A New Accord for Israel and the Palestinians?
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Meeting with MK Yossi Beilin
Meeting with MK Yossi Beilin On the evening of Thursday, March 22, 2007, Meretz Chairman Yossi Beilin addressed the Meretz USA board. He discussed current events surrounding the Winograd Commission, the formation of the Palestinian Unity government, and what the US should be doing, among other issues. Below is our staff summary of his remarks, supplemented by my observations– Ed. Winograd Commission & Government Corruption Dr. Beilin spoke first about an event that occurred on Thursday. Following a petition from Meretz MK Zahava Galon, the Israeli Supreme Court decided to publish the minutes of the Winograd testimonies. On Thursday, Shimon Peres’ testimony was made public. In it, Peres said he had been against the Lebanon war from the beginning , a fact that is also reflected in the Government Cabinet meeting minutes. Today, a rally of students asked him why, if he was against the war, did he vote for it? Peres answered that, as the Deputy Prime Minister, he did not feel that he could vote against the Prime Minister. In response, Dr. Beilin released a statement saying that those individuals who saw the danger of the war, but voted for it anyway, misled the country. Dr. Beilin also predicted upcoming changes in the Israeli government, although he said he did not believe there would be new elections. He indicated that most parties currently in the Knesset would not benefit by risking an election now. If Prime Minister Olmert is forced to step down by the corruption inquiry against him or by the Winograd Commission findings on the conduct of the recent war with Hezbollah, either Peres or Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni might replace him. -
United Nations International Meeting in Support of Israeli-Palestinian Peace
UNITED NATIONS INTERNATIONAL MEETING IN SUPPORT OF ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN PEACE The two-State solution: a key prerequisite for achieving peace and stability in the Middle East Moscow, 1 and 2 July 2015 CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY PLENARY II International efforts to achieve the two-State solution Paper presented by Ms. Alla Shainskaya Member, Executive Committee and Presidium of the Congress of Meretz Party Tel Aviv CPR/IM/2015/12 2 Honorable Chairperson, Excellences – Ambassadors, Distinguished Delegates, Firstly, let me express my warm sentiments of gratitude for being invited to this UN forum, and for the opportunity to speak to you from this challenging podium. It is a great honor to me. Let me introduce myself. I am a scientist, an immigrant from the Former Soviet Union, from South – East of Ukraine. I am not a politician, but from my first steps in Israel, I was and still is a dedicated member of Israeli left camp. In a year 2003 I was a part of Israeli delegation in Geneva where the Geneva Accord was presented and symbolically signed by two sites. This agreement was and is the most detailed and practically most welcome by both sides, as we heard yesterday in excellent talk by Mr. Nidal Foqaha. It is hard to describe by words the atmosphere and the excitement of people during this only ONE day of the virtual peace! At this day we did not know yet, that Geneva Accord, like many others that followed and preceded it, like Clinton Parameters and Annapolis Agreement, The Road Map etc. will become a memory. -
Likud and the Oslo Process: Implications of a Hebron Accord
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 114 Likud and the Oslo Process: Implications of a Hebron Accord Jan 3, 1997 Brief Analysis f negotiators overcome eleventh-hour Palestinian demands and conclude an agreement on Hebron I redeployment, this accord would mark a milestone in the Middle East peace process: the first signed agreement between a Likud government and the Palestinians. With significant U.S. encouragement, the two sides will have managed to overcome the intense acrimony and bitterness that only three months ago claimed scores of lives and took the peace process to the precipice of collapse. The nearly hundred days of haggling since the Washington Summit -- sparked by the Netanyahu government's demand for improved security arrangements for the some 400 Israeli residents of Hebron and then fueled by Arafat's desire to take advantage of global sympathy to win concessions on non-Hebron issues -- may come to be seen by future historians as a critical turning point in the peace process, i.e., the moment when the Likud abandoned elements of its core ideology for the sake of accommodation with the Palestinians. The Hebron Conundrum: Israel's redeployment in Hebron completes the implementation of IDF withdrawals from the seven major Palestinian population centers, as called for in the September 1995 PLO-Israel accord (Oslo II). For the agreement's original Israeli negotiators, Hebron was such a thorny issue that its provisions outlining IDF redeployment from the city were separate and significantly more complex than those delineating withdrawal from other cities and towns in Gaza and the West Bank. Indeed, pulling IDF troops out of four-fifths of Hebron was seen as so potentially explosive and politically costly, that the Labor government of Shimon Peres balked at fulfilling that provision of the Oslo II accord. -
De Tijd Dringt Kairos Palestina: Een Uitdaging Tot Vrede
De tijd dringt Kairos Palestina: een uitdaging tot vrede NO WAR NO WALL Want hij is onze vrede, hij die de twee tot één heeft gemaakt en de muur van vijandschap heeft afgebroken (naar Efeziërs 2:14) Student: Carla J.M. Borgers e-mail: [email protected] 13 februari 2019 Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam Faculteit der Godgeleerdheid Theology and Religious Studies Masterspecialisatie ‘Peace, Trauma, and Religion’ Begeleiders: Dr. Katja Tolstaja Prof. Dr. Fernando H.H. Enns VERKLARING 1 Hierbij verklaar ik dat deze scriptie een origineel werk is. De scriptie is het resultaat van mijn eigen onderzoek en is alleen door mijzelf geschreven, tenzij anders aangegeven. Als informatie en ideeën uit andere bronnen zijn overgenomen, wordt dat expliciet en volledig vermeld in de tekst of in de noten. Een bibliografie is bijgevoegd. Delden, 13 februari 2019 VERKLARING 2 Hierbij stem ik ermee in dat mijn scriptie na goedkeuring beschikbaar wordt gesteld voor vermenigvuldiging en interbibliothecair leenverkeer, en dat de titel en samenvatting beschikbaar worden gesteld voor externe organisaties en door de Vrije Universiteit mogen worden gepubliceerd. Delden, 13 februari 2019 2 Inhoudsopgave Motivatie ............................................................................................................................................6 1. Inleiding ......................................................................................................................................7 1.1. Relevantie van het onderzoek ..............................................................................................7 -
The Labor Party and the Peace Camp
The Labor Party and the Peace Camp By Uzi Baram In contemporary Israeli public discourse, the preoccupation with ideology has died down markedly, to the point that even releasing a political platform as part of elections campaigns has become superfluous. Politicians from across the political spectrum are focused on distinguishing themselves from other contenders by labeling themselves and their rivals as right, left and center, while floating around in the air are slogans such as “political left,” social left,” “soft right,” “new right,” and “mainstream right.” Yet what do “left” and “right” mean in Israel, and to what extent do these slogans as well as the political division in today’s Israel correlate with the political traditions of the various parties? Is the Labor Party the obvious and natural heir of The Workers Party of the Land of Israel (Mapai)? Did the historical Mapai under the stewardship of Ben Gurion view itself as a left-wing party? Did Menachem Begin’s Herut Party see itself as a right-wing party? The Zionist Left and the Soviet Union As far-fetched as it may seem in the eyes of today’s onlooker, during the first years after the establishment of the state, the position vis-à-vis the Soviet Union was the litmus test of the left camp, which was then called “the workers’ camp.” This camp viewed the centrist liberal “General Zionists” party, which was identified with European liberal and middle-class beliefs in private property and capitalism, as its chief ideological rival (and with which the heads of major cities such as Tel Aviv and Ramat Gan were affiliated). -
Annapolis, November 2007: Hopes and Doubts Contents
The Middle East Institute Policy Brief No. 2 November 2007 Annapolis, November 2007: Hopes and Doubts Contents Introduction 1 By Paul Scham The Immediate Parties: Israel and the Palestinians 2 The Arab States 8 The Rejectionists: Hamas and Iran 11 Executive Summary The United States 12 Preparations for the Annapolis meeting on the Middle East, scheduled for November 26 but still subject to change, are taking place in an atmosphere Success: Impossible or Merely containing hints of unprecedented compromise combined with deep skepti- Elusive? 13 cism on the part of the respective populations and of most analysts. The meeting will be immediately followed by months of negotiations where, it is envisioned, the difficult and perennial issues of borders, settlements, Jerusa- lem, the Right of Return, and security will be dealt with. Even if the leaders can reach a compromise, there are significant concerns as to whether their agreement will be accepted by their own societies. For 60 years, the Middle East Institute has been dedicated to increasing Americans’ knowledge and understanding of the region. MEI offers program activities, media outreach, language courses, scholars and an academic journal to help achieve its goals. The mission of the Middle East Institute is to promote knowledge of the About the Author Middle East in America and strengthen understanding of the United States by the people and governments of the region. For more than 60 years, MEI has dealt with the momentous events in the Middle East — from the birth of the state of Israel to the invasion of Iraq. Today, MEI is a foremost author- ity on contemporary Middle East issues. -
The Geneva Accord Summary
ACCORD SUMMARY Accord principles: • End of conflict. End of all claims. • Mutual recognition of Israeli and Palestinian right to two separate states. • A final, agreed upon border. • A comprehensive solution to the refugee problem. • Large settlement blocks and most of the settlers are annexed to Israel, as part of a 1:1 land swap. • Recognition of the Jewish neighborhoods in Jerusalem as the Israeli capital and recognition of the Arab neighborhoods of Jerusalem as the Palestinian capital. • A demilitarized Palestinian state. • A comprehensive and complete Palestinian commitment to fighting terrorism and incitement. • An international verification group to oversee implementation. Description The Geneva Initiative is a model permanent status agreement between the State of Israel and the State of Palestine. The accord presents a comprehensive and unequivocal solution to all issues vital to ensuring the end of the conflict. Adopting the agreement and implementing it would bring about a solution to the historical conflict, a new chapter in Israeli-Palestinian relations, and, most importantly, the realization of the national visions of both parties. 1. Mutual recognition: As part of the accord, the Palestinians recognize the right of the Jewish people to their own state and recognize the State of Israel as their national home. Conversely, the Israelis recognize the Palestinian state as the national home of the Palestinian people. 2. Borders and settlements: • The border marked on a detailed map is final and indisputable. • According to the accord and maps, the extended borders of the State of Israel will include Jewish settlements currently beyond the Green Line, Jewish neighborhoods in East Jerusalem, and territories with significance for security surrounding Ben Gurion International Airport. -
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE: September 1, 2008
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE: September 1, 2008 Nongovernmental peace effort after the Annapolis Conference GENEVA INITIATIVE TACKLES DIFFICULT ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN WATER ISSUE As Israeli and Palestinian governments struggle with the “track I” peace negotiations, nongovernmental (NGO) representatives have made great strides in a “track II” dialog on a central conflict between their people: how water resources fairly should be divided with cooperation to face drought and other environmental problems. “I’ve participated in other meetings on these problems for 18 years and I’ve never felt we’ve been this close to a working agreement,” eminent Israeli engineer Hillel Shuvall proclaimed. Fadia Daibes-Murad, a Palestinian engineer and advisor to the Palestinian Water Authority agreed, “We are so much closer together than any time before.” Palestinian and Israeli engineers, as well as representatives with close ties to the Israeli government and Palestinian National Authority, met for three days of intense discussions on the difficult water issues between August 18 and 21, 2008. The water dialog was arranged by the Geneva Initiative (“GI”)– a Palestinian and Israeli NGO– and by a Quaker group – Annapolis Friends Peace and Justice Center– after informal discussions outside the Bush Administration’s November 2007 Annapolis Conference. Retired U.S. Ambassador John McDonald, who mediated the dialog, commented “When you get good engineers together to work on problems, they speak the same language no matter what countries they come from.” GI water experts will finalize the draft within the coming three months. The draft water agreement will then be offered to official government negotiators as a possible framework for water cooperation in the "final status agreement" that would bring peace to Israelis and Palestinians. -
18, No. 01 January-March 2002 Israel
The Marxist Volume: 18, No. 01 January-March 2002 Israel-Palestine Conflict: Sharonism Rampant Vijay Prashad 1. The Zeevi Invasion US President George W. Bush changed the rules of international engagement on the evening of 11 September 2001. In response to the horrible attacks on New York City and Washington DC, Bush rejected the slow wisdom of justice for the impatient brutality of revenge. “Either you are with us,” Bush said to the world community, “or you are against us.” Those who do not assist the United States government in its quest to uproot the forces of terror will themselves be seen as terrorists. On 5 October 2001, Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon sent tanks and troops of the Israeli Defense Force (IDF) into Hebron in the West Bank. The incursion into Palestinian Authority (PA) controlled land of what was once the Occupied Territories came as a result of an escalation of provocations from the Israeli government against the Palestinians. Sharon offered the same logic as Bush – either the PA is with the Israeli government in its attempt to repress all forms of militancy (now labeled terrorism) or else the PA is a legitimate target. If the Taliban can be overthrown to get Osama bin Laden and al-Qa’ida, then so can the PA. Even as PA chairman Yasser Arafat backed the US war against Afghanistan that began two days later, and even as radical Palestinians accepted this posture in the name of Palestinian unity, the IDF continued its onslaught. One provocation followed another.[i] The most important event that led to the current crisis was the IDF assassination of Abu Ali Mustafa, the head of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (the Marxist-Leninist formation from 1968 and, until February 2002, a key part of the Palestinian Liberation Organization, PLO). -
The Palestinians: Background and U.S
The Palestinians: Background and U.S. Relations Jim Zanotti Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs August 17, 2012 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL34074 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress The Palestinians: Background and U.S. Relations Summary This report covers current issues in U.S.-Palestinian relations. It also contains an overview of Palestinian society and politics and descriptions of key Palestinian individuals and groups— chiefly the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the Palestinian Authority (PA), Fatah, Hamas, and the Palestinian refugee population. The “Palestinian question” is important not only to Palestinians, Israelis, and their Arab state neighbors, but to many countries and non-state actors in the region and around the world— including the United States—for a variety of religious, cultural, and political reasons. U.S. policy toward the Palestinians is marked by efforts to establish a Palestinian state through a negotiated two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict; to counter Palestinian terrorist groups; and to establish norms of democracy, accountability, and good governance within the Palestinian Authority (PA). Congress has appropriated assistance to support Palestinian governance and development amid concern for preventing the funds from benefitting Palestinian rejectionists who advocate violence against Israelis. Among the issues in U.S. policy toward the Palestinians is how to deal with the political leadership of Palestinian society, which is divided between the Fatah-led PA in parts of the West Bank and Hamas (a U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization) in the Gaza Strip. Following Hamas’s takeover of Gaza in June 2007, the United States and the other members of the international Quartet (the European Union, the United Nations, and Russia) have sought to bolster the West Bank-based PA, led by President Mahmoud Abbas and Prime Minister Salam Fayyad. -
News Article on My Debate with Likud Supporter
News article on my debate with Likud supporter I’m in the middle, sharing a light moment at the debate. Photo is by NJJN reporter Johanna Ginsberg. A lot more could have been said, both by the New Jersey Jewish News reporter and myself, but we faced limitations of space (in her case) and of time (in mine). This is the part of her article devoted to my debate with a Likud supporter (I comment further, below this): Senior Edyt Dickstein moderated the April 16 debate between attorney Mark Levenson, chair of the New Jersey-Israel Commission and a pro-Israel activist aligned with Likud, and Ralph Seliger, a writer who blogs for Partners for Progressive Israel (formerly Meretz USA). Seliger and Levenson disagreed considerably, not only in their positions but in their interpretations of the facts. On the question of settlements, Seliger said that 1995 negotiations between Israel’s Yossi Beilin and Palestinian negotiator Mahmoud Abbas yielded an agreement that would have allowed the 75 to 80 percent of the settler population in three major settlement blocs to remain where they lived. That agreement, he said, was derailed by the assassination that year of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. “At the end, because of his assassination and the fact that Shimon Peres, his successor, was not as adept a politician, the agreement collapsed and the so-called peace process slowed to a crawl,” said Seliger. “The settlements were not the problem. The problem is settlement expansion. Now Palestinians do not know where it will stop.” By contrast, Levenson said, “This so-called agreement Yossi Beilin reached with Abbas was not in a government framework.” No one from the Palestinian side, Levenson added, “is saying, ‘We agree, we will give up these three blocs.’ That is part of the problem the Israeli government faces.” Levenson also defended Peres. -
Zoom-In-Palestinian-Refugees-Of-1948-Remembrances-English-Hebrew.Pdf
ZOOM IN Palestinian Refugees of 1948, Remembrances פליטי 1948 בזיכרון INSTITUTE FOR HISTORICAL JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION SERIES Published under the editorial responsibility of The Institute for Historical Justice and Reconciliation Volume 2 ZOOM IN Palestinian Refugees of 1948, Remembrances פליטי 1948 בזיכרון Sami Adwan, Efrat Ben-Ze’ev, Menachem Klein, Ihab Saloul, Tamir Sorek, Mahmoud Yazbak Dordrecht 2011 Book design: Studio Tint © 2011 Institute for Historical Justice and Cover Design/Illustration: studio Thorsten Reconciliation and Republic of Letters Publishing Translations: Varda Azoulay, Avner Greenberg, BV, Dordrecht, The Netherlands/St.Louis, MO. Denise Levin, Ira Moscowitz, Shoshana London Sappir All rights reserved. Copy-editing: Zehavit Ehre, Hilmara Requena, All rights reserved. No part of this publication Thomas Smith may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form This book is printed on acid-free paper. or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication prior written permission from the publisher. Data Republic of Letters Publishing has made all reasonable efforts to trace all rights holders ISSN: 2211-3061 to any copyrighted material used in this hardbound ISBN: 9789089790705 work. In cases where these efforts have not paperback ISBN: 9789089790712 been successful the publisher welcomes This volume is the English and Hebrew edition; communications from copyright holders, so that a second version is published in English and the appropriate acknowledgements can be made Arabic. in future editions, and to settle other permission matters. Authorization to photocopy items for Disclaimers personal use is granted by Republic of Letters The articles in this volume are the responsibility Publishing BV provided that the appropriate fees of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance views of the Institute for Historical Justice and Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Reconciliation.