1 the Colonial Process in Bronze and Iron Age Sardinia: Foodways and Daily Practices Susan Kathleen Palazzo Rochester Hills, Mi

1 The Colonial Process in Bronze and Iron Age Sardinia: Foodways and Daily Practices Susan Kathleen Palazzo Rochester Hills, Michigan M. A., University of Virginia, 2012 B. A., University of Michigan, 2010 A Dissertation presented to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Virginia in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Anthropology University of Virginia April 2018 2 Abstract This dissertation examines the foodways of indigenous Nuragic peoples living at the site of Bingia ‘e Monti in Late Bronze Age Sardinia (LBA, c. 1300-1150 BC). Beginning in the late- LBA, Phoenician traders intensify relations with Sardinians and settle permanently on the coast. Sardinia and the wider Mediterranean experienced varying degrees of ‘colonial’ presence (contact, trade, colonization with or without colonies, imperialism), during the LBA and Early Iron Age (EIA). The colonial nature of these situations has been greatly debated, and scholars have struggled to find a framework that allows for comparison within the region. Colonial groups are associated with various levels of domination over indigenous inhabitants. In Sardinia, Phoenicians are generally viewed as traders who did little to interrupt indigenous society while subsequent settlers, Carthaginians and Romans, had a reputation for absolute control that extended inland. I rely on faunal remains from Bingia ‘e Monti, a single household inland site, to demonstrate how a focus on foodways can lead to understanding the intricacies of cultural transitions in interior Bronze and Iron Age Sardinia, and why this approach is especially applicable in colonial situations. I carry out my studies within the context of anthropological understandings of foodways and colonialism. Food and drink are more than substances necessary for survival; they are also rich in meaning and are consistently used to create and maintain social relationships and boundaries. Through the daily practice of producing, processing, and consuming meals, foodways are tightly bound to identity. Postcolonial approaches in archaeology mobilize daily practices such as foodways to better understand colonial situations and determine the nature of exchanges taking place. These approaches view colonial situations as processes of cultural entanglement that can be viewed through the consumption of objects and ideas. Using faunal 3 remains to gauge local versus Phoenician influences in LBA/EIA Sardinia draws on and contributes to both foodways and postcolonial archaeology. I consider data on foodways on three scales: at Bingia ‘e Monti and neighboring sites, at coastal sites in Sardinia, and at Phoenician sites elsewhere in the western Mediterranean. By comparison it is possible to determine broader patterns and conclude whether changes in LBA/EIA foodways are due to local developments such as the environment, technology, social reorganization, and economic reorganization, or developments caused by Phoenician influence. Sardinia is seen today as a product of millennia of colonialism the lasting effects of which still impact one’s experience of the island and social and political identity of the current population. An examination of past indigenous-colonial interactions may lead to changes in the island’s overall historical narrative. 4 5 Table of Contents Abstract 2 Acknowledgements 6 Chapter 1: Adding a focus on foodways to archaeological studies of 9 colonialism Chapter 2: Understanding the history of Sardinia and Sardinian archaeology 30 Chapter 3: Colonial situations and entanglement in the Mediterranean: 67 Adding a focus on foodways Chapter 4: Chronology and site architecture 93 Chapter 5: Faunal analysis 118 Chapter 6: Conclusion: Social transformations as revealed by food remains 160 Appendix A: Bingia ‘e Monti Harris Matrix 176 Appendix B: Bingia ‘e Monti SU descriptions 178 Appendix C: List of species recorded at Bingia ‘e Monti 182 Appendix D: Condensed faunal NISP by SU 183 References 210 6 Acknowledgements Although often viewed as an individual undertaking and achievement, a dissertation is a deeply collaborative work. This research would not have been possible without the support of multiple generous people and institutions. I want to start by thanking my parents, Ed and Joyce Palazzo, for their constant encouragement and love. They were never afraid to ask the dreaded questions: “So how is your dissertation coming? When are you going to graduate?” I also thank my sister, Sara Palazzo, for lending me her futon during brief visits to Chicago for conferences or connecting flights and also for sending silly cat pictures. I am also forever grateful for all of the advice and guidance that I received from teachers and mentors. My committee chair, Pati Wattenmaker, has been integral in putting my project together from the beginning. Her insightful comments and detailed feedback, especially in the area of faunal analysis, pushed me to ask bigger questions of my data. She also played a key role in designing my methodology. Adria LaViolette provided a great deal of both academic and personal advice. She taught me a great deal about colonialism and identity in archaeology and helped form my style of teaching. Her attention to both the overall theoretical framework of my dissertation and details like comma placement were invaluable. Jeff Hantman cannot be thanked enough for his ability to read my work and restate my questions, hypotheses, and conclusions in a clear and understandable way. I thank Tyler Jo Smith, my outside reader, for her enthusiasm for my research and her feedback as a fellow Mediterranean archaeologist. Several other scholars were also vital in my development as an anthropologist during the last eight years: 7 Susie McKinnon, Kath Weston, Peter Metcalf, Richard Handler, Ira Bashkow, Peter van Dommelen, and Michael Dietler. I would also like to thank professors and mentors I met at the University of Michigan for supporting my passion for archaeology and giving me the tools and opportunities to make it to graduate school: Steven Ellis, Emily Holt, Richard Redding, and Joyce Marcus. I am indebted to numerous colleagues in Sardinia who made my fieldwork possible. Mauro Perra helped me locate a previously excavated faunal assemblage and made arrangements for me to work and stay at the Laboratorio di Restauro Archeologico in Villanovaforru for two summers. He checked on me at the lab and made sure that I had access to everything that I needed. When I was an undergraduate archaeologist he greatly contributed to my education in Nuragic archaeology and Sardinian foodways. I thank Alessandro Usai for giving me permission to study material from his excavation at Bingia ‘e Monti and for patiently answering my questions about the site. I was lucky enough to share the lab space with a Sardinian graduate student, Davide Schirru, whose friendship and generosity I will always remember. I also thank the Civico Museo Archeologico Genna Maria and the comune of Villanovaforru for kindness and hospitality during my fieldwork. I received financial support from many sources along the way. My preliminary fieldwork and language study was funded by grants from the UVa Arts, Humanities, and Social Sciences, the UVa Department of Anthropology, the UVa Summer Foreign Language Institute, UVa Center for International Studies, and the Etruscan Foundation. My fieldwork was funded by the UVa Institute of the Humanities & Global Cultures, UVa Center for Global Inquiry + Innovation, and the UVa Department of Anthropology. During write-up I was supported by a 8 writing fellowship from the UVa Department of Anthropology, several teaching assistant positions, and a small grant from Anthropology for radiocarbon dating. Last but certainly not least, I want to thank my friends and colleagues for their anthropology-related comments and advice but also for their friendship and hospitality. These people include, but are not limited to: Mary Pancoast, Giancarlo Rolando, Sheena Singh, Sue Ann McCarty, my awesome all-female cohort (Alison Broach, Nathalie Nahas, Dannah Dennis, Grace Reynolds, and Carolyn Howarter), Roberto Armengol, Alessandro Questa, Nathan Hedges, Patty Sanchez Bao, David Flood, Erica Brant, Lucas de Carvalho, and Jack Stoetzel. I count all of you as my family. I would also like to thank Brooks Hall for being my second (and sometimes first) home for the last eight years. 9 Chapter 1 Adding a focus on foodways to archaeological studies of colonialism In this dissertation I assess the possibilities for using foodways to better understand colonial processes on the island of Sardinia and in the wider Mediterranean during the first millennium BC. To accomplish this, I rely on postcolonial approaches, the intimate link between food and self, and faunal remains from the site of Bingia ‘e Monti in Sardinia. Changes in foodways and material culture resulting from colonialism often involve changing identities and concepts of selfhood. I examine the faunal assemblage looking for changes in diet that may be explained by colonial influences (in this case, Phoenician), technological changes, environmental alterations, economic reorganization, or social reorganization. Because of the connection between foodways and self, foodways offer a nuanced way to study the colonial process at Bingia ‘e Monti and the local reactions to Phoenician presence in Sardinia. I begin this chapter with my own story from Sardinia, emphasizing the importance of food in creating and crossing boundaries. That is followed by a broad sketch of the island

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