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ABSTRACT Mingling Tongues: Code switching/mixing Practices of North American Bilinguals By: Stephanie Cerqua, Anthropology/Illinois State University Faculty Advisors: Dr. Stanlaw, Dr. Alstrum, and Dr. G. Bessa

What motivates North American bilinguals to use both English and Spanish in their daily discourse while studying abroad in Mexico? There are many driving forces that influence linguistic choice; language proficiency is only one of the many forces. Group identity, solidarity and ethnicity are the social forces emphasized here. This paper analyzes the English/Spanish linguistic perspective of this language and culture contact situation. Through participant observation I document how North American bilinguals use both of their linguistic repertoires during immersion programs in two different locals: Cuernavaca and Taxco, Mexico. This paper focuses on code switching/code mixing practices of North American bilingual college students, and the formation of identity as influenced by language usage. My intent is to bring attention to the need for research of the English/Spanish linguistic and cultural interchange from both the Hispanic American and North American perspective. This study demonstrates that many of the sociolinguistic variables involved in a contact situation are in a constant state of flux: a negotiation between speakers holding a variety of identities, norms, and rules.

INTRODUCTION

I walked into the courtyard of the school, Universal and I was surrounded by members of my peer group, North American bilingual college students. I thought making friends would be easy. I walked up to a group of students (Group #1) and introduced myself. ¿Qué pasa? Me llamo Stephanie. I was greeted with smiling faces but the smiles slowly faded away when I continued speaking in Spanish. As an anthropologist in the field for the first time, I quickly became aware of what it felt like to be an outsider. Initially, I was excluded from this group as a consequence of speaking exclusively in Spanish. I later learned that (Group #1) preferred using English or a combination of English and Spanish. According to Myer-Scotton (1993: 475), social forces of specific groups decide what linguistic codes are accepted and deemed appropriate in certain situations. I propose to examine the usage and patterns of code switching/code mixing used by North American bilingual college students by conducting a comparative analysis between two different immersion programs in Mexico. These two immersion programs are also located in two different cities. Universal is the language institute in Cuernavaca and the Center of Teaching Foreigners (CEPE) (Centro de ensenanza para extranjeros) is located

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in Taxco. It is my hypothesis that language usage of these bilinguals varies in the two locations. The bilingual students from both locations practiced variations of code switching, but code mixing was only practiced in Taxco. The usage of code switched words and phrases from American slang were used at both locations, but only by male participants. In addition to the usage of American slang within their Spanish three male participants in Taxco also created a list of code mixed words. Overall English was spoken more than Spanish. English or combinations of English/Spanish were the preferred language codes. The code switched phrases by participants in Cuernavaca contained almost complete sentences in English with very few Spanish words inserted into them. This type of code switching also occurred in Taxco and also phrases almost entirely in Spanish with very few English words inserted.

This observation was reached after conducting an eight week ethnography in Mexico (June-August 2002), which entailed participant observation inside and outside the second language classroom setting, and the tape recording of natural language usage. At both locations North American college students studying Spanish as their second language were the main focus in this study. In addition to the tape recording of natural language usage, each student participated in a semi-structured interview. These interviews along with my field notes establish their social motivations to code switch or code mix. “Code switching is defined as changing from the use of one language to that of another with in a single speech event. Code switching involves the movement, whether psychologically or sociologically motivated, from one discrete code (language or dialect) to another within a communicative event” (Fishman 1989:181). For example, “Wow I am really tired porque I haven’t slept nada all night.” Code mixing on the other hand means, “the blending of two separate linguistic systems into one linguistic system” (Field 1994:87). An example of code mixing is:

Ripoffear- Ripoff/ear

Ripoff-English slang ear- Spanish suffix and common verb ending

Meaning was attributed by group members within Group #2 (See page #7) - To take advantage of someone financially

Literature Review

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Figure #1 (Adapted version from Torras, Maria-Carme and Joseph Gafaranga 2002: 530) A very helpful analogy to clarify the differences between code switching and code mixing comes from chemistry. Code switching is similar to the phenomena of suspension where the material is mixed into a suspended medium wherein the parts eventually separate and settle out of the mixture. Code mixing is comparable to the phenomena of a solution where a type of bonding occurs that prevents the mixed elements from separating (Field 1989: 87). Upon the completion of my study, the tape-recorded conversations were transcribed and analyzed to determine overall patterns of code switching code mixing. In the analysis of these tapes and the feedback provided by the participants, this study demonstrates that the social forces that influenced language interchange were group solidarity, acceptance and identity. The main motivations to switch or mix are: to joke, means of expression, lack of language knowledge, change in members and to maintain a sense of comfort. This study builds upon the present literature, which uses code switching as a set of static parameters and shows that many of these sociolinguistic variables are actually in a constant state of flux: a negotiation of identity between speakers holding a variety of identities, norms, and rules. Over the last three decades there has been extensive research done on language and culture contact or interchange. Myers-Scotton, Auer, Stacks, Gumperz, and Poplack are just some of the scholars that have made great contributions to the literature. Although there is a vast literature on this topic, there are no uniform definitions of the concepts that explain these situations. Some scholars use a very general definition for language interaction and label it just as “code switching” or “code mixing” whereas other scholars breakdown these concepts even further and distinguish what constitutes a mix or a switch. For the purpose of my study I distinguish between these two concepts since there is such a drastic variation of linguistic interaction within my data set. Throughout this paper code switching is referred to as CS and code mixing as CM. Throughout this paper the terms switching and mixing are used to refer to the general interchange between languages.

There are two distinct fields of approach applied to the study of bilingual language use; the grammatical perspective and the socio-functional perspective. The grammatical perspective analyzes structural components within utterances whereas the socio-functional perspective analyzes the social

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implications demonstrated in a language interchange situation. My study entails the examination of the sociolinguistic perspective. “Traditionally, the sociolinguists examine key social variables such as the identity of the speaker (gender, age, occupation, etc.), his or her relations with the other participants in a conversation (e.g., whether they are friends or distant acquaintances), or the formality of the context” (Wei 2002:162). I explore these elements within in my study, but they do not form the main components within the analysis of the data. The examination of the sociolinguistic perspective is then subdivided into two main methodical approaches: organizational explanation and the identity related explanation.

Auer introduced the organizational explanation in 1984. This approach employs the technique of conversational analysis. “Conversational analysts aim to reveal the evidence of social reality and to pinpoint the origin of social meaning- how meaning is generated from face-to-face interaction. For those who adapt the CA approach to code switching, the meaning is not given through the inculcation of values and norms, or any structural form that pre-exist or underlie individual actions and utterances. Instead it resides in conversational interaction itself” (Wei 2002:173). “As qualitative approaches, conversational analysis and ethnography share several important characteristics; insistence on staying close to the raw data, returning again and again to original notes and recordings on which the analyses are based; commitment to deriving categories directly from the data instead of using a preconceived classification system for analysis, and faithfulness to the participant's perspective” (Wilkinson 2002:159).

The “we/they” code by Gumperz and the Markedness model by Myers-Scotton are two key approaches in the identity-related explanation. Within Gumperz's model the “we” code refers to the language use within a bilingual community and the “they” code refers to the language use of the whole society, where the community forms the minority within society. The identification of a linguistic code or codes as belonging to a particular group of individuals, "our language" creates the division with the "other". In the interpretation of the meaning of code switching or code mixing, the “we/they” codes portray social distance or authority (Wei 2002:165). The “we” vs. “they” model describes the formation of group identity and solidarity.

The markedness model also known as the rational choice model by Carol Myers-Scotton is used to explore an individual’s motivation to CS or CM. This model is based upon the concept that an individual makes a rational choice in determining the costs or benefits of the usage of a linguistic code or in some cases

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linguistic codes. CS labeled as “unmarked” or "smooth switching" occurs frequently and is considered an accepted switch between languages. Unmarked language switches conforms to the communities language and social norms. CS labeled as “marked” draws attention to the switch and effects the social distance between individuals. Marked switches are in direct opposition of pre-established language and social norms and as a result social distance is created between the community and the individual who made the marked language choice. Speakers use their language choice to portray their perception of who they are, "their self" (Myers-Scotton 1993:478).

Another aspect that is involved in Myers-Scotton’s approach to CS is her employment of the terminology of the matrix language and the embedded language. The matrix language refers to the language that is more dominate or more prevalent language in daily discourse. The embedded langue consists of fragmentary elements form another language that is worked into the matrix language. This terminology aids in the identification of the portrayal of power in linguistic production.

Examples from other studies that identify reasoning for CS or CM Myers-Scotton 1993 De fina 1989 Degree of proficiency To indicate a quote To target a references to a specific Domains which each language addressee is used in a group Attitudes toward languages and To emphasize, elaborate or clarify mixing them To switch topics or modes Use of language in their daily discourse To convey emotional content Figure #2

Description of Locations

The comparative analysis of these two speech communities, North American bilinguals in Taxco and Cuernavaca, Mexico, has never been documented. Thus, this study contributes to the literature on language interchange by providing an examination of the pattern of code switching/code mixing in two new locations. In 1999 I attended Universal's immersion program for one month. Participating in this program established my familiarity with the program and also the community of Cuernavaca. Taxco was selected since Illinois State University (ISU) has a summer program associated with CEPE. Comparing two locations also creates the opportunity to investigate the effect a geographic location may have on language usage. In order to examine a possible relationship between geographic location and language usage, it is first necessary to

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contextualize the communities of Taxco and Cuernavaca.

Geographically, Taxco is three hours south of Mexico City and is in the state of Guerrero. The name of the city originates from a Nahuatal word, "Tlachco" and means the place where the ball is played. The full city name is Taxco of Alarcón and its current population is around 201,837. The economy is based upon tourism and selling silver jewelry and other crafts. The strong colonial tie this city has is demonstrated in its architecture. The potential contact with North American bilingual persons who speak Spanish and English is drastically lessened in this city because there is only one immersion program in the entire city.

The immersion program at CEPE is divided into five levels of language proficiency. Students take a placement test that determines their proficiency level. The focus of Level I is communication skills and the overall basic comprehension of the Spanish language. Level II practices the more complex grammatical structures and emphasizes the production of oral and written arguments. Students in Level III practice more compound grammatical structures and focus more on written expression. Level IV practices the most complex grammatical structures and the correct usage of these structures. The highest level, Level V focuses on the improvement of linguistic and communicative skills to be comparable to a native speaker. This level also promotes student’s listening comprehension. Students are exposed to different types of discourse, which vary in level of difficulty (CEPE web page ).Ninety students in total attended the six-week program here. The majority of the students were in levels two, three and four. Class size varied between five and fifteen. Throughout the duration of the program the students remained with the same teacher and classmates. All students attending this program lived with host families. Students’ interaction with Mexican family members varied and was limited because the cost of meals was not included in the program. A key time for family conversation in the everyday lives of Mexicans is La Comida, a meal that takes place in the afternoon.

Levels Students

V 5

IV 23

III 30

II 25

I 6

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The city of Cuernavaca is less than one hour south of Mexico City and is located in the state of Morelos. It has a population around 838,706, which is almost three times larger than Taxco. Ceurnavaca is famous for its second language schools and has over 50 schools that have immersion programs, which is significant contrast to Taxco. More language schools increases the population of bilingual students which then increases the possibility of speaking more English than Spanish.

Universal offers many different programs: Regular Spanish, Advanced Spanish, Travel Spanish, and Professional Spanish. The Regular Spanish program is divided into sixty modules. A placement test determines the student’s entry point into the module sequence. The main objectives of this program are teaching basic and compound grammatical structures and emphasizing the practice of communication skills. At the end of each week students are tested and according to the results will remain in the present level or advance to the next module in the sequence. The weekly testing also creates the possibility of changing instructor and classmates. The program duration is determined by the institution associated with each group of students. Around fifty students were present at the school at any given time (Universal Webpage). Class size is a very important part to their curriculum and it never exceeds over five students. Small class sizes increased the student’s opportunity to participate in class activities and practice speaking Spanish more often. Small class size also made it possible to tape-record in class discussions. All participants in my study attended the Regular Spanish program for four weeks. All students also lived with host families and participated in La Comida on a regular basis.

Data Collection

In Taxco, I randomly selected at least two ISU students from each level. Several of these students were my classmates in previous Spanish classes at ISU. These students then participated in a semi-structured interview. I conducted such interviews with sixteen students at the school or a local restaurant. I spent two days in each level observing in class discourse. Large class sizes made it difficult to tape-record during my sessions of observation, therefore my field notes document language usage in the classroom. I spent a total of two weeks observing at this location. Outside the classroom I participated in some of the student’s activities: going to historical sites, restaurants, bars, dance clubs and shopping. My field notes document natural language of the students at these locations. These field notes in an informal setting were then compared to the student’s language usage in a more formal setting (during the semi-structured interview). Three males from

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this group also participated in a tape-recorded discussion of their usage of language. These participants also constructed a list of CM words and CS phrases in American slang to Spanish.

As a result of my familiarity of Cuernavaca, I spent six weeks in the community. My friend is a teacher at Universal and I selected her classroom for observation. She teaches intermediate to the advanced levels within the module of the Regular Spanish Program. Every teacher conducts his or her classroom differently and remaining with one instructor provided a constant style of teaching to document an instructor’s role in the interaction between Spanish and English within the classroom setting. I tape-recorded over fifty hours of in class conversations. In addition to the recordings in the classroom, students also participated in semi-structured interviews. I also participated in activities outside the classroom: going to restaurants, the movies, bars, salsa dance clubs, family meals, and shopping. I also documented two males using CS phrase from American slang to Spanish within their daily discourse. Once again I made comparisons between findings from my field notes to what the students said about his or her language usage within the interviews. What people say they do is not always what they actually do. The comparison between my field notes, tape conversations in the classroom, and what they said in the interviews documents any discrepancies.

Data and Analysis

The total population within this study consists of thirty participants and fifteen were selected from each location. The fifteen participants from Cuernavaca are referred to as Group #1 and the fifteen participants from Taxco are known as Group #2. All participants ranged from 18 to 25 years of age. The female to male ratio between the groups are 11/4 in Taxco and 7/8 in Cuernavaca. The ratio of female to male in Taxco was very high whereas the ratio was almost equal in Cuernavaca. It is important to note that sub groups or cliques formed at each location. The participants that formed these cliques and a sense of a group are included within my analysis. The other participants who were not associated with any particular group also did not express the same linguistic and social characteristics like those who participated in the construction of a group. The formation of a group is the essential component that influenced the linguistic production of the participants.

Group #1

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The participants of this group are Luke, Mike, Bob, Jenny, Lindsay, and Marienella. All of these students live in the southwest region of the United States, which is also known as an area that represents a contact situation. Each student participated in a semi-structured interview and was observed inside and outside the classroom setting. After taking the entrance exam at the school, the students were placed at the low-high intermediate level in the school’s module. The four participants Mike, Lindsay, Jenny and Bob are college students at Texas Lutheran. Even though they were college students at the same school, none of them knew each other prior to attending the immersion program. Marienella is from East Los Angeles and is ethnically Mexican/American who describes herself as a “chicana”. She provides insightful information on the Mexican/American perspective, which is discussed briefly in this section, but is further explored in the section describing the Mexican/American perspective on this language interchange. Even though Marienella was associated with this particular group of students, her point of view on this language contact situation was quite different than her fellow group members as a result of her ethnicity and her personal experiences with the Spanish and English language. It must be mentioned that the point of view of Marienella is not representative of the Mexican/American perspective as a whole. It is also important to note that Marienella, like many other Mexican/Americans are forced to learn English as a means for survival whereas North American bilinguals make the choice to learn Spanish. This group attended the immersion program for a month and was there two weeks prior to my arrival in Cuernavaca. In addition to the attendance of the immersion program at Universal, they also attended a program that examined theological aspects within the community. This program is associated with the Center for Global Education, which is located in Minneapolis at Ausburg College. Group solidarity was already established before my attempt to communicate with the group. “Our group of eleven has already been together for two weeks and already had a sense of community that has formed in some sense, so you were a person that was coming into that community, I am sure that played into my experience with you and others as well” (Luke). The students also shared a lot of time together outside the Universal’s immersion program attending lectures and religious base communities. Many common threads were woven between these group members; the goal to understand theological aspects within a Mexican community, growing up in Texas (Luke, Bob, Jenny, Lindsay and Mike), and also sharing similar future goals. “I hope to teach at a college level at some point and I would like to teach Cultural Studies or Christian Ethics. I am going to be doing organizing work

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in the coming year at the Youth and Ministry for Peace and Justice in the Bronx’ (Luke). “In the future I am looking at work in the church” (Jenny). The religious thread was the strongest thread that intertwined all of the members within this group. The common threads between theses individuals enhanced the quick formation of group solidarity and identity. After the formation of the group was established linguistic norms took shape. The language norms accepted by this group was English or a combination of English and Spanish. The combination of the two languages contained more English elements that Spanish. With all of these aspects combined the opposition towards me was reinforced at a higher degree as a result of my language choice, to speak exclusively in Spanish. What does it mean to become an outsider? How does social identity predetermine language and social norms? How is power displayed in social interactions? All of these questions became essential components in my analysis of this group. Before beginning my research I tried to think of what possible consequences could result due to language choice and how one’s language choice may influence the language choice of another individual. Even though I took the time to think of possible consequences of my language choice, I did not know what other people's reaction would be until I entered into conversation with them. Therefore, the rational choice model of Myers-Scotton was considered, but was seen as inapplicable model in this situation. I made the decision to speak in Spanish upon my arrival. I wanted to practice my Spanish and also adapt to or "immerse" myself into the language choice of the Cuernavacan community. As a result of my initial experience in the courtyard, I later told the students that I would like to speak in Spanish in order to practice the language and that they could converse with me in English or Spanish if they wanted. I thought it was necessary to let the students know that they were by no means obligated to speak in Spanish with me and that they could choose either language. After a couple of weeks I realized that the students were actually reaffirming their own sense of community, thus, they were maintaining their language and social norms of speaking in English as they would in the US. In a sense they were creating a community with in another community through their linguistic choice. Power is deeply engrained in linguistic production as a result of historical and political events. Language dominance is also displayed in the positioning of one language over another. For example, English/Spanish refers to the fact that English is the preferred and dominant language over Spanish. The word order that the languages appear also can denote the first language/second language. The notion of the

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portrayal of power in interpersonal communication was pointed out by two of the students, Luke and Lindsay. “I think that when someone is going to initiate a conversation to people who their first language is English and insists to use Spanish it is assumed that this person has a strong command on the Spanish language. It sets up a hierarchical relationship; a relationship where the receiving end of the discourse can feel disempowering. I think that in a way, that when a person who has strong Spanish language skills who’s first language is English and comes into contact with someone who is not as comfortable with their Spanish language skills, there is this immediate set up of, I am the teacher and I am in charge and it is a constant trying to catch up in discourse with that person” (Luke).

“It seems like it wasn’t a fair playing ground because I couldn’t respond to you in that language. That makes you have the power in that situation, that is not the best way to study a group if you are the observer and you have a higher playing ground, it is the seems as not immersing yourself in a culture, in a lot of ways it seems like classical anthropology; ways of looking at things and not the cultural way of looking at things. In classical anthropology the observer has a detached view of things and watching the natives and later inferring what happens there. Cultural anthropology understands that there is a dichotomy going on when they are watching and also being watched. The anthropologist’s job is to maintain a balance and always maintain a fair playing ground” (Lindsay).

Both of these statements by the students demonstrate their reaction to my language choice of Spanish and how it created an unequal balance of power. By no means was it my intention to make them feel inferior to me as a result of my Spanish language skills compared to theirs. This idea of the unfair playing ground was created through their lack of confidence in their linguistic production. It was a more of a matter of language confidence than proficiency since in the classroom they both spoke Spanish fairly easily. My language choice of Spanish inverted the social roles when generally myself and these students would be seen as equals due to our capability to converse in English.

Lindsay was one participant in this group who showed the greatest opposition towards my language choice and my acceptance within their group. She mentions that she couldn't respond to me in Spanish, but in reality she had the language skills necessary to converse with me. She also relates this power position to the field of anthropology. She criticized my language choice in regards to the approach to my research. I learned a very valuable lesson as a result of this incident. I learned how language is a tool of power and how language choice is a precursor to group affiliation. If I did not choose Spanish as my North American bilingual using Spanish instead of English when speaking with members of their North American bilingual peer group. I would have also never experienced what it feels like when you don’t really fit in. Marienella also mentions the notion of power in linguistic production. Marienella, the “chicana”, points out that she uses the two languages as a resistance to the dominate language, English and the dominant American culture. “Spanglish is our language. Whites come from a class of privilege and have not experienced our situation.” This comment demonstrates that the interchange between Spanish and English holds different meaning for Mexican/Americans than it does for North

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American bilinguals and also denotes the language mixture as a form of resistance.

The Mexican American Perspective

One of the main intents of my research is to demonstrate the need to include both the North American bilingual perspective and the Mexican/American perspective with in one study on this language contact situation. It is essential to include both perspectives within one study to heighten the overall comprehension of this topic. Over the past thirty years there have been many studies on bilingual education, the Southwest region of the US, also known as the borderlands region and the Chicano movement that explores linguistic interchange. The Mexican American perspective toward the linguistic interchange between Spanish and English contains many factors. It is important to note that there is a variety of attitudes toward this language contact situation and there is no collective view within the Mexican American community. There are some individuals who think that mixing languages is bad or an indicator of a non-education person. Other individuals think that mixing Spanish/English is a representation of their mix identity and is referred to as a source of pride. In my research there is only one participant that is Mexican American and by no means does her point of view represents the Mexican community as a whole. Historical events and the struggle of this ethic group against racial discrimination created very strong views toward the dominant language and culture within the US. The borderlands region has more than a thousand year old tradition of contact. In 1848 the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo changed the lives of many Mexicans. This treaty heightened the linguistic contact between Spanish and English and also created tension between these two ethnic groups within society. History and personal experiences of Mexican Americans have produced an environment of change and resistance. The theme of resistance is included in many texts and also within the interview of the participant Marienella. This interview was originally conducted in Spanish and the comments provided by her have been translated into English. She describes herself as a chicana and lives in East L.A. The description and the analysis of this interview explores; her attitude toward the contact situation, the use of her linguistic repertoire, and the use of Spanglish. She states that she uses Spanglish as a source of pride of her mixed descent and as an expression of resistance toward dominant American society. Her definition of Spanglish is the alteration between Spanish and English within the same sentence or between sentences. Her definition of Spanglish is very similar to the definition of CS. According to Marienella, “Sometimes I say an entire

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sentence in English and finish my point in Spanish in the following sentence. Or sometimes I put Spanish words in between a whole sentence of English.” For example, Wow I am really tired porque I haven’t slept nada all night”. In addition to her definition of Spanglish she also points out that it is only appropriate to use this term if an individual is part of the Mexican/American culture and society. “Spanglish is more than a linguistic phenomena, it is a phenomenon cultural. It is logical that when you learn another language like German or Italian or some other language you mix the languages when speaking and writing but Spanglish is more cultural.” This comment points out that there is a difference when a Mexican/American uses both languages than when a North American bilingual does. Following her point of view it is incorrect to call the code switching or code mixing practices of a North American bilingual Spanglish. What should we call code switching/mixing practiced by North American bilinguals, if we cannot use the term Spanglish?

Within the analysis of linguistic production it is essential to note what code or codes are appropriate with what people and in what social circumstances. She uses Spanglish with members from her peer group, which includes her friends and her siblings. In general, she does not use this linguistic code with adults, Caucasians nor African Americans. During her stay in Mexico she did use Spanglish with her fellow "white" group members. She explains that in this situation it was o.k. since she was still demonstrating her resistance to the dominant "white/American society" and she felt accepted within this group of individuals, which made her know that no judgment was going to be placed onto her. The fear of judgment is a constant social factor that hinders language choice.

"I think that Spanglish is more with people of my age group, with friends and in the community that I live in. Perhaps I use it in the classroom with friends, but also with my classmates because we are equals, experienced the same since we are Mexcian/American, Chicano or Latino. I do not speak Spanglish with anyone who is obviously white or African American. I don not speak Spanglish with my mom or other adults because it is a demonstration of a lack of respect. It is more with people within my peer group and mostly in informal situations." (Marienella)

During our conversation, I expressed my experience with the use of both languages and the reaction of Mexican Americans towards my linguistic production. I told her that some people I have encountered were obviously opposed to it whereas, others welcomed the mixture. Marienella explains that her attitude towards North American bilinguals using both languages is rather negative due to the lack of cultural or meaning attributed to it my North American bilinguals. Her attitudes toward these languages were shaped during her childhood experiences at school.

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"Why are you speaking our language? We use it as a form of resistance, of an age, of a town. You are doing it because you know the two languages. I think that they don't understand or think that you shouldn't do it because you do not know how they feel. I think it is different for us because when we were children in school and we spoke Spanglish, we were seen as bad and not accepted. We had to speak in pure English. English is a position of privilege when a white person says you are bad. You do not know how it is to be a Mexican. You haven't experienced this situation of power not feel like us when we speak Spanish. Spanglish is a form of resistance against the norms. You come from a class of privilege through history, even though you do not present yourself like this. You come form a different position, a position of privilege, which is different than our social position as a people. I think that is why people were not accepting you." (Marienella).

Her opinion describes the opposition against North American bilinguals using a mixture for the two languages. Unfortunately

the other studies that are included within this investigation do not explore the reaction of Mexican/Americans toward North

American bilinguals using a mixture of the languages. As a result of the lack of information on this aspect within the contact

situation it is impossible to conclude that Mexican/Americans agree or disagree with the use of a language mixture by North

American bilinguals.

Although there are many studies that explore the Latin American perspective toward this linguistic interchange, I selected three studies by Field, Toribio and Galindo to the comments made by Marienella. These studies include participants from Texas and California. The participants in these studies are within the same age group as the participants within my investigation. These studies also explores the diverse perspectives toward this subject, who and when it is appropriate to use this linguistics code or codes, and the meaning attributed to it. The information presented in these studies compliment the information provided my Marienella.

The research by Field demonstrates that language mixing occurs more frequently among people that have a familiar relationship: parents, siblings, friends and co-workers (Field 1994:97). The interchange between linguistic codes occurs when there is a sense of comfort and in a pre-established group composition. Figure #2 demonstrates that over half of the documented mixing of languages occurred between persons who had a familiar relationship. In comparison with the comments by Marienella, this study describes that the participants use a mixture of the languages with parents whereas Marienella does not since she feels it is an indicator of a lack of respect to one’s elders. Another contrast is in the use of Spanglish with classmates. This study demonstrates that the students do not use both languages in the classroom. Marienella points out that she does since they share a common bond of origin. Field does not explore the composition of students with in the classroom or the possible structure of the curriculum. These two forces might contribute to the fact if

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Spanglish is allowed or prohibited in the classroom setting.

Code Switching Family Parents 46 (19.6%) Siblings 76 (33.0%) 122 (26.2%)

Friends 46 (26.0%) Co-Workers 40 (29.6%) 86 (27.6%)

Classmates 6 (19.4%) Aquitances 6 (4.8%) Strangers 0 Professionals 0 12 (6.2%)

Figure #3

Toribio investigated a community in Santa Barbra and focuses on the responses of four individuals mixing languages and the reasons why they mix them. This study is very similar to my investigation of the motivation that lies behind the switch. Although there are only four participants in this particular study, the various perspectives on this interchange are still expressed. It is important to note that only one individual Guadalupe, associated her identify to her linguistic production of a mixture of both languages. She also calls herself a “chicana”. One aspect that this study exemplifies is the association of identify and language mixing with a person who considers himself or herself a chicano/a.

Reasons to Code Switch/Mix

Yanira Rosalba Federico Guadalupe w a word yes yes no yes

myself better no yes yes yes

translation ept yes no no yes hasis yes no no no emotion yes no no yes

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my identity no no no yes

Figure #4

Galindo the third author in this analysis compared two bilingual communities in Austin, Texas. The focus of this study is the participant’s attitudes toward English and Spanish. The participants identify that there are three varieties of Spanish; a formal or traditional Spanish that is taught in school and is used by recent Mexican immigrants, adults and parents; an informal or slang Spanish called Caló and is used by mostly adolescents when talking with friends; am mixed form of Spanish with English words called Tex-Mex and it is described as incorrect (Galindo 1995:83). Caló is one type of Spanish slang. It is interesting to mention that this form is generally associated with males. Today the social and cultural norms identify Caló as a form of discourse dominated by males. Females using this form are looked upon negatively by members of the community (Galindo 1992:6). Even though there are negative attitudes in the community toward females using this form of discourse, there is evidence of its use by females. The use of Caló and linguistic varieties promote group solidarity and the creation of the feeling of "us" between the young. Spanish is associated with foreigners and adults (Galindo 1995:86). This investigation creates another outlook toward this language contact situation. Tex-Mex is another word for the interchange between Spanish and English and is used instead of the term Spanglish. The same linguistic codes are being used in California and Texas, a mixture of Spanish and English, but the meaning and its' usage varies. In both cases Spanglish and Tex-Mex are used to create the feeling of community, group identity, and solidarity. All of these studies demonstrate that formal or traditional Spanish is associated with the older generation whereas slang Spanish or mixed Spanish is correlated with the new generation. What is the future of Spanish and English if the trends of the new generation are using slang or a mixture of Spanish/English? Reasons for Switches Identified by Group #1 - Lack of expression in Spanish or English language - Change in Members (Students would switch to Spanish to include their host family members since they did not speak English) - To maintain a sense of comfort (Returning to speaking English as an escape to the familiar) -Group Acceptance (When familiarity between group members is established the switching between Spanish and English or visa-versa is done without the fear of judgment and the knowledge of acceptance)

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-Group Identity and Solidarity

Group #2

This subgroup or clique mainly consisted of three males, also known as the tres amigos (three friends). One other male participant and two other female participants became only partial members of this group and did not contribute to the creation of the code mixed words or the code switched phrases of American slang to Spanish. These individuals were taught CM words and CS phrases by the tres amigos. In order to cover up the identity of these group members, fictitious names were created by the individuals themselves. The tres amigos are Lobo (wolf), Trumendo (tremendous) and Pájaro. Prior to attending this immersion at Taxco, the students had several classes together at ISU, but they did not become friends until they arrived in Mexico. According to the proficiency test taken at the school, CEPE Lobo was placed in level V, Tremendo and Pájaro in level III. Beyond the classroom setting these three participants spent a majority of their free time together and also lived with the same host family. The majority of their linguistic production consisted of CS sentences mostly in Spanish with very few English elements. The main reason that they created these CM words or CS phrases from slang and mixed the languages was to be able to constantly keep a conversation going without having to stop to ask, how do you say this, ¿Cómo se dice? Our discussion of their linguistic production highlights several key motivations of their mixing of Spanish and English, to joke, to maintain their American identity within in a Spanish context, and the establishment of group solidarity. "Our language signifies enculturation. It is funny when other people do not understand what we are saying. Our words are funny and we like to teach our language to others" (Lobo). "I am very comfortable to include a little of my language, slang into my Spanish. For example, Miraste (look) man or including dude but using the Spanish word guey, no way guey" (Trumendo).

In addition to maintaining or using the manner in which they speak in English, the "F" word was also used within their Spanish. It is interesting to point out that the use of the Spanish word pinche (fuckin') was used instead of fuckin' because it was seen as less vulgar or less offensive. When pinche was not used, the English word freakin was used instead of fuckin'. "Hay (There are) freakin muchas (a lot). Toda (everything) es (is) pinche. Pinche ducha (shower). No hay (there isn't) pinche agua (water). Pinche bonita (beautiful)" (Lobo, Tremendo, and Pájaro).

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Laughter and joking was a constant occurrence between these individuals, which reinforced their identity, friendship and group formation. The words created by the tres amigos can be organized into three categories; references to identity, bodily functions and sexuality (View figures 5, 6, 7). These three topics also formed the basis of many puns when joking. The code mixed words created by the tres amigos all end in “ear”. “It is easier to conjugate the verb with the ear ending" (Tremendo). The “ear” suffix also appears in the code mixed words by Latinos (See figure # 8).

References to Identity

Gringear Gringolandia gring/ear gringo/land/ia gringo--Spanish word that is gringo-Spanish word used instead of the term land-English word American ia-Spansih suffix ear-Spanish suffix Meaning-To Americanize Meaning- USA

Mexicanizar Jewcana mexican/izar Jew/cana Jew-English word for Meaning-To Mexicanize an ethnic group cana-Origiantes from the Spanish word chicana Meaning-cheap Mexican

Figure #5

References to Bodily Functions

Burpear Hershey Squirter burp/ear Hershey Squirt/er Meaning-To burp Meaning-diarrhea

Shitear hace un dumpo shit/ear hace un dump/o Meaning-To take a Meaning-To take a shit dump

Corrientes Osear

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Is actually an adjective in Spansih os/ear which means, running, Oso- is the Spanish current or word stream for bear Meaning-diaherrea ear-spansih suffix

Meaning-To relieve oneself in the woods Pissear Toma un leeko piss/ear Meaning To take Meaning- To take a piss a leek

Figure #6

References to Sexuality

Spankear Wackear spank/ear Wack/ear Meaning-To masterbate Meaning-To masterbate

Bonear Bangear Bone/ar Bang/ear Meaning-To bang (to have Meaning-To bone (to have sex) sex)

Cogible Flirtear coger-Spanish word, that has a vulgar flirt/ear meaning in mexico, to fuck Meaning-To flirt ible-English suffix

Hitear en Taco de pezcado directly translated this hitear en phrase Meaning- to hit on means fish taco Meaning- Female genital

Casa de gatas Tocateta directly translated this phrase means toca/teta Tocar- Spanish word that house of cats means Meaning-Brothel to touch Meaning- To molest

Chupar alfombra Muffdivear directly translated this phrase means to suck carpet Muff/dive/ar

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Meaning- Carper muncher, a term Meaning- To perform oral used to refer to a lesbian sex on a female

Figure # 7

These code mixed words were created and later taught to other individuals within the group from ISU. The notion of the creation of subgroups or cliques was also identified by the tres amigos. "It is very American to form cliques. The girls in our group seem very competitive and there wasn't strong bonds of friendship established" (Pájaro). With the creation of their group a new language, as they put it was created. On the surface it appears that there are differences in linguistic production according to the sex of an individual. Taking this notion a step further it would reaffirm stereotypical gender norms. These stereotypes promote the ideas that the males are the transgressors whereas the females are the boundary setters. In this case the males are the transgressors since they are being creative with the usage of a mixture of the two languages and the females are maintaining the boundaries by maintaining the language norm of using English as they would in the US. The sex of an individual does not determine or influence linguistic production; rather it is the association with a group that influences language usage. The lack of a sense of group or community was never established among the females, which then influenced their linguistic production. It must also be noted that the females with in the ISU spoke more English than Spanish and some individuals were offended by the tres amigos speaking in Spanish. The tres amigos had trouble understanding why the most of the girls did not want to extend their usage of Spanish from the classroom setting. "It is very strange, if you only speak Spanish in class. You aren't going to learn anything. Many speak Spanish for fifty minutes and the minute they leave the classroom they start speaking English" (Lobo).

Code mixed Words

Group #3 Latinos Rushear Printear rush/ear print/ear print-English rush-English word word ear-Spanish ear-Spanish suffix suffix Meaning- To Meaning-To rush print

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Complainear Drinquear complain/ear drinque/ar Meaning- To complain Meaning-To drink

Relaxear Wachear relax/ear wach/ear Meaning-To Meaning-To relax watch

Figure #8 (Code mixed words by Latinos were taking from Dicionario de Espanglis por Ivan Stevens)

Code Switched Words from Slang

Group #3 from Taxco Boys from Cuernavaca Latinos Paz afuera / Peace out El pimpo/ pimp Eso no está cute Meaning- That's not American slang term nice Escuela viaja / Old school Leventar el techo / Raise the roof Eh' cuse me, pero no a populat phrase in American slang Tus rules / You rule Meaning-No way Jose Don't even think about found in many R&B songs it Todo bien / All good Ella tiene espalda /Baby got back Hasta la bye, bye a popular phrase in American slang Dulce/ Sweet Meaning-See ya later found in many R&B songs No duda /No doubt Pain in the Nalgas Meaning-Pain in the Está chilleando / I'm chillin butt chill/ear Fresca / Cool chill-Enlgish word ear-Spansih suffix Mi malo / My bad

Derecha en / Right on

Figure #9 (The code switch phrase of slang were taking from the March issue of the Magazine called Latina)

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On the surface it appears that North American Bilingual college student’s code mix or code switch words form slang in the same manner that Latinos code mix and code switch words (View Figure #8, #9). On the linguistic level there is an obvious great lexical similarity. For instance the usage of the “ear” suffix and the tendency to code switch phrases of slang. In contrast on the cultural level there is an array of possible social motivations to switch or mix codes. The CS or CM practiced by Mexican Americans is referred to as Spanglish or Tex-Mex, which are exemplified in these examples, but here is no general consensus of the motivations behind the switching or mixing between Spanish and English by individuals of Mexican American origin. The motivations mentioned within this study are documented in Figure #4. The motivation to mix the languages as a means to represent their mixed identity was only documented by two participants, Marienella and Gaudalupe. In regards to a comparison between the motivations of Mexican Americans to North American bilinguals brings to question the cultural implications, which are caused by code mixing/switching. Is code switching/mixing a culturally significant variable?

Conclusion

This ethnographic study documents current events within language contact situations and demonstrates that linguistic production is not set in stone, but rather it is in a constant state of flux. The inclusion of the perspectives of Mexican/Americans and the North American bilinguals within one study brings us closer to attaining the full comprehension of what happens in the middle ground between two languages and two cultures. Language contact situations are the breeding grounds for linguistic and cultural interchange. These situations are crossing barriers and constructing new concepts of social and linguistic norms. The main motivations of North American bilinguals to code switch or code mix during immersion programs in Taxco and Cuernavaca, Mexico are; to joke, to maintain a sense of comfort, to establish and reaffirm group identity, solidarity and ethnicity. Two main parallels may be drawn between the code mixing/switching practices of North American bilinguals and Mexican/Americans due to the identification of a mixture of Spanish and English to members of their peer group, and on the fact that both groups are constructing similar code mixed words and code switched phrases. Group identity, solidarity and ethnicity are the social forces that give meaning to any linguistic code. Meaning in this case comes from the tongue of the beholder. The mingling of tongues between group members during a communicative event creates the possibility of crossing and creating new linguistic

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avenues. Only the future will tell where these paths will lead our linguistic repertoires.

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