The Challenges We Face
An archeology of digital culture, examining how participatory culture, microcelebrity and viral marketing have facilitated rising commercialisation and genres on YouTube through the exploitation of the user.
Author: Joel S. Ridley Student ID: 12282332 Study Programme: New Media and Digital Culture (MA) Thesis Supervisor: d hr. dr. M.D. Marc Tuters Word Count: 22,690
Introduction 2
Critical Framework 6 Conceptualising The Meme 6 Memetic Mythology, Folklore & Prestige 7 Stickiness & Spreadability 9 Infectious Viral Marketing 11 Microcelebrity Microculture 12 Big-seed Marketing 14 Staged Personae & Public Perception 14 Establishing the Risk of Exploitation 16
Methodology 18 Selecting a Study 18 Practical Considerations: What is a viral video challenge? 20 Categorisation of Challenges 23
Findings: 26 The Challenges we Face 26 Accounting for Anomalies 49
Analysis of Results 54 The Key to Age-Locked Videos 54 Major Risk to Minors 55 Active Actors 56 Related Actor Networks 58 Visualizing Views 61 Measuring Public Perception: Likes and Dislikes 65 Community Comments 68 The Lengths we go to: Discussing Duration 70 Interconnected Caption Content 72 Tantalizing Titles 72
Conclusion 75
Bibliography 78
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Introduction
The aim of this thesis is to delineate the recent emergence of the viral video challenge genre on social media platforms. By conducting an online archaeology of recent Internet history I hope to break the academic silence surrounding the viral video challenge by contributing to the discourse through analysis of cultural artefacts on social media, and the quantitative datametrics that they provide. This is an important contribution as until now the cultural discourse surrounding the viral video challenge has been largely shaped by a combination of fear mongering news sources and social media posts; allowing the genre to amass billions of views. The more popular the viral video challenge format becomes, the more risk it accumulates. Thereby increasing the potential for both physical harm (through emulation of dangerous challenges), and loss of agency (through the dubious exploitation of cultural trends for personal socio-economic gain). By evaluating the recent patterns of digital trends, such as the viral video challenge genre, this paper hopes to shed light on the current state of a airs surrounding participatory culture on social media. Especially as this particular genre shows no sign of slowing down (See fi gure 1) .
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Through the analysis of past events I aim to provide the tools and the terminology to assist social commentators in their preparation of future participation-based trends. Indeed, social media platforms provide a bountiful resource for academic research. However, Dr. Limor Shifman, author of books such as Memes in Digital Culture (2 013) has stated that out of all the social media platforms, “YouTube stands out as a unique platform both for the propagation of memes and for their research” (Shifman, Limor. 2012, p.3). Indeed, the cultural impact of YouTube is con rmed by Hartley’s assertion that YouTube contributes to the turning of a 'read- based' civilization into a 'read and write' society (Hartley, John. 2004).
By delineating key historical moments of the viral video challenge genre, I hope to outline how this particular phenomenon devolved from its initial success as a platform for motoneurone charities, to what it is today. Namely, a dangerous melting pot of participatory culture, clickbait and exploitation fuelled by the promise of fame; paradoxically condoned by the “rising commercialisation” of YouTube, but condemned by the same platform’s “community guidelines” (Rogers, Richard. (Worksheet Version). 17 Dec. 2018, p.6). I hope that by discussing the potential challenges of participatory culture, this paper will assist social commentators to better understand contemporary digital culture through a relevant example of recent Internet phenomena. This is an attempt to facilitate a necessary solution to the contemporary problem of Dangerous viral video challenges, which have been known to cause death and injury to participants. The rising popularity of viral video challenges may be attributed to several key factors. Primarily, the increased number of social media users (particularly on platforms such as Facebook, Twitter and YouTube) , and ever increasing ubiquity of camera phones and their associated ease of publishing content on social media. Indeed, one must agree with Mel Stan l when she writes that “participation through creativity,” is “a hallmark of what new media renders technologically possible” (Stan ll, Mel. 7 Aug. 2015, p.1067). Therefore participation in viral video challenges could be interpreted as a cultural reaction to the evolved a ordances of contemporary technology. Furthermore, there seems to be a rising desire within the global teen audience to achieve some level of micro celebrity within their respective platforms. This desire may be linked to the rising reliance of social media datametrics as an indicator of popularity in a culture with increasing social implications of a participation-based culture. Indeed, these advances in new media allow content creators to have increased access to technology. This rising reliance on technology can be seen through the use of smartphones that have the capacity to live stream directly to social media, or editing software that makes it cheap and easy to produce novel content. As these technological a ordances are increased, so too are the community expectations. Therefore prioritising the importance of original and creative content in the circulation of viral video challenges. One might suggest that the quest for innovative content is another contributing factor to the increased risk of participatory challenges. In digital culture, it seems that users are increasingly willing to put themselves at risk for the sake of distinctive content. Perhaps due to the nancial incentive of Y ouTube’ s monetization characteristics.
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Therefore, in order to formulate a dynamic historical account of how attitudes surrounding YouTube genres have evolved (or devolved) over the past half-decade, this paper shall research and discuss the origins, growth, theories, personalities and crises of the recent viral video challenge phenomena. In order to delineate the emerging genre, I will rely upon several existing critical frameworks. These include the academic study of viral Internet ‘memes’, the participatory culture of YouTube (and its context within the sphere of social media platforms), and viral marketing. This is in order to contextualize the nuances of the phenomena so as to isolate and demarcate the factors that contribute most signi cantly to the spread of the viral video challenge within digital culture. In order to do this, rst one must discuss the importance of memes and participation on social media; particularly for content creators and their fans. Therefore, this paper will discuss datametrics that are relevant to YouTube’s apparent incentivisation of risk. Additionally, by utilizing viral marketing theory this study will be equipped with the theoretical framework and academic discussion surrounding the exploitation of viral trends. In doing so, this paper hopes to shed light on several recurring trends that contribute to the success of viral videos within our current digital epoch.
The starting observation for this topic of study was the seemingly vast disparity between viral video challenges from 2014 and the present day. Originally these challenges started as a way to raise awareness for rare diseases, as demonstrated by the popularity of the “ALS Ice Bucket Challenge” (which climaxed in popularity during the summer of 2014). However, these challenges have now seemingly devolved to viral recordings of dangerous stunts primarily aimed at teens and young adults, such as the recent “B ird Box challenge” that started in December 2018. This challenge encourages individuals to recreate the experiences of characters in a recent Net ix original lm: ‘Bird Box’. The horror lm centers follows a mother (played by Sandra Bullock), and her children who are forced to wear blindfolds to avoid a mysterious force that kills anyone looking at it. This became a viral video challenge as clips emerged of users on YouTube and Twitter, attempting di erent “challenges” while blindfolded to emulate Bullock’s character. These challenges included contributions from high-pro le but problematic YouTube micro celebrities, such as Logan Paul, lming themselves walking through tra c and driving blindfolded. This unsurprisingly resulted in multiple injuries, including a Utah teenager crashing her car into oncoming tra c attempting to replicate the stunt (Horton, Adrian. The Guardian. 11 Jan. 2019) .
Rising cynicism of the genre, generated from widespread coverage of viral video challenges on social media has forced YouTube to crack down on potentially dangerous content. Citing similar recent viral video trends such as the Tide Pod challenge (eating laundry detergent) and The Fire Challenge (setting yourself on re), a spokesperson for YouTube stated that challenges “that can cause death and/or have caused death in some instances have no place on YouTube” (Hern, Alex. The Guardian. 16 Jan. 2019) . However, the fact that YouTube is only just changing their community guidelines in order to better protect their younger users, proves that a serious discussion concerning the future of the genre is necessary. In only a short time these challenges have devolved from a source of charity awareness that
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fosters a sense of collective community, to a health risk for younger users; forcing YouTube to alter their rules in the span of half a decade.
Therefore, in order to contextualise YouTube’ s recent policy framework adjustments, I will create a methodology that will focus on the quantitative statistical analysis of the di usion characteristics of case studies within the v iral video challenge g enre.
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Critical Framework Conceptualising The Meme In order to contextualise the cultural importance of spreadable humour that has allowed the spread of the viral video challenge on social media, one must rst introduce the concept of the ‘viral meme’. This is relevant to this study as the viral video challenge genre has frequently been reported as a meme, with the Ice Bucket Challenge being speci cally described as “the perfect meme” (Abraham, Chris. Biznology, 26 Aug. 2014). There are several de nitions of the meme across a range of academic elds. Richard Dawkins is credited with coining the original usage of the phrase in his 1976 book The Selfish Gene in an attempt to formulate a term to describe replicating genes. Dawkins de ned meme as “a noun that conveys the idea of a unit of cultural transmission, or a unit of i mitation” (Dawkins, Richard. 1976, p.192). As Dawkins stated, “Cultural transmission is analogous to genetic transmission” (Ibid, p.189). Dawkins goes on to propose: “when a fertile meme is planted in the mind, you literally parasitize my brain, turning it into a vehicle for the meme's propagation in just the way that a virus may parasitize the genetic mechanism of a host cell” (Ibid). This is particularly relevant when considering the viral video challenge as a cultural meme. Indeed, this genre may be described as parasitic because it relies on a host (or in the case of YouTube, a publisher or content creator) in order to propagate through “cultural transmission” (Y ouTube’s related network). The short, and digestible nature of many challenges means that they are easily consumed and transmitted through social media.
With this in mind it is clear how the notion of the meme has been repurposed across numerous academic and cultural practices from its scienti c origins. Dawkins goes on to predict the phenomena of viral memes, or the transmission of cultural information from host to host:
“Just as genes propagate themselves in the gene pool by leaping from body to body via sperms or eggs, so memes propagate themselves in the meme pool by leaping from brain to brain via a process which, in the broad sense, can be called imitation.” (Dawkins, 1976. p.192).
It is the concept of imitation, particularly through audience participation that this thesis is interested in. By creating content that resonates with viewers through a concise and repetitive visual format, viral video challenges are extremely likely to embed themselves within the mind of the viewer, particularly if they have some aspect of danger. This may explain why the genre has become so popular. Indeed, viral video challenges can be seen to take this a step further. Contributions to the genre do not exclusievly leap from “brain to brain” through imitation, but also from platform to platform as the most popular memes are shared across a number of social media websites. This is facilitated through compilation videos on YouTube that feature cross-platform content, and the increased sharing a ordances that social media platforms o er (such as embedded links, and retweets).
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Furthermore, Limor Shifman o ers a more contemporary description of memes, speci cally in digital culture. “Internet users tend to ascribe the meme tag to observable content, such as YouTube videos and humorous images” (Shifman, Limor. 2014 p.13). Therefore the study of the viral video challenge on YouTube promises to o er a pertinent insight into digital meme culture. Particularly when discussing the recent abundance of dangerous challenges that “propagate themselves in the meme pool by leaping from brain to brain” via “imitation” (Dawkins. 1976, p.192). In her text on An Anatomy of a YouTube Meme Shifman states that memes are “de ned as units of culture that spread from person to person by means of copying or imitation” (Shifman. 2012. p.188). The notion of imitation yet again occurs within the academic de nition of memes, reiterating its cultural importance. Shifman goes on to argue that “the unique features of the Internet turned the spread of memes into a highly visible process taking place at a global scale,” going on to state that the common anatomy of “memetic videos” consists of “popular clips that generate extensive user engagement by way of creative derivatives” (Ibid). While this is an interesting reading of memetic videos, particularly considering the a ordances of social media on a global scale, one must suggest that it is slightly out-dated. This is because the propagation of many viral video challenges do not simply rely on “creative derivatives”. Indeed, the recent syntactic introduction of “challenge” seems to be particularly in uential in the distribution of these videos. The titular provocation of these videos compels viewers to engage with potentially dangerous content by rebranding it as a challenge. This evokes the participatory culture of our contemporary digital epoch, instead of inspiring original thought through a creative contribution.
Shifman argues that memes are “the building blocks of complex cultures, intertwining and interacting with each other” (Shifman. 2012, p.3). This is particularly interesting as it implies that memes are spread as a form of cultural interaction between Internet users. This is pertinent as viral memes are spread consciously through consenting social media a liation. Indeed, the sharing of memes, and viral video challenges in particular, requires a physical interaction through the clicking of the like or share buttons. Therefore, one must agree with Shifman and her assertion that memes formulate the building blocks of contemporary Internet culture (especially in native English-speaking networks). This is because social media networks are becoming algorithmically intertwined as content creators and microcelebrities reappear across several communities.
Memetic Mythology, Folklore & Prestige
A further contributing factor to the rising status of memes as a cultural unit may be linked to the ubiquity of the Internet. Indeed social media management rm, Hootsuite, found that there are over 3 billion social media users worldwide (Newberry, Christina. Hootsuite. 8 May. 2019). Therefore, one must suggest that the Internet has generated a shared experience that supersedes geographical borders.
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According to Tarleton Gillespie, the advent of “web 2.0”1 has allowed “people to use a range of information and communication technology as a platform to express themselves online and participate in the commons of cyberspace” (Gillespie, Tarleton. 2010, p. 351). Indeed, the Ice Bucket Challenge can be seen as an early example of participation within the commons of cyberspace. This is because people used a range of social media platforms to propagate a participatory challenge online.
However, memes serve a function greater than the representation of a common digital humour in cyberspace. Indeed, many Millennial and Zoomer digital natives share memes as a form of catharsis. Konrad Krawczyk stated that “Internet meme culture has contributed to opening up an honest conversation around mental health” (Krawczyk, Konrad. Medium, 14 Dec. 2017) . This is because many digital natives use meme based humour to broach sensitive topics. Dr. Jonathan Rottenberg has con rmed this, stating that “memes are a viral delivery system to get ideas into people's heads, to get people talking, and ultimately to get people to think di erently about depression” (Rottenberg , Jonathan. Psychology Today. 6 Apr. 2014). While on the one hand, memes facilitate an open and honest conversation about mental health. One the other hand, one must note a correlation between dark humour online and the ever growing danger of viral video challenges. This may be due to the dense levels of irony that are symptomatic of contemporary digital culture, as well as the mythologization of meme culture in Western society.
The rising glori cation of irony can be seen by the advent of “Shitposting”. Shitposting is “a practice whereby intentionally poor quality or irrelevant content is posted into internet forum discussions usually as a form of trolling” (Holm, Nicholas. 2017, p.8). The occurrence of shitposting has increased rapidly over the past few years as it acquired its own unique identity after 2003 (Philips, Whitney. 2019). One might suggest that many of the viral video challenges that this thesis is examining started o as an ironic Shitpost that was propagated by the subcultural in uence of shitposters and trolls (Phillips. 2019).2 Indeed, the rising levels of irony within memes has been noted to have detrimental e ects on
1 Also appropriately known as “the participatory web” (G rant Blank & Bianca C. Reisdorf, Information, Communication & Society, 15:4. 2012, pp.537-554). 2 One example of the ironic propagation of viral video challenges can be seen in an article written for satirical news site The Onion in 2015. This piece is written as a comical soliloquy from the perspective of a child with the intent of eating a Tide Pod. The article concludes with the following sentiment:
“This is 100 percent going to happen. The sealed plastic bucket that holds the detergent pods is a welcome challenge to me. I’ll make short work of the lid and the inner zip-lock bag, and then all that stands between me and slurping down that glorious, vibrant liquid is a thin film of rapidly dissolving plastic that will melt away on my tongue like so much dust scattered by the wind. And at last, I will have what I want more than anything in this world” (DelMonico, Dylan. The Onion, 8 Dec. 2015) .
Despite the satirical nature of this piece, one must suggest that it contributed at least somewhat to the spread of the Tide Pod Challenge. This is because it was published several years before the challenge reached its peak in 2018. Therefore this may be considered an example of the subcultural influence of ironic Shitposters, and the detrimental effects that they have, particularly on young children.
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mental health, with reports that “social media is rede ning depression” (Bine, Anne-Sophie. The Atlantic. 28 Oct. 2013).
Due to the cultural importance of memes and their role in digital storytelling, they have been de ned by Shifman as a “(post)modern folklore, in which shared norms and values are constructed through cultural artefacts such as Photoshopped images or urban legends” (Shifman. 2014, p. 202). If, as Shifman stipulates, memes are to be considered as postmodern folklore then it is clear why they appear so frequently on social media. Furthermore, as Simon J. Bronner suggests, “the mass of user-generated data on the Web suggests the expansion of a folk system, at the dawn of the twenty- rst century, that is characterized by peer-to-peer sharing of handed-down wisdom and by the priority of practice over scientism” (Bronner, Simon J. Ed. Trevor J. 2009, p.62). Shifting cultural practices online may explain how the viral video challenge genre has become so proli c. Users are consistently rejecting “scientism” (or the promotion of a normative, objective scienti c epistemology), in favour of datametrics such as likes or views. This misconstrued prioritisation of “practice” over practicality attests to the rise in dangerous content online, resulting in multiple injuries by users participating in dangerous challenges. Indeed, content creators that initiate or circulate challenges often prioritise the spreadability of the video over their own safety, or the safety of young viewers. The mythologization of cultural interactivity, and its importance to the discourse surrounding mental health attests to the voracious nature of memetic proliferation amongst the digital native generations, and the contemporary culture of prestige associated with being the creator of a viral meme. Indeed, even negative interaction can increase the chance that content will go viral. This is because of the sub-cultural pride associated with Shitposting, and the extensive coverage of v iral video challenges in the media.
While one must be aware that pastiche and imitation have contributed to human cultural history for millennia, the rising ubiquity of camera phones can be seen to mark the start of a new anthropogenic that associates prestige with successful content. This spreadable model of distribution is discussed by academics as a way to understand how the concept of “stickiness” has evolved.
Stickiness & Spreadability
Stickiness has been simply de ned by Malcolm Gladwell as when “a message makes an impact” (Gladwell, Malcolm. 2000, p.25). Gladwell proposes that “there is a simple way to package information that, under the right circumstances, can make it irresistible. All you have to do is nd it” (Ibid, p.132). Content creators are increasingly noticing the irresistible nature of challenge as a participatory nudge. Creating sticky content has long since been the primary aim of marketing rms as advertising success is generally measured in how likely an individual is to retain a message and subsequently spread it. Henry Jenkins states: “Gladwell’s use of the term, stickiness acts as a measure of
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how interested an audience member is in a media text” (Jenkins, Henry, et al. 2013, p.9). Moreover, datametrics such as view count, shares, comments and likes o er key performance indicators of audience engagement online. Indeed, in the past decade, marketers have exploited ““viralness” as an advertising tool” (Morales, Mònika Jiménez. "Hipertext.net", 2008). Therefore it is easier than it has ever been to track the stickiness, and spreadability of viral content on social media platforms, through intrinsic datametrics. Shifman proposes that “successful memes are de ned as the ones that survive in the long term” (Shifman. 2014, p.13). Therefore, the stickier the meme, the more “successful” it is. Jenkins goes on to write that “any creator—whether media company, fan, academic, or activist—produces material in the hope of attracting audience interest” (Jenkins. 2013 p.9). One must agree with this assertion as now, anyone is able to create potentially sticky content regardless of follower count, occupation, or more problematically: age. Indeed, the historical epicentre of creativity is the desire to distribute original content with like minded individuals. Therefore the desire for creatives to attract audience attention and interest is frequently visible in the videos they upload, leading to increasingly provocative content. This is because its provocative nature is likely to elicit a response. Each response, regardless of intent, contributes to measurable datametrics of social media “success”.
With rising pressure on content creators to reach large audiences in increasingly tangled social media networks, one can see how the concept of stickiness has evolved to encapsulate spreadability. This can be traced to evolving methods of distribution, as content is no longer exclusively published by large production companies, but is instead created by individuals or collaborative groups. Jenkins outlines this evolution from distribution to circulation as a signal of the rise of the “participatory model of culture,” within a digital culture that “sees the public not as simply consumers of preconstructed messages but as people who are shaping, sharing, reframing, and remixing media content in ways which might not have been previously imagined” (Jenkins. 2013, p.2). This marks a shift from the distribution channels of traditional media (such as television and radio) towards a system that is more applicable to the contemporary web of social media networks. Jenkins argues that this mode of distribution is not simply propagated by “isolated individuals”, but “within larger communities and networks, which allow them to spread content well beyond their immediate geographic proximity” (ibid). This is a particularly important statement as it attests to the networked nature of social media. Indeed, even if publishers individually create and publish viral video challenges, they are not isolated because there are networks in place to facilitate the spread of content that supersedes geographic limitations. Jenkins con rms this, positing: “spreadability recognizes the importance of the social connections among individuals, connections increasingly made visible (and ampli ed) by social media platforms” (ibid, p.6). Therefore, this paper will later discuss the importance of social connections on YouTube, within the context of the viral video challenge genre. This is in order to assess to what extent the popularity of challenge videos may be attributed to the prestige of the original publisher. Indeed, social media networks and their a ordances not only facilitate, but encourage the spread of viral content. Additionally, viral campaigns have begun “to receive a lot of the media's attention, and often, the resulting interest from the target audience” (Morales. 2008). Therefore, the popularity of
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spreadable content, as an evolved form of the stickiness model, can be traced not only to microcelebrities on social media, but also to news sources that dictate “the media’s attention”.
Furthermore, Jenkins emphasises the key role of social media in the dissemination of spreadable content. “Spreadability emphasizes producing content in easy-to-share formats, such as the embed codes that YouTube provides, which make it easier to spread videos across the Internet, and encouraging access points to that content in a variety of places” (Jenkins. 2013, p.6). As YouTube, and is one of the many websites that are nancially reliant on user interaction, it is their prerogative to encourage spreadable media. Indeed, the prevalence of viral video challenges across a variety of websites attests to the popularity and spreadability of the genre within the social media network bubble. According to Duncan Southgate, “YouTube video links can be shared in many ways, including word of mouth, emails, online articles, blog links, Facebook video-sharing applications and Twitter posts” (Southgate, Duncan, et al. 2010, p.351). As spreadable content is not limited to social media di usion, but also accumulates popularity through the traditional word of mouth mode, one might suggest that controversial content is more likely to be discussed by news sources. Therefore, dangerous challenges that exploit the theory of spreadability through both word of mouth, and social media discourse can be seen to further utilise marketing techniques in order to promote their own content and personal brands.
Infectious Viral Marketing
Academics have laid out three forms of digital viral marketing. The rst method of viral interaction can be described as a form of collaboration “between message sender and receiver about a worthwhile issue”, secondly, “unintentional viral marketing” where “products, services and organisations are not a feature of the message”, and nally when the “message contains the product, service and/or organisation being actively promoted. This type of viral marketing is commercial, as the aim is to promote a product, service or organisation” (Woerdl, M et al. 2008, p.43). Content creators on YouTube promote themselves as a product, because they pro t on how frequently users interact with their content. Therefore, one must suggest that the viral video challenge genre can be interpreted as the latter example of viral marketing. Indeed, One must agree with Lance Porter and Guy Golan, who suggested that viral video advertising can be described as “unpaid peer-to-peer communication of provocative content originating from an identi ed sponsor using the Internet to persuade or in uence an audience to pass along the content to others” (Porter, Lance & Golan, Guy. 2006 p. 33). This is interesting as YouTube is free to use, therefore every video uploaded may be perceived as “unpaid peer-to-peer communication”. Furthermore, one must agree that most viral video challenges are “provocative” as the deliberately provoke an emotional response due to the exaggerated content and clickbait that they present. The provocative nature of the genre can be further exempli ed through the use of the word “challenge” in the title of many of these videos. This is provocative as it encourages
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viewers to imitate the video that they have just seen, thereby perpetuating the culture of participation. Indeed, the phrase ‘challenge’ can be interpreted as an attempt to remove autonomy from the viewer, as they may feel compelled or obliged to participate in these challenges in order to comply with participatory culture. This action must be scrutinised, particularly considering the exposition of YouTube’s algorithmic penchant for provocation. A former employee at YouTube stated that the “recommendation algorithm promotes divisive clips” (Lewis, Paul. The Guardian. 2 Feb. 2018) . Sociologist Zeynep Tufekci further suggested that the platform’s “recommendation system has probably gured out that edgy and hateful content is engaging” (Ibid). Indeed, if the algorithm has gured out that edgy content is engaging then surely the content creators have too.
The increased popularity of popular content creators emphasises Jenkins’ assertion that YouTubers are using “viral media” to ll in the gaps left by “declining advertising rates and an extremely fragmented audience for broadcast media” (Jenkins. 2013, p.13). Indeed, the precarity of traditional broadcast media is beginning to show as an article in The New York Times stated that “Google’s YouTube, Facebook and Net ix” are the frontrunners “competing for viewers attention” (Maheshwari, Sapna & John Koblin. The New York Times. 13 May 2018). In the United States, television ad revenue reached its all time peak in 2016 at $43Bn dollars, however this gure is expected to fall consistently henceforth (Ibid). Therefore many advertisers are looking towards YouTube as the future of advertising, making it an extremely lucrative platform. Particularly as the number of users on the platform will exponentially increase as the site becomes more popular. Jenkins con rms this, stating that participants and propagators of participatory culture are increasingly utilising the “rapid rise of social network sites” such as Twitter and Facebook to disseminate viral media (Jenkins. 2013, p.17). This is because full-time content producers create value wherever there is lucrative nancial incentive. Furthermore, Jeknins states that “the top-down hierarchies of the broadcast era now coexist with the integrated system of participatory channels” (Ibid). This con rms the aforementioned suggestion that YouTube and other online platforms are waiting to ll the gap left by the dwindling popularity of traditional media.
Microcelebrity Microculture
This paper will now extrapolate the theoretical principles of viral marketing onto the context of microcelebrity on YouTube. This is important as microcelebrities are an important part of digital culture. For Professor. Richard Rogers, microcelebrities are “amateurs or non-professionals” that “may become professionals in their own right, raising themselves to the level of YouTubers, or in uencers and micro-celebrities well known in the medium” (Rogers. 2018, p.3). Therefore, one could argue that microcelebrities are marketable goods that put the theory of viral marketing into practice. This is because YouTube professionals earn money from their videos based on how frequently they are viewed. Therefore it is in their best interest to create both sticky and spreadable content. The outcome of this poses several questions of ethical integrity. Indeed, one might argue that vloggers who employ
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aggressive marketing tactics such as challenging their viewers to emulate foolish challenges should be held accountable for their actions.
Hojin Song describes the microcelebrity phenomena on social media as “a self-branding tactic of staged personae that are often exaggerated and aggressive rather than presenting self as intimate and ordinary gures who interact immediately with their fans” (Song, H. 2018, p.1). As they are “staged personae”, one might argue that this inauthenticity makes them even more culpable for the consequences of their actions. It has been noted that microcelebrities publish controversial content in an e ort to increase their popularity and acquire more views. Indeed, YouTubers have con rmed this with Matt Lees stating in an interview with The Guardian that, “divisive content is the king of online media today, and YouTube heavily boosts anything that riles people up,” (Parkin, Simon. The Guardian. 8 Sept. 2018) . With this testimony in mind it is clear that microcelbrities intentionally create in ammatory content in order to exploit the platform’s algorithm to their own bene t. This is because “the algorithm favours clickbait and controversial content over meaningfully nuanced and positive content” (Ibid). However, it may be unjust to lay the onus exclusively on microcelebrities that take advantage of YouTube’s algorithmic shortcomings.
Therefore, one must question the legal and ethical implications of microcelebrities pro ting from exploitation of the YouTube’s algorithm by uploading clickbait or troublesome content. Some content creators harvest views by challenging their viewers to participate in dangerous activities. In other words, these microcelebroities monetise putting their viewers at risk. However, the current argument against holding creators responsible for the treatment of their viewers is that YouTube facilitates this behavior through a policy framework that actively encourages controversy. According to Gillespie (2010): “the term ‘platform’ helps reveal how YouTube and others stage themselves for these constituencies, allowing them to make a broadly progressive sales pitch while also eliding the tensions inherent in their service: between user-generated and commercially-produced content, between cultivating community and serving up advertising, between intervening in the delivery of content and remaining neutral” (Gillespie. 2010, p.348). The “tensions inherent in” platform service has sparked much academic debate. Particularly considering to what extent social media platforms, such as YouTube, are responsible for the wellbeing of their users, and their role as digital gatekeepers. Axel Bruns de nes gatekeeping as a “regime of control” of what content is made available (Bruns, Axel. 2005, p.11). Indeed as gatekeepers, platforms are responsible for what they make accessible to the public. Thereby raising questions as to why YouTube not only spreads viral video challenges, but why they are available to watch at all. The fact that YouTube has recently limited viewing access to “dangerous challenges” such as the Bird Box Challenge, and the Tide Pod Challenge only begs the question: why have they not done this sooner? The answer is simple: their algorithm prioritises in ammatory content, as it is more spreadable and therefore more marketable.
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Big-seed Marketing
Continuing along the critical framework of viral marketing, one might suggest that microcelebrities with high follow counts may be construed as a form of “b ig-seed marketing”. This is a marketing technique that manifests frequently within contemporary social media. Big-seed marketing contributes to the spreadability of participatory content because it “harnesses the power of large numbers of ordinary people, its success does not depend on in uential or on any other special individuals” (Watts, Duncan & Jonah Peretti. 2007, pp. 22-23). Therefore one might suggest that dwindling reliance on traditional media has encouraged microcelebrities to nancially bene t from their status as big-seed marketers. This is because “b ig-seed marketing”, “combines viral-marketing tools with old-fashioned mass media in a way that yields far more predictable results than “purely” viral approaches like word-of-mouth marketing” (Ibid). The predictability of this marketing technique is success. Indeed, as microcelebrities have consistently high follow counts on social media, their posts are more likely to go viral due to direct di usion to their fans online. This is particularly relevant when discussing the Ice Bucket Challenge as each video, regardless of charitable intent, is an advertisement for ALS charities, and a promotion of the publisher’s desired persona.
Staged Personae & Public Perception
The cultivation of a desired persona in uences what microcebrities upload. Indeed, public perception has been noted as the original impetus for participation in viral video challenges. The origins of the viral video challenge as we know it can be traced back to the ALS Ice Bucket challenge. While there were several video challenges prior to the Ice Bucket challenge, I propose that they did not receive enough views to be considered as objective originators. The main reason that the Ice Bucket Challenge was propelled into mainstream culture was because of its charitable nature. The Ice Bucket Challenge utilised the emerging genre as a charitable appeal. The numerous celebrities that took part in the challenge brought signi cant coverage to the challenge, and the prerequisite of ‘nominating’ a friend to either take part or donate within 24 hours generated exponential interaction. The attention brought to the viral video challenge genre post Ice Bucket Challenge success lingered as signi cant media tra c was devoted to the sharing and distribution of challenge videos henceforth (therefore making it a “successful meme” (Shifman. 2014)) .
Part of the resulting digital footfall for the viral video challenge may be linked to early signi cant celebrity participation. This is because celebrities generally have more followers and are situated within
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a more notable network.3 Therefore they are able to reach a larger audience with their posts. This in turn resulted in an increased number of participants due to the signi cant di usion characteristics of celebrity contributions. The reason that so many celebrities participated in this charitable challenge may be attributed to ‘self-schema theory’. According to self-schema theory, consumers “are more likely to talk to others about products when those products support their desired self-image, or the way they want others to see them” (Mangold, W. Glynn & David J. Faulds. Jul. 2009, p.364). Therefore one may propose that the multitudes of celebrities that participated in the challenge were not entirely focused on raising awareness for ALS and other motor neuron diseases, but instead aimed to increase consumer perception of their own personal brands. By presenting themselves as charitable individuals they were able to increase their online presence and curate a charitable persona. Indeed it is the consumer (or fan) that actively facilitates the circulation of participatory content by sharing videos of their favourite celebrities taking part in good deeds, and subsequently emulating them. This increases social propinquity through a shared social experience with celebrities that, on the surface, contributes to a bene cial cause.
Moreover, Eb Adeyeri emphasises this suggestion when he wrote that the spread of the Ice Bucket Challenge “plays on the fact people often have narcissistic tendencies on their own social media feeds and enjoy an excuse to post images and videos of themselves” (Adeyeri, Eb. The Guardian. 27 Aug. 2014) . One may therefore suggest that the assertion of vanity and self-promotion are signi cant stimuli for the viral video challenge genre. One must note that vanity and narcissism are not exclusive to celebrities and people of interest. Indeed, any participant may be found culpable of exploiting the viral video challenge for self-promotion. Jenkins suggests that social media networks encourage audiences to share digital media content that would make them seem like better people. “People are more frequently and more broadly in contact with their networks of friends, family, and acquaintances; and because people increasingly interact through sharing meaningful bits of media content” (Jenkins. 2013, p.11). With this in mind it is apparent that the Ice Bucket Challenge can be interpreted as a signi cant progenitor of the viral video challenge genre as we know it. By cultivating the initial perception of the genre as a form of activism, it was propelled to the center of digital culture through multinational media corporations
By associating with a charity, videos receive greater leeway when accumulating coverage. If participation can be de ned as objectively “meaningful” through its charitable ties, then individuals are much more likely to interact with it. Not just to raise awareness or money for a charity, but because it makes them appear to be caring individuals, concerned with a rmative action. This may be interpreted as a form of armchair activism, as many social media users that retweet or like videos of celebrities participating in theI ce Bucket Challenge, do not actually attempt the challenge themselves,
3 Within my study, 40% of the most popular Ice Bucket Challenge videos explicitly feature celebrities such as Bill Gates, The Simpsons, Charlie Sheen and “Disney Stars Past and Present”. Meanwhile 50% of the titles feature established microcelbrities, therefore proving the importance of celebrity (or microcelebirty) contribution to the initial popularity of the viral video challenge.
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and “not everyone donates” (Townsend, Lucy. BBC News. 2nd Sept, 2014). However, by retweeting their favourite movie star undertaking humiliation for charity they cultivate their desired self-image through proximity to users that actively partake in charitable actions.
The recent rise of the viral video challenge genre may be attributed yet again to a shared digital humour. In addition to irony, one might argue that the popularity of the viral video challenge genre can be linked to the notion of “schadenfreude”, or “pleasure at the misfortunes of others” (Dijk, Wilco W. Van, et al. 2011, p. 1445). This is particularly true for the Ice Bucket Challenge, whereby participants end up wet and shivering. Indeed, Shifman writes that “some people enjoy not only watching videos of others whom they perceive to be inferior, but also take pleasure in scornfully imitating them, thus publicly demonstrating their own superiority” (Shifman. 2012, p. 14). From the onset of the viral video challenge genre we can see its detrimental e ects. Even charitable challenges encourage schadenfreude and scornful imitation to make viewers feel superior. Nonetheless, participation may also a ord a temporary propinquity between celebrities and their fans that would otherwise be impossible. Fans can form temporary associations with their favourite celebrities by showing interest in the same causes and participate in similar acts.
Establishing the Risk of Exploitation
I believe that the consequences of the viral video challenge pose an imminent threat, particularly to minors. The ubiquity of camera-phones, and the accessibility of the Internet amongst the younger generation has created a substantial demographic of young users who share a multitude of similarities. These similarities may be attributed to the contemporary trend of memes, and in particular the way users react towards spreadable participatory media. Indeed, in the UK alone, “one in four children under the age of six has a smartphone, a survey has found” (“Agency Reporter”. The Independent. 8 Apr. 2018) . Moreover, “a third of British children aged 12-15” admit that “they do not have a good balance between screen time and other activities” (Pells, Rachael. The Independent. 7 Jun. 2017) . This is particularly disturbing as social media “can be just as dangerously addictive for teenagers as drugs and alcohol” (ibid). Child psychotherapist Julie Lynn Evans argues that “the ubiquity of broadband and smartphones that has changed the pace and the power and the drama of mental illness in young people” (Stanford, Peter. The Telegraph. 21 Mar. 2015) . There is substantial evidence to corroborate the dangers of social media usage among minors. This risk is only increased when children encounter dangerous viral video challenges that circulate on social media. Indeed digital platforms, such as YouTube, pose a signi cant threat by encouraging participatory content that has been proven to be both physically, and psychologically detrimental to children. Particularly if access to content such as viral video challenges i s unfettered.
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Ofcom conducted a study that outlined the changes of broadcast media, and the subsequent cultural consequences. The study found that the “change in the habits of older children is part of wider changes in the media landscape. For example, more 3-11s are online than in 2016” (Ofcom. 29 Nov. 2017, p.3). Indeed, “more 8-11s and 12-15s also say they prefer watching content on YouTube than TV programs on the TV set” (Ibid). The rapid rise of Internet interactivity amongst the younger generation suggests that there is a growing need for cohesive child-protection regulation on social media sites. Particularly on websites that do not require registration or a minimum age to access (such as YouTube) .
Indeed, “younger children are most likely to be using it to watch cartoons, mini-movies or songs, while older children are most likely to watch music videos and funny or prank videos” (Ofcom. 2017 p.3). It is particularly perturbing that children younger than 10 years old are regularly watching “funny prank videos”. Especially as these videos may set a bad example of acceptable behaviour to younger viewers as they o er instances of replicable schadenfreude with harmful consequences. Therefore encouraging negative behavior amongst children that watch ‘prank’ videos such as the Gallon Smashing Challenge that features participants intentionally causing damage in supermarkets by dropping gallons of milk on the oor for views. This speci c challenge resulted in the arrests of three teens, attesting to the potential danger of the viral video challenge genre (Chang, David. NBC 10 Philadelphia, 22 Mar. 2013).
In conclusion, the Internet meme as we know it has become a foundational phenomena of contemporary digital media, sprouting numerous iterations of dangerous content such as the viral video challenge. As discussed above, memes have been employed in a number of ways, from sharing a mutual experience based in mutual humor to a way for marketers to appeal directly to their audiences. As the number of social media users increases, so too does the risk and perception of participatory culture. Therefore, the following thesis shall present the extent of the rapidly rising viral video challenge through the analysis of previous trends.
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