui expansion was cut, and the community was difficult to recover. This is particularly the situation in the provinces sparsely populated by the Hui, such as in some eastern and southern provinces. These cases had nothing to do with missionary work; rather, they were efforts that had been made to recover the identities of the Hui people in those places, because they were originally the Hui people. The third aspect of Hui protection concerned the Association’s endeavor to assist Hui military students and Hui soldiers. Military schools were important educational institutions during the periods of war; Hui students were also specially treated in many ways. When the war broke out in 1937, the Sixth Division of the Central Military Academy (also called the Nanning Division, as it was located in Nanning, Guangxi Province) specifically enrolled 1,000 Hui students. Pang Shiqian, an Al–Azhar University (Egypt) graduate and a well–known imam from Henan Province, acted as the agent; he led his “Overseas Chinese Student Group” to recruit Hui students in Zhengxian County, Henan Province in 1937, for the 15th academic–year class of the Nanning Division.(76) In 1939, a regulation, “Recruiting methods for Muslim students by the Central Army Academy,” was published. This regulation improved upon the old method for recruiting Hui candidates. It permitted any young Hui men to go directly to a division of the Central Army Academy and take part in an examination there immediately. In August 1940, the Nanning Division once more recruited 1,000 Hui students.(77) By the end of 1940, a more flexible policy permitted all Hui candidates who were

(76) See “Zhongyang junxiao liu fenxiao jiang jixu zhaoshou Huijiao xuesheng [The Sixth Division of the Central Military Academy will continue to recruit Huijiao students],”Huijiao Bulletin, 2, combined nos. 8–9 (Aug. 1940): 30. In terms of Imam Pang Shiqian’s works in Zhengzhou, see Wei Wenying and Zhou Suizhi, ed., Gazetteer of the Guancheng Hui District, 16. (77) See “Zhongyang junxiao zhaokao Huijiao xuesheng banfa [Recruiting methods for the Muslim students by the Central Military Academy],” Huijiao Bulletin, 1, no. 4 (Nov. 30, 1939): 26 and, “Zhongyang junxiao liu fenxiao jixu zhao Huijiao xuesheng [The Central Army Academy will continue to recruit Muslim students],” Huijiao Bulletin, 2, combined nos. 8–9 (Aug. 1940): 30.

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recommended by the Association’s branches and the Chengda Teacher’s School (managed by the Hui) to be accepted without examinations as a pre–condition; the central commission of the Association entrusted the Guangxi Provincial Branch to approve the recommendations.(78) To address the inconvenience of providing halal food, the Association instructed all of its branches throughout China to help them for the convenience of accommodations.(79) According to General Bai’s memoir in 1966, a Huijiao [Islamic] Team had been established in the Nanning Division particularly for training the Hui students. A Hui general, Anh Shun, commanded the team. The Academy’s Seventh Division, located in Xi’an, also enrolled Hui students; this was for the convenience of Hui candidates from the northwestern provinces, because the distance to travel from Northwest China to Nanning was considerable. The Hui students in the Military Academy could enjoy halal food; they could also practice prayers and learn the Koran. Altogether, more than 2,500 Hui students were educated in the Central Military Academy.(80) Most of the Hui graduates from the Military Academy were dispatched to the Northwest provinces where the Hui warlords commanded their troops; this was also considerable for their Hui way of life. The Association continued to watch the lives of the Hui students in the field; for example, because it was cold during the winter in the Northwest, the Association sent a letter to the Military Commissariat, asking for financial assistance for these students.(81) However, these students who were dispatched here usually were not given important positions for entrust, because the local Hui generals were afraid of

(78) See “Baosong junxiao x qi ruwu [Hui students recommended to the Military Academy for x term],” Moonlight Magazine, 12, combined nos. 34–36 (Dec. 5, 1940): 15. The obviously missing words in the transliterated Chinese is purposeful. (79) See “Tong hang ge fen zhi hui yu toukao Hui sheng yi shisu bianli [Letter to all branches of the Association for the convenience for accommodations to Hui students],” Huijiao Report, 2, no. 1 (April 15, 1940): 24. (80) Guo, The Reminiscences of General Pai Chung–hsi (vol. 2), 585. (81) See “Han qing junxubu zizhu biye Huijiao xuesheng [Letter sent to the Commissariat for financial assistance to the Hui graduates],” Huijiao Bulletin, 1, no. 10 (Mar. 1, 1940): 24. interference in their “domestic affairs” by the “Central Army Clique”; the the Military Academy graduates belonged to the “Central Army Clique.”(82) For the convenience of the Hui soldiers living together, General Bai suggested that the military commission direct that the Hui soldiers in the National Army should be reshuffled into independent military units at all levels within a division.(83) The Military Commission Chongqing Office adopted the suggestion and put it into practice. I personally argue that such a policy, as carried out in the National Army during WWII, remains a good example for the present–day Chinese Army to follow. In addition to the previously discussed three aspects, there are two other aspects to be mentioned here. The first concerns the demolishing of all offensive writings towards the Hui. From the late Qing dynasty onwards, some of the Manchu and Han people who were hostile to the Hui often wrote the Chinese character “Hui” with a cardinal element meaning “dog” or “beast,” following the word formation system of Chinese language, or often used the terms “Hui bandits” or “rebel Hui” to refer to the Hui people. This cardinal character was actually prohibited as early as the Qing dynasty.(84) Such terms frequently appeared in the documents during the Qing dynasty, although it was actually prohibited by the Qing dynasty emperor; but it was occasionally revived during the Republic era. In 1940, the Association’s Yunnan Provincial Branch requested the Association should formally appeal to the central government to

(82) For instance, the Hui graduates who were sent to Qinghai under the command of Ma Bufang suffered from discrimination and they were not entrusted with important positions. See Xue Wenbo, “Reminiscences of an aged man from the Yanshan Mountain,” in Blessings from Snowy Mountains (vol. 1), ed, Xue Hong, 122. (83) See “Huijiiao guanbing ke de yinshi bianli [Huijiao officials and soldiers can live more conveniently],” Huijiao Report, 3, combined nos.11–12 (October 1941): 19. The Instruction was given in the name of the “Military Commission Chongqing Office (No. 3170),” on Sept. 10, 1940. (84) See Marshall Broomhall, Islam in China, A Neglected Problem, 94–95: “A custom had grown up of adding the Chinese character ‘Hui’ with a cardinal element meaning ‘dog,’ to the name of convicted offenders, and among others who suffered were the Hui rebels. In reference to this the Emperor said, ‘In books published having reference to Mohammedan tribes the character “Hui” has been changed to the “(dog––) Hui” [here added the “dog” cardinal part––noted by this author]. This addition of dog must be withdrawn.’”

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ban all discriminatory names used against the Hui. The Association submitted this proposal on July 10, 1940, asking the Administrative Yuan to proclaim a prohibition for the whole country.(85) This policy was formally carried out. The second additional aspect was voiced support for some cases that were beyond the control of the Association. For instance, the Hui in Beiping (present–day Beijing) protested against the puppet government’s demolition of their 500–year–old cemetery in Sanlihe; the Association, together with the Hui all over China, backed up the Hui in Beiping.(86) They published the condemnation in many newspapers and magazines. However, no final turn– out was reported. Similarly, during the war, the Japanese–controlled Henan government in Kaifeng, together with the Japanese intelligence department, had planned to destroy the “vacant” land outside the eastern city gate of Kaifeng, Henan Province, which was an actually existing Hui cemetery, for a “New City Planning.” The local Hui people made this plan known to the entire country, calling on the Hui throughout the country to condemn the plan. The Huijiao Bulletin also echoed the call. Under pressure from all directions, the Japanese and the puppet Henan Provincial Government changed the plan.(87) To briefly summarize the Association’s endeavors in protecting Hui faith and their traditions, there were mainly three aspects. The first aspect was related to mosques: it was prohibited for the National Army men to be stationed in mosques; tariffs on mosques were relieved as well as laborer quotas; the

(85) See “Ben hui cheng xingzheng yuan tongling quan guo qudi dui Huijiao han you wuru zhi yiqie chengwei [The Islamic Association submitted a petition to the Administrative Yuan to ban all the usages of discriminative names against the Hui],” Huijiao Report, 3, combined nos.8–9, (Aug. 1940): 22. (86) See “Di ji huihuai Beiping Huimin mudi [The enemy’s airplanes destroyed the Hui cemetery in Beiping],” Huimin Bulletin, no. 20 (Dec. 30, 1938): 79. (87) See “Henan wei ‘shengfu’ jihua chanchu Kaifeng Huijiao gongmu [The false Henan Government is planning to destroy the Kaifeng Hui Cemetery],” Huijiao Report, 3, combined nos. 11–12 (Oct. 1941): 31. Concerning the Japanese change of plans to destroy the Hui cemetery in Kaifeng for the “New City Planning,” See the General North–China Huijiao Association, ed., Huijiao zhoubao [Huijiao Weekly], no. 57 (Sept. 26, 1941): 4. This was a bulletin published by the puppet administration controlled by the Japanese in Beiping. Association defended mosques and protected mosque–related interests against contrived damage; and imams were sheltered and trained. The second aspect was the endeavor to assist the assimilated Hui people to revive their traditions and to acknowledge their Hui identities; two cases, respectively in Sanjitun, Tanghe County, Henan Province, and in Chengbu County, Hunan Province, were instances where the Association had successfully supported the assimilated Hui people to return to their traditions. The third aspect concerned the Association’s endeavor to assist Hui military students and Hui soldiers. Hui military students were purposely arranged in the Nanning and Xi’an divisions of the Central Military Academy. In terms of their travels to the campus, their education in the Academy, and the dispatching of them for military services upon graduation, the Association took care of them and were protective of their Hui way of life. As for the Hui soldiers in the National Army, they were reshuffled into independent military units at all levels, again caring their Hui way of life. In addition to the three aspects, other two aspects included the request for the government to outlaw all offensive writings towards the Hui and the voiced support in some cases in the Japanese–occupied territory beyond the control of the Association.

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VI. Settling Confrontations between the Hui and the Han During the Republican era, the government in fact was practicing an ethnic assimilation policy, which was not only carried out upon the Hui, but also upon other minorities; in addition, many cases occurred where the Han bullied the Hui. When the Resistance War against the Japanese broke out, more excuses were available for the assimilation policies in the name of the united front to save the nation. The suspension of the ethnic issues was mainly due to the doggedness of President Chiang Kai–shek in his practice of the “Han hegemony” and political shortsightedness, representing his personal interpretations; at the same time, a group of subordinates, even some scholars, echoed his voice. In brief, for the most part, neither the ideology of the top administration nor many institutions of the Republican government retained any influence from dynastical Qing court with regard to ethnic hegemony. To discuss the Chiang–headed “Han hegemony” a little further, Chiang believed that China had only one race and that all other groups were simply branches or ramifications of the majority Han. He specified his thought in his book, Zhongguo zhi Mingyun (China’s Destiny), published in 1943, which states, “The Chinese nation grows larger and larger in population because its off–shoots keep coalescing into one.” “All the human off–shoots in China originated from the same ancestor and integrated by marriages.…[T]hey are different off–shoots belonging to the same root.”(88) The authorities of the National Government did not allow the usage of the term “Huimin” (Hui people), only allowing them to use Huijiao (Islamic); this made it clear that the Hui were simply a religious population, but not an ethnic group. I have made such a research, exploring the titles that the usage of the term “Huimin” was not allowed.(89)

(88) Chiang Kai–shek, “The Growth and Development of the Chinese Nation.” In China’s Destiny, 119–120. (89) I have previously conducted research exploring the titles where the usage of the term “Huimin” was not allowed; see Wan Lei, “The influences of the title changes of ‘Hui–min’ societies during the Republican China,” China Huizu Studies: 60–66. In dealing with most cases, the Association could settle the Hui–Han confrontations quite satisfactorily. The following cases are mainly the translations of the citations in the Huijiao Report; due to the brevity of these one–sentence reports, a contemporary researcher can hardly ascertain exactly what had happened: A first case happened in a Hui–populated prefecture in southwestern Henan in the spring of 1941. The Shangdian Hui School in Wuyang County, central Henan, confronted the local Central Primary School; although the Hui were in the right, they became victims of Han prejudice. They had to ask the Association to help solve their problem.(90) In a second, in the summer of 1941, the sheriff (lianbao zhuren) of Geling Town, Xincai County in southern Henan, who had been hostile to the Hui and caused them considerable trouble. The local Association’s District Branch reported this and the Association asked the wartime Eighth Administrative Agency to investigate the matter; later the Agency replied that they had investigated the man and taken action against him. In a third, in the same year, the Recruiting Team of the Henan’s Second Artillery Regiment forced the Jingmu School to let the army men station on the campus; this was a well–known Hui school in Nanyang in the southeastern part of the province. The Association negotiated with the authoritative governmental department, and the army men withdrew from the school. In the autumn of 1941, also in Nanyang, the local administration did not act fairly in recruiting candidate soldiers; this issue impacted the lives of the local Hui people and the management of the Association’s Prefecture Branch. The Association asked the Henan Provincial Administration to investigate and handle the matter fairly.(91) In northern Henan, also in 1941, but more serious than the above, a troop of the National Army, called the Thirteenth Detachment, stationed in the Daxinzhuang Village, Bo’ai County, which was a village populated largely

(90) See “Jiaou·jiaowu·xuanchuan [Education, Religious Affairs and Publicity],” Huijiao Report, 3, combined nos. 11–12 (Oct. 1941): 23. (91) In terms of the two cases, see more at ibid, “jiaoyu·jiaowu·xuanchuan [Education, Religious Affairs and Publicity],” no. 9 (July 1941): 27.

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by the Hui. However, going much further than elsewhere, the detachment colluded with the puppet Wang Jingwei’s “Governmental Army” and razed the Hui village. This episode was actually an outbreak of the accumulated Hui–Han hatred in the region and the Han vaunted their superiority over the Hui. As this matter showed that some people neglected the national crisis and instead engaged in internal strife, the Association seriously raised the matter to the military commission. The commission and General Wei Lihuang commanded and severely punished the detachment.(92) In 1942, a local commercial society from Xinzheng County in central Henan organized some public performances to worship idols. This act went obviously against the practices of Hui Islam, but the society forced the Hui to give “donations,” as the surrounding Han Chinese did. The Hui felt it difficult to explain their opposition to the society, so they had to askthe Association for help. In 1943, a similar case occurred in Xiping County in central Henan: a local town mayor, Li Guangpu, levied a “donation” from the Hui for local opera performances. This time, the Association had helped the Hui people regain their “donation.” And, also in 1943, in southern Henan’s Tanghe County, when the governmental troops illegally appropriated the goats from the Hui; the Association asked the headquarters of the Fifth War Zone to order the return of the property of the Hui community.(93) Sometimes skirmishes developed into a massacre, like those which happened in the late Qing dynasty. A typical instance was “the Sangpo Massacre” in Sangpo Village, Mengxian County in northern Henan, where more than 1,000

(92) See the series of reports: “Junzheng bu yan cheng zirao Huibao zhi budui [The Military and Political Commission severely punished the Detachment which troubled Hui compatriots],” Huijiao Report, 3, no. 8 (June 1941): 25; and no. 9 (July 1941): 26. (93) Regarding the case in Xinzheng, see “Jiaoyu·jiaowu·xuanchuan [Education, Religious Affairs and Publicity],” Huijiao Report, 3, combined nos. 2–3 (Mar. 1942): 27. For the case in Xiping, see “Ge zu gongzuo jianxun [Briefings of the Association’s Branches],” Huijiao Report, 5, no. 1 (Jan. 1943): 15. For the case in Tanghe, see “Briefings of the Association’s Branches,” Huijiao Report, 5, combined nos. 2–5 (May 1943): 18. households lived during the Resistance War against the Japanese. Employing the opportunity presented by the chaotic warfare, the mayor of Mengxian County, Zhang Hanying, and Li Zhenhan, the commander of the Eighteenth Branch Troops of the National Army, which was a local quasi–military division organized by the government, massacred the Hui of the Sangpo Village.(94) In the following year, the Association asked the provincial administration to reduce the taxation of the Hui from the Sangpo Village. This massacre was an infamous instance of the Hui–Han conflict during the Republic era across China; even today, many researchers of Hui studies are still studying the case. I will discuss more about this case. According to the Huijiao Report, Zhang Zhanying and Li Zhenhan ganged up with more than 1,000 militia men to rob Sangpo Village in April 1943; according to the Huijiao Report, “more than 30 Hui people were killed, 11 were injured, 38 Hui men and women were captured, and 4 mosques and several dozens of private houses were destroyed with fire. The condition was miserable indeed.”(95) After that, the Hui representatives went to Luoyang, the provincial wartime capital and Chongqing, the national wartime capital, to deliver their petitions. They were even met Director Bai of the Huijiao Association in person. Director Bai asked the military leader of Henan to handle the aftermath of the massacre; subsequently, 18 Han men were arrested.

(94) The full story of the massacre may be seen in the successive reports “Sangpo Huibao canzhao tusha [The Hui compatriots in Sangpo were massacred],” Huijiao Report, 5, combined nos. 6–8 (Aug. 1943): 24; “Sangpo can’an zan gao jieshu [The end of the Sangpo Massacre],” Huijiao Report, 5, combined nos. 9–12 (month not clear, 1943): 32; and “Ge zu gongzuo jianbao [Briefings of the Association’s Branches],” Huijiao Report, 6, combined nos. 3–5 (May 1944): 30. Also, see Pang Shiqian, “The Sangpo Massacre,” Huijiao Association Monthly, no. 4 (1947): 17–18. The detailed differences between the Huijiao Report and the article by Pang Shiqian are as follows: the total number of the militia men was over 1,000 while Pang says the “bandits” were several thousands; the Huijiao Report says the attacks happened twice while Pang says thrice; the casualties were more than 30 while Pang says more than 100; the number of the mosques destroyed was 4 while Pang says 6 (maybe he included the ones that were damaged). Please let it be noted that Imam Pang Shiqian was a man from that village. (95) Here I cite the official Huijiao Report, but there were many conflicting published versions; see “Baogao shixiang [Meeting reports],” Huijiao Report, 5, combined nos. 9–12 (August 1943): 14.

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The Sangpo Massacre shocked the whole country and became known as a typical event of the Nationalist Government and National Army’s persecution against the Hui. I have researched the event based on some newly published historical documents; one of which is a series of “announcements” published by the contemporary Mengxian County Administration after the massacre had happened. As the event was so influential, the county administration seemed to be trying to give its “interpretations” for the “real reasons.” The county administration condemned the militia men who carried out the massacre, but at the same time “whitewashed” its own responsibilities, saying even that some Hui men from Sangpo were preparing to establish the “Huijiao Youth Corps,”(96) like that which had been established by the Japanese in another Hui Village, the Daxinzhuang Village (mentioned above), Bo’ai County, with which the Sangpo Hui men had been closed connected. The county administration also stated that some young Hui men from Sangpo had been opium–smugglers, doing business with their partners from the Daxinzhuang Village; and after the massacre, the Hui men from Sangpo Village had asked “several hundred Hui people” from the Daxinzhuang Village to come to Sangpo to seek revenge against the Han.(97) The immediate reason for the massacre was mainly the economic imbalance between the Hui and the Han in this region; the former were better–off while the latter poorer. As Pang Shiqian stated (Pang was an Al–Azhar graduate and a well–known social activist from Sangpo), this was the direct inducement of the robbery of Sangpo. To prove his point, he stated that the militia men

(96) “The Huijiao Youth Corps” was a Japanese–controlled Hui militia organization in the name of “defending Islam,” but in reality, they were used for military purposes to support the Japanese against Chinese Army. (97) They are called “Zhi Mengxian lüwai tongxiang baogaoshu [Announcements of the Mengxian County Administration to the county–fellows outside of the county].” Altogether nine announcements were published to reveal the Japanese enocide in the county; two of which mentioned the “Sangpo Massacre.” See “The eighth announcement of Mengxian county Administration,” in Complete Historical Documents of Mengzhou during Republican Era edited by Song Zhidao, 205–206. had kidnapped the Hui for the purpose of ransom for several times before the massacre. Sangpo has been known for its fur industry, which created wealth for the Hui. Such an industry was also a traditional Hui industry elsewhere in the province. The smuggling was noticed by the Eighteenth Branch Troops and their commander, Li Zhenhan, who colluded with the county mayor to rob and kill the Sangpo Hui people. They plotted the action in the name of cleansing the “traitors” who “colluded with the [Japanese] enemy,” on the basis of travels to and fro between the Japanese–occupied region (the Daxinzhuang Village) and the Chinese army–controlled region (including Sangpo Village). In Huijiao Report accounts, the mayor, Li Zhenhan, was a man who had been “always hostile” to the Hui, because he maintained old grudges against them. This explanation revealed the real tension that had existed between the Hui and the Han. Any violent incident always needs a “fuse,” and the coveting of the Hui wealth was that very fuse. The next factor noted was that the success of the Japanese policy separating the Hui and Han to a significant degree, because it was the Japanese who established the “Huijiao Youth Corps” in Daxinzhuang, claiming to defend Islam against the Chinese Communists, which led to the consequence discussed above. Whatever the reason it might have been, the Hui became the victims. More cases of violence toward the Hui occurred after the Resistance War. I have selected some cases from Henan according to the Huijiao Report, but the majority of them are reported in brief.(98) In 1946, two cases were reported. First, a village chief of security (baozhang), Tang Wensheng from Tanghe County in the southwestern part of the province, led his militia to shoot a Hui man, Ma Renyou, to death.

(98) Regarding the incidents that occurred in 1946, see “Ge zu gongzuo jianbao [Briefings of the Association’s Branches],” Huijiao Report, 7, no. 1 (Nov. 1946): 12 and no. 2 (Dec. 1946): 16. Regarding the incidents occurred in 1947; see “Ge zu gongzuo jianbao [Briefings of the Association’s Branches],” Huijiao Report, 7, no. 5 (Mar. 1947): 7 and combined nos. 6–7 (May 1946): 11. Regarding the incidents occurred in 1948, see “Ge zu gongzuo jianbao [Briefings of the Association’s Branches],” Huijiao Report, 7, combined nos. 8–12 (Mar. 1948): 24.

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And second, the local Han Chinese in Suiping, a county in central Henan, purposely humiliated the Hui people and their religion. In 1947, three cases in Henan were reported. First, the houses of Mai Anyi and other Hui men of the same community were illegally destroyed by the Bo’ai County Administration in the northern part of the province. Second, A Hui man, Su Guiti, who was also a member of the Association’s Shangqiu District Branch in the eastern part of the province, was murdered. And third, in Xiatang Town, Lushan County in the western part of the province, some of the local Hui people were illegally arrested by a Han man, who was an “evil gentry,” as quoted in the Huijiao Report. In 1948, three cases were reported. First, also in Xiatang Town, Lushan County, the mayor deliberately oppressed the local Hui people. Second, some Hui houses in Shangqiu in the eastern Henan were illegally searched by the Provincial Third Column Troops. Third, the police station of Zhengyang, a county in the southern part of the province, blackmailed the local Hui people in the name of levying an “oxen butchery tax.” And fourth, the Police Station of Jiaozuo, a county in northern Henan, directed the county people to humiliate Islam, and the policemen illegally tortured the Hui people. The offenders’ excuses for the cases of violence and oppression related to the Hui during the war were normally interpreted to have with war–related reasons. The cases that happened after the war were not as “shocking” to the society as those which happened during the war period but seemed greater in number than before the war; furthermore, “proper excuses,” previously offered for the violence, seemed to have been exhausted. In fact, the Civil War after WWII was the outbreak of an accumulated variety of contradictions and confrontations in China, with the Nationalist– Communist confrontation being a key factor. The ethnic confrontation, such as the cases explored above concerning the Hui–Han relationships, was another element of the aforementioned accumulation of confrontations. The basic idea of the Hui masses was not only to get rid of the harms by the Japanese invaders but also oppression by the Han hegemony. They hoped to establish an entirely new society to improve their political and social positions. Each of the contending ideologies——the Nationalist “Three People’s Principle” or the Communist’s “Socialism” ——attracted part of the Hui masses so that they, like their Chinese Han neighbors, were dived into two groups ideologically; but their hope was stronger than the Han Chinese, that is, to entirely “change” their existing conditions. Eventually, the ethnic policy of the communists—— the promise of acknowledging their ethnic identity and the equal treatment of all ethnic groups across China, seemed more attractive to the Hui, which also accounted for many of them joining the Communist front afterwards. To briefly summarize the Association’s endeavors in settling confrontations between the Hui and the Han: many violent incidents that happened during war in various forms were due to various factors; the Huijiao Report gave six cases that happened in Henan between 1941 and 1943. Sometimes skirmishes developed into massacres; the Sangpo Massacre in April of 1943 is a representative example. It shows modern readers how great the hostility was around some Hui–populated places in Henan Province; as soon as a spark stuck any “fuse,” it would certainly ignite. In solving the problems caused by such a massacre, the Association had to make even greater efforts with all of its energy and resources.

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VII. Historical Limitations that the Association Could Not Overcome It was true that the Association was powerful enough to solve many of the Hui–related issues and made significant contributions to the Hui cause. However, it could not surpass a boundary. When something harmful happened in the Japanese–controlled regions against the Hui, the Association could do nothing other than voice support, although this did not mean that the Association was unwilling to give assistance. Yet some issues that occurred within the Governmental–controlled regions were also unable to be settled by the Association. Here I will continue the discussion about the Sangpo Massacre. When the massacre was underway, it happened that a troop of Japanese soldiers was passing the village; the militia men who were robbing the Hui, upon seeing the approaching Japanese troops, fled quickly to avoid them. Pang Shiqian condemned the escape with sarcasm: “[S]uch bandit–like army men had been so brave in ravaging the Hui people but fled like mice when facing the real enemy.” The Japanese also employed this massacre to make in counter– publicity against its political and military rival, the Chinese government, declaring that the Japanese Army truly “protected” the Hui people in Sangpo.(99) Considering the negative consequences of the massacre, particularly during the Resistance War——an event might be used by the Japanese as negative propaganda to damage the united front on the Chinese side——whatever punishment inflicted by the Chinese government would not have seemed excessive, but, regretfully, it could be concluded that the serious event had been “solved” only to some extent, obviously not satisfactory to the Hui. For instance, after WWII, Zhang Hanying and Li Zhenhan, the two chief offenders

(99) See “Mengxian Sangpo can zhao qi huo [Sangpo of Mengxian County suffered disaster but was fortunately saved by the Imperial Army],” Huijiao Weekly (Beiping), no. 145 (Jun 5, 1943): 4. Note that this journal was edited by the General North–China Huijiao Association controlled by the Japanese. responsible for the Sangpo Massacre, still held their previous official positions. This scenario was like a “play of the absurd.” The Hui people from Sangpo composed a song which was widely sung by the Hui; they did so in order to keep in mind the tragic story. Pang Shiqian remarked in his article about the massacre, “this ought to be called the Han hegemony!” In addition, he furiously queried, “What in the world has the situation become?”(100) Pang, like many Hui people, cherished the hope that, after the war, the Nationalist government would definitely change the conditions of the Hui in many respects, including punishing the remaining criminals of the massacre, but they were disappointed. The two aforementioned offenders, Zhang Hanying and Li Zhenhan, were executed by the Communist government in 1950.(101) However, they were executed not only for the massacre, but also for their resistance against the Communist Army when Mengxian County fought on the side of the Nationalists during the Civil War. A second massacre, the Shisi Village [“Surname–Shi’s Temple Village”] Massacre again tested the utmost limitation that the Association might reach. The massacre also occurred in Henan during the war but became a more tragic story so far as material relief and voiced support are concerned; actually, there was no official response at all to the massacre. The Hui village was located on the northern bank of the Yellow River and contained more than 70 Hui households; administratively, it belonged to Fengqiu County. In 1942, the county was occupied by the Japanese and, consequently, the Japanese army established the “Huijiao Youth Corps” in the village with around 30 members. The massacre was carried out by General Guoran, a commander of the River–North Advancing Troop from the First War Zone [“River” referring

(100) Pang, “The Sangpo Massacre,” Huijiao Association Monthly, no. 4 (1947): 17–18. (101) Zhang Hanying and Li Zhenhan were caught in southwestern China’s Sichuan Province in 1950 after the Communists took power. They were brought back to Mengxian County, Henan Province, under guard and were sentenced to capital punishment. See Li Huaying, “Jiaozuo of Henan Province: research on the origins of the Hui” in the Paper Collection of the 18th Hui Studies Conference (Zhengzhou): 27.

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to the Yellow River]. In July 1942, General Hu’s troops marched from the northern Zhengzhou region to Fengqiu County. Having heard that there was such a quasi–military Hui organization, a “Huijiao Youth Corps,” existing in the village, General Hu led a 1,000–strong troop of infantry and attacked the village in the early morning of April 19, 1942. They killed more than a dozen Hui people; captured 43 Hui men and stole more than 60 oxen, horses and mules, as well as 10 coaches. Other material goods such as clothes, house belongings, and grains were all taken, until nothing of value was left. The mosque of the village was destroyed by arson. Furthermore, Hu’s soldiers cruelly tortured the captured Hui people: one of the Hui men first lost his ears and then his life.(102) Unfortunately, this time, the Association chose to keep silent. The Association undoubtedly knew that the so–called “Huijiao Youth Corps” had been established by the Japanese, and the Hui people in the occupied regions had no better alternative than to obey. Sadly enough, the victims could not be supported, because the issue was too “sensitive” during the war. In fact, nothing was mentioned by any of the governmental media sources about the massacre; even after the war, relief or comfort was not given to the Hui of the Shisi Village. The Hui–Han relationship around the village became worse than before. To review this massacre, any researcher of Hui studies today has to acknowledge that the massacre was due to the successful policy applied by the Japanese, who had used the Hui issue to further degrade the Han–Hui relationship. The Japanese could employ the Hui issue because they clearly understood the hostility between the two peoples, which had developed long before their invasion. Nevertheless, as a national Hui organization, the Association should have tried to deal with the aftermath; if the time was not

(102) See “Yu bei Fengqiu jing nei Huijiao cunluo Shisi cun can bei wei fei xijie [Huijiao Shisi Village of Fengqiu County was tragically robbed by bandit army],” Huijiao Weekly, no. 139 (May 21, 1943): 3. proper during the war, it should have been done afterwards. However, such work regretfully remained undone. This sample case also accounted for so many humiliating Hui incidents which occurred after the war. Both the Han and Hui did not step out of the shadow of hostility during the war. The situation in northern Henan Province seemed especially serious. To re–unite the two peoples for “re–construction” of the war–torn China, the Association purposely dispatched its officials to Kaifeng, capital of Henan, in 1946, to discuss with the provincial government about the increasingly tense Hui–Han relationships there; they then went to northern Henan to intermediate the relationships.(103) The course of the action left readers of the impression that the Association seemed to have only played the role of a “go–between,” doing nothing else to help people recover from the massacre. As a minority association, it had to follow the basic national policy toward minorities. There exists a consensus among Hui researchers today that the National Government had been applying an assimilation policy toward minorities. In fact, the Hui ethnicity was not acknowledged as an ethnic minority, but rather a religious minority, during the entire Republican era; the Association was similarly based on the religion of the “Huijiao,” or “Hui Religion” (i.e., Islam), although all of the affairs that involved the Association were related to the ethnic Hui minority and had nothing to do with the rest of the Islamic ethnic minorities in China. In this sense, the title of the Association, the “Huijiao Association,” appeared paradoxical so far as its mission was concerned, because Islam was embraced by ten independent ethnic groups across the country and was not only practiced by the Hui. The contest of the “Huijiao” and the “Huimin” (the Hui people) terminology can be regarded as representative of the struggle of the Hui people during

(103) See “Yu bei wenti chongchong [Many accumulated isssues in northern Henan],” Huijiao Report, 7, no. 1 (Nov. 1946): 15 and “Di liu qi ci changwu lishihui tanhua jilu [The sixth and seventh meeting records of the Association’s Standing Committee]”: 9.

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the Republican era. The argument had been initiated when the new Republic was founded in 1912, but the issue remained unsolved until 1949 when the Nationalist Party retreated to Taiwan and lost its political administration in Mainland China. Many researchers of Hui studies today have explored the topic and I am not ready to extend the discussion here. In brief, the argument by a Hui scholar, Yin Boqing, who published one of his articles in 1926, expresses my opinion: Buddhism is embraced by various ethnic groups such as the Manchu, the Mongols, and the Tibetans; why does [the government] not refer to them collectively as the “Buddhist people?” The people in the interior provinces are all the Han Chinese, and they may believe in Confucianism, in Buddhism, in Taoism, in Christianity, or in Hui–ism [Islam], why does [the government] not separate the different believers and refer to them independently as the Confucian ethnic group, the Buddhist ethnic group, the Taoist ethnic group, the Christen ethnic group, or the Hui ethnic group, respectively? ––––Only the Hui people are equivalently called the Huijiao. ––––Logically, this makes no sense and in meaning, it appears paradoxical. I really feel puzzled here.(104) Obviously, Yin argued that Hui was an ethnic group and should be protected as an independent ethnic minority in China; and that the term “Huijiao” that had been used in history was purposely stressed to designate the Hui people uniquely, in order to neglect their ethnicity. In another word, the government was applying an assimilation policy toward the Hui. Regarding the title of the Hui people as well as the Association’s full title, some young intellectuals had contested the terminology with General Bai Chongxi, the Director of the Islamic Association. According to the memoir of one of the intellectuals, Xue Wenbo, Bai once asked the young Hui intellectuals when several of them paid him a visit: “I know all of

(104) Yin Boqing, “Huijiao Huizu bian [A discussion on the terminologies of the Huijiao and the Huizu],” China Muslim Literary Society Monthly (Shanghai), 1, no. 5 (May 1926): 56. you insist on adopting the term Huizu [the Hui ethnic group]. Let me hear the reasons.” As a reply, the young men simply gave some theoretical interpretations. Bai then calmly replied, “As they are not willing to allow the adoption of the terminology ‘Huimin,’ we just do not mention this term. If we explore the origin of my clan of the surname Bai, one of my forefathers came from Nanjing. My forefathers were officials in Guangxi who served in the [Mongol] Yuan dynasty, and our surname originated from Badr al–Din [an Arabic surname].” Xue Wenbo stated that since this talk, the Hui elites seldom discussed such terminology.(105) Here, “they” who were not willing to allow the adoption of the term “Huimin” referred to Chen Lifu and Chen Guofu, members of the top group of the Kuomintang [Nationalist Party] officials at the time. The real significance of contesting the Huijiao [Hui Religion] and Huimin [Hui people] terminology during the Republican era was not only a request for ethnic identity recognition, but also for political rights and human rights. During the rule of the Beijing Government (1912––1928), the Hui started a civil rights movement between 1915 and 1924 under the leadership of a Hui general named Li Qian. Li had been one of President Yuan Shikai’s former military subordinates who acted as the General Agent of the Hui–bu, that is, the eight Uyghur tribes in Xinjiang Province. He launched the movement when he was in charge of the Hui–bu Agency. Briefly, the main goal of the political movement was a fixed quota of Hui representatives in the two Houses of the Parliament,(106) because neither the Provisional Constitution of the Republic of China issued by Sun Yat–sen nor the Draft of the Constitution of the Republic designed by Yuan Shikai had mentioned an representative quota for the Hui people and other minorities; they only mentioned the quotas of the Tibetans and the Mongols. However, the movement ended with failure.

(105) Xue Wenbo, “Reminiscences of an aged man from the Yanshan Mountain,” 102. (106) See Li Qian, Hui–bu Gongdu [Official Letters Preserved by the Authorized Hui–bu Agent] (Shanghai: 1924).

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This movement had nothing to do with the Association itself, as it had not yet been established. The Hui launched a civil rights movement for a second time in 1946, when the National Assembly [Congress] was to be held, which resembled the civil rights movement between 1905 and 1924, aiming at a fixed quota of Hui representatives in the Congress; there were still only the quotas for Mongol and Tibetan representatives; as for the Uyghur people from Xinjiang, they also had their quotas although the title “Uyghur” was not mentioned. According to the Association’s bulletin, the Huijiao Report, during the winter of 1946, “Every day the Association received more than 100 letters and telegrams from its branches all over the country. They presented their demand for equality to the National Assembly [Congress] representatives and to public media outlets, requesting that the government not neglect their privileges as an ethnic minority.”(107) Under the pressure from the Hui people, the National Assembly passed a revised bill which changed one article of the 1946 Constitution concerning the Hui people: “[T]he election method of the members of the people living in interior areas having their own special habits and customs shall abide by the relative statute regarding the member quota of their seats.” Here, the “people living in interior areas having their own habits and customs” referred to the Hui; the government purposely avoided using the term “ethnic group” to refer to the Hui but produced a new definition for describing them. This circumlocutory definition caused the Hui to become more furious and they shouted, “We do not need Article 135 of the Constitution.”(108) A Hui representative, Fu Tongxian, drafted an amendment to increase the numbers of the Hui representatives, and submitted it to the Executive Yuan. However, the Prime Minister of the Executive Yuan, Sun Ke, retorted that once the Hui possessed special privileges, the country would risk the danger

(107) See “Huiwu baogao [Formal petitions],” Huijiao Report, 7, no. 2 (Dec. 1946): 14. (108) “Women buyao xianfa yibaisanshiwu tiao [We do not need Article 135 of the Constitution],” Islamic Monthly, combined nos. 8–9 (May 1947): 3. of following India in such a schism, leading to political separation. The Hui argued that they would not join the election with the identity of religious disciples; Sun’s expression demonstrated the sheer resistance against the Hui.(109) Seventeen Hui men and one Hui woman became representatives to the National Assembly in Nanjing in November 1947. Honestly, this number was not really low; however, considering their estimated population, this still seemed rather low.(110) Both the requests by the Hui for acknowledgement of their formal ethnic title and the proportional quotas to the Congress had ended with failure. The Hui were formally acknowledged as an independent ethnic group by the Communists and Nationalist authorities across the Taiwan Straits in 1954, although perhaps we may argue that as early as in 1942, the communists in fact acknowledged the Hui ethnic group in Yan’an with the publication of a pamphlet (Huihui minzu wenyi, or The Issues of the Huihui Ethnic Group). In Mainland China, a new Islamic Association and the National Commission for Ethnic Affairs were established when the Communists took power, in 1953; and the Chinese Islamic Association and the new Hui communities were also re–established in Taiwan through the endeavors of General Bai Chongxi and a group of his Hui compatriots. On March 18, 1954, five years after the Nationalist Government lost Mainland China and moved to Taiwan (still declaring it was the “sole authentic government of all China”), through its National Assembly passed a revised bill changing one article of the 1946 Constitution, now stating: “Those who embraced Islamic faith should be called Hui–min [Hui people].”(111) This revision of Article 135

(109) See the feature of “Huimin canzheng [Huimin’s participation in politics],” Huijiao Report, 7, combined nos. 6–7 (May 1948): 4; Da Wude, “Wo dui Sun Ke yuanzhang biaoshi de biaoshi [My expression to Minister Sun Ke’s expression,” Corban, 1, no. 2 (1947): 4. (110) The population of the Chinese Muslims (mainly referring to the Hui and the Uyghur) in the Republican era and particularly during the Resistance War had been overstated. Many published documents used the number of 50 million Muslims; however, the government had never raised any suspicion against such a number. (111) See Hajji Yusuf Chang, “Chinese Islam and the Hui minority: Past, Present and Future,” in The Collection of Articles for an International Symposium in Memory of Joseph Fletcher by Harvard University in 1989, 17–18.

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(of the 1946–version Constitution) resumed one of the oldest self–designations by the Hui themselves for many centuries. Anyhow, it was a late recognition of the Hui as a different people from the Han majority, but still implying that their difference exists in religion, rather than in ancestral linage. To give a brief summary of the historical limitation that the Association could not surpass: The Association could not solve all of the issues of the Hui. Regarding the Hui–Han confrontations, the Association had used various methods to protect Hui interests to the utmost degree possible, but the “root” had not been pulled up and the real offenders were not removed from their official positions, despite calls for their just punishment. For instance, after the Sanpo Massacre, the main offenders who carried out the massacre still held their official positions after the war. As for the Shisi Village Massacre, the Association dared not mention it at all. Regarding the acknowledgement of the Hui ethnicity and the request that the government give them political rights as an independent ethnicity, these stipulations would damage the basic assimilation policy of the Nationalist Party and its government, which had been the basic national policy up to that time; so this became a dilemma that the Association was not able to resolve. These limitations accounted for the failure of Hui political struggles, particularly regarding the quota issue of Hui representatives in the Congress during 1946 and 1947. VIII. Conclusion This article explored the contributions of the Chinese Huijiao National Salvation Association toward the Hui minority from its foundation in 1937 to the year 1948. As one of the largest Hui–populated provinces, Henan in Central China was chosen as a primary example for the exploration. The literature sources chiefly relied on the national Huijiao Association’s bulletins published in Chongqing during the Resistance War against the Japanese and in Nanjing during the Civil War; other contemporary historical literature or present–day memoirs concerning the topic were collected as additional supporting literature. The Association was first established in 1937 as a common civil society in Zhengzhou, Henan Province, by some Hui elites with the purpose to unite the Hui people against the Japanese invasion. When it was moved to Hankou in the spring of 1938, it became a semi–governmental association with General Bai Chongxi acting as the director. Most of its branches and subordinate organizations across the country were established after the Association’s first national conference in the autumn of 1939 in Chongqing. Henan Province, however, established its Provincial Branch earlier than that time, in 1938. The Association achieved immense advances for the sake of the Hui communities in modern China. Several significant causes accounted for the great successes achieved by these Association. First, during the entire period of the war and for years after, the Association actually became an independent unit of the government: a semi–governmental and semi–military organization in one. Thus, it grew powerful and influential. In terms of the functioning mechanism of the Association, its structure became hierarchical and self–autonomous. The headquarters in Chongqing and Nanjing during and after the war had sole jurisdiction over its provincial, prefecture, and district branches; the fundamental units were the Hui communities that had been established long ago. Other subordinate organizations of the Association also formed hierarchical institutions as additional supports to the Association.

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Second, due to its authority of being an independent organization of semi– governmental and semi–military nature, it could send its “official letters” to relevant governmental and military departments at various levels and receive due process from the contemporary Chinese bureaucratic system; this influence was convenient for solving many issues concerning the Hui. It also could dispatch its officials or representatives to investigate any troubling cases that occurred or to parley with relevant governmental departments for solving particular issues, which were related to the Hui people. Third, the traditional Chinese bureaucratic culture must be taken into account. The function of the Association became so powerful and influential because President Chiang Kai–shek entrusted the national Hui affairs to General Bai Chongxi. The high level of administrative, or maybe more importantly, military, positions that General Bai Chongxi and some of the Hui warlords held (men who simultaneously acted as the director and vice– directors or provincial branch directors of the Association) contributed to their influence in governmental affairs, so that the Association functioned well in many ways. Fourth, its success was also due to the special status of the Hui in China, as was the largest ethnic minority population scattered among the Han majority and which maintained an Islamic way of life. At all time, in order to defend their dignity and take care of their interests, the Hui always made sure that Islam would continue to play a prominent role in their lives. The Hui group consciousness and traditional way of life helped the Hui people easily assemble and unite in a common cause. The Association’s contributions toward the Hui minority during the Resistance War and the subsequent turmoil can be summarized by four contributions. The primary contribution was the protection of Hui refugees and combating poverty among the Hui people, which included giving direct donations, ensuring financial benefits for Hui soldiers’ family members, providing job positions to Hui refugees, and funding loans for small–scale businesses and enterprises to support the Hui people’s traditional professions. A second contribution concerned the support of Hui education at various levels, including primary schools, middle schools, and higher education. Primary schools had been established within every Hui community with the official title the “Pure–and–True.” Middle schools did not have so many students during the periods of war; the remaining Hui students were mainly financially assisted by the Association. There was no university particularly for the Hui during the Republican era, but the Association tried various means to guarantee the passages of young Hui men destined for higher education both at home and abroad. A third contribution was the protection of the Hui faith and their tradition. Various means had been devised to protect mosque–related affairs, to help the assimilated Hui communities to revive their traditions and acknowledge their ethnic identities, and to assist Hui military students and Hui soldiers. In addition, there were another two aspects concerning the interests of the Hui for which the Association made great efforts: they were the petition by the Association to the government to outlaw all offensive expressions against the Hui, and the voiced support for the Hui people when tragedies or insults occurred beyond jurisdiction of the Association. A fourth contribution was the settling of confrontations between the Hui and the Han, which resulted in solving many cases on behalf of the Hui. These aspects covered wide–ranging affairs when the Hui became victims, as individuals and groups, which were miscellaneous and messy situations indeed. The factors leading to the confrontations included the accumulated hostility between the Hui and the Han, the success of the Japanese separation policy to strengthen factionalism in China, and the policy of Han hegemony applied by some of the governmental and military officials. When skirmishes evolved into massacres, the Association made great efforts to ameliorate them, such as the Sangpo Massacre in Henan in April, 1943.

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Although the Association functioned quite successfully, limitations existed that the Association could not overcome. Such instances could be seen in the Sanpo Massacre and the Shisi Massacre. The Association solved some of the immediate and superficial issues of the Sangpo Massacre, but it had not pulled up the “root;” the real offenders were not removed from their official positions until after the Resistance War. With regards to the Shisi Massacre, the Association even dared not mention it at all because the Japanese influence was a sensitive topic. Regarding the endeavor to create quotas of Hui representatives to the National Assembly in 1946, the initiative turned out to be a complete failure. There were deeper reasons for the limitations restraining the Association: the government generally applied an ethnic assimilation policy toward all ethnic minorities during the Republican era, and the Hui were not acknowledged as an independent ethnic group; this issue played the role of the “stem” from which grew many problematic “branches.” The Association was an unusual organization that came into being during important historical times. It was a product of the continued Hui revivalism since the late Qing Dynasty. The success of the Association relied on the motivation of the Hui masses, who had been greatly oppressed and who had struggled to become an independent ethnic group in the Republic; to do so, great efforts were required to win the final battle over the domestic Han cultural hegemony and also the foreign invaders. If the Communist’s first acknowledgement of the Hui ethnic identity in 1942 in their war–capital Yan’an in the Looses Plateau meant a challenge against the Nationalist’s ethnic policy, its formal acknowledgement in 1954 in Beijing possessed a real and historical significance, which possessed no lesser degree of significance than the formal registration of the “Hui Hui households” in the late Mongol Yuan dynasty to formalize the Hui people’s legal status in China more than 600 years ago. The revision of Article 135 (of the 1946–version Constitution) by the Nationalist Party in 1954 in Taipei meant the end of its assimilation policy toward the Hui, although it did not achieve the large–scale reformation of the Communist administrative system concerning minority affairs. All of these accomplishments represent parts of the legacy of the Huijiao National Salvation Association during the times of war in Modern China. The Hui people’s success in receiving the official acknowledgement of its ethnic identity and the establishment of the new, national institutions for managing ethnic minority affairs were also thanks to the efforts that the Huijiao Association had made during the second half of the Republic of China’s existence.

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Bibliography

Prime Resources

Zhongguo Huimin kang Ri jiuguo xiehui tonggao (中國中國回民抗日救 國協會通告;The Weekly Bulletin of the Chinese Huimin National Salvation Association) [abbreviated as Huimin Bulletin], no. 1 to no. 37 (Zhengzhou, Hankou, and Chongqing, Oct. 1938––Sept. 1939).

Zhongguo Huijiao jiuguo xiehui huikan (中國回教救國協會會刊; The Bulletin of the Chinese Huijiao National Salvation Association) [abbreviated as Huijiao Bulletin], volume 1, number 1 to volume 2, number 12 (Chongqing: Oct. 1939––Oct. 1, 1940).

Zhongguo Huijiao jiuguo xiehui huikan (中國回教救國協會會報;The Report of Chinese Huijiao Association) [abbreviated as Huijiao Report], vol. 3, no. 1 to vol. 8, no. (November 1940––October 1948).

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About the Author

Dr. Lei Wan (WAN Lei) joined the KFCRIS as a Senior Research Fellow in January 2017. His areas of expertise are historical and anthropological studies concerning Hui Muslim minority and Islam in China and the historical Sino–Arab relations. He is also currently working on the project of Chinese–English translation and annotation of historical Sino– Arab communications. Prior to joining the KFCRIS, he was a Lecturer, Associate Professor, and Professor in higher education institutions in Malaysia, Turkey, and China. He published his monograph, Identity and Struggles, the Hui in Modern China, at Istanbul in 2012 and the articles, “Hui Muslim-Led Antitaxation Movements in Central China’s Henan Province during the Late Qing Dynasty,” International Journal of the Asian Philosophical Association (Istanbul; Issue 2, 2017); “Yao Tuo: A First–Generation Malaysian– Chinese Writer,” Malaysian Journal of Chinese Studies (vol. 1, 2012), and “The Chinese Islamic Good–Will Mission to the Middle East during the Anti–Japanese War,” Disiplinlerarası Çalışmalar Dergisi [Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies] (Istanbul; vol. 15, Issue 29, 2010). He also published around 30 articles in Chinese journals. His recent Works in Qira‘at by KFCRIS include: “Two Scholars and the Hui Protest Movement in China in 1932: The Attitudes of Hu Shih and Lu Xun toward the Hui Minority and Islam” (no. 11, 2017); “The Earliest Muslim Communities in China” (no. 7, 2017). “The First Chinese Travel Record on the Arab world” (no. 3, 2017); and “The Etymology and Evolution of the Term Huizu: A Discussion on the Formal Title of a Chinese Muslim People” (no. 3, 2016).

King Faisal Center for Research and Islamic Studies (KFCRIS)

The KFCRIS is an independent non-governmental institution based in Riyadh, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The Center was founded in 1403/1983 by the King Faisal Foundation (KFF) to preserve the legacy of the late King Faisal and to continue his mission of transmitting knowledge between the Kingdom and the world. The Center serves as a platform for research and Islamic Studies, bringing together researchers and research institutions from the Kingdom and across the world through conferences, workshops, and lectures, and through the production and publication of scholarly works, as well as the preservation of Islamic manuscripts. The Center’s Research Department is home to a group of established and promising researchers who endeavor to produce in-depth analyses in various fields, ranging from Contemporary Political Thought, Political Economy, and Arabic Language to Saudi Studies, Maghreb Studies, and Asian Studies. The Center also hosts the Library which preserves invaluable Islamic manuscripts, the Al-Faisal Museum for Arab Islamic Art, the Al-Faisal Institute for Human Resources Development, the Darat Al-Faisal, and the Al-Faisal Cultural Press, which issues the Al-Faisal magazine and other key intellectual periodicals. For more information, please visit the Center’s website: www.kfcris.com/en

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