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Chartism and Class Struggle Nicholas Rogers Document généré le 27 sept. 2021 04:18 Labour/Le Travailleur Chartism and Class Struggle Nicholas Rogers Volume 19, 1987 URI : https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/llt19re01 Aller au sommaire du numéro Éditeur(s) Canadian Committee on Labour History ISSN 0700-3862 (imprimé) 1911-4842 (numérique) Découvrir la revue Citer ce compte rendu Rogers, N. (1987). Compte rendu de [Chartism and Class Struggle]. Labour/Le Travailleur, 19, 143–152. All rights reserved © Canadian Committee on Labour History, 1987 Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d’auteur. L’utilisation des services d’Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d’utilisation que vous pouvez consulter en ligne. https://apropos.erudit.org/fr/usagers/politique-dutilisation/ Cet article est diffusé et préservé par Érudit. Érudit est un consortium interuniversitaire sans but lucratif composé de l’Université de Montréal, l’Université Laval et l’Université du Québec à Montréal. Il a pour mission la promotion et la valorisation de la recherche. https://www.erudit.org/fr/ REVIEW ESSAYS/NOTES CRITIQUES Chartism and Class Struggle Nicholas Rogers James Epstein and Dorothy Thompson, eds., The Chartist Experience: Studies in Working-Class Radicalism and Culture, 1830-1860 (London: MacMillan 1982). Dorothy Thompson, The Chartists: Popular Politics in the industrial Revolu­ tion (New York: Pantheon 1984). Ivor Wilks, South Wales and the Rising of 1839 (Urbana and Chicago: Univer­ sity of Illinois Press 1984). David V.J, Jones, The Last Rising: The Newport Insurrection of 1839 (Oxford: Oxford University Press 1985). CHARTISM WAS A CAMPAIGN for democratic rights which captured the imag­ ination and support of the working class in the second quarter of the nineteenth century. Despite the longevity of its political aims, it was its social character that caught the contemporary eye, differentiating it from earlier radical move­ ments. To Marx and Engels, Chartism was the political embodiment of working-class insurgency in the first industrial nation, presaging social revolu­ tion. From 1838 onwards universal suffrage lost its idealist character and became, in Marx's own words, "the equivalent for political power for the working class of England, where the proletariat forms the large majority of the population, where, in a long, though underground civil war, it has gained a clear consciousness of its position as a class."1 It is upon this formulation, as well as the more condescending portraits of Carlyle, Disraeli, and Mrs. Gas- kell, that much of the debate about Chartism has turned. ' K. Marx and F. Kngels, Articles On Britain (Moscow 1971). 119. Nicholas Rogers, "Chartism and Class Struggle," Labourite Travail, 19 (Spring 1987), 141-151 143 144 LABOUR/LE TRAVAIL Understandably, the tremendous ex­ of class alignments and initiatives, some­ pansion of social history in the past two thing that was to be taken up and devel­ decades has changed the orientation of oped by John Foster in his study of Old­ Chartist studies. The early scholarly treat­ ham,1 albeit from a very different political ment of the movement was emphatically perspective. The recent crop oi books, Fabian in perspective and sought to high­ too, have built on this local dimension. light Chartism's more respectable, con­ although they have not been concerned stitutionalist dimension. Mark Hovell, for simply to generate yet another round of example, emphasized the role of the local studies. As the introduction to Char- rational, self-educated artisans of the Lon­ tist Experience hints, this can degenerate don Working Men's Association who into a local antiquarianism obscuring the helped frame the charter and who lent diverse but national dimensions of Char­ considerable weight to the class- tism. Rather, there has been an attempt to collaborationist ventures of the Birming­ recapture the collective experience of ham Political Union and the Complete Chartism, its culture and ideology, as well Suffrage Movement. In his view it was the as to address problems that arose out of its reckless leadership of Feargus O'Connor promotion of a mass platform for demo­ and his "semi-barbaric" followers from cratic change. Of critical importance to the north that wrecked the unity of the these issues has been the work of social movement by alienating potential middle- historians on popular radicalism and col­ class support. This became the staple lective protest, especially E.P. Thomp­ interpretation ol Chartism, one that son, whose theoretical and methodologi­ hinged upon a dichotomy between an cal formulations on early working-class enlightened London artisan class, propo­ culture and consciousness continue to nents of "moral force," and a "physical inform and engage work on the labour force" contingent of "fustian jackets and movement. unshorn chins" fuelled by hunger and hardship.- It generated sociological One of the problems that has always cliches about leaders and followers as confronted historians of Chartism has well as opening the door to a spasmodic, been an evaluation of the insurrectionary economically reductionist interpretation impulses of 1839. When the "General of Chartism that saw the movement's Convention of the Industrious Classes" momentum and intensity rise and fall with first met in February 1839 to organize a the trade cycle. monster petition to Parliament, there was a good deal of debate about the "ulterior These caricatures came in for some measures" that might be taken should the hard knocks before social history reached charter fail. Much of the language of its current popularity. The shift to the menace was rhetorical, part of a radical local context pioneered by Chartist strategy that harked back to the reform Studies in 1959 belied the erratic, episodic agitations of the early 1830s as well as to view of Chartism and revealed a rich net­ the Peterloo massacre of 1819. Chartists work of community activities sustained by of all persuasions believed in defiant, con­ a hitherto invisible voluntary staff of key stitutional mass action and the right to arm activists.1' It also exposed the complexity themselves against government repres­ sion. But beyond that there was consider­ 1 Mark Hovell, The Chartist Movement (Man­ able disagreement about the sorts of con- chester 1925); for a useful summary of early Chartist historiography, see Dorothy frontationalist strategies that might be Thompson. '"Radicals and Their Historians." adopted and how far Chartists should Literature and History. 5(1977). 104-8. 1 Asa Briggs, ed.. Chartist Studies (London ' John Foster, Class Struggle and the Indus­ 1959). trial Revolution (London 1974). CHARTISM AND CLASS STRUGGLE 145 move beyond economic sanctions towards on Newport as insurrectionary; but unlike insurrectionary activity. These issues Hovell they do not see the rising as solely deeply divided the convention and part of a master plan hatched by ultras at prompted dissension and equivocal rec­ the convention. In their view the initiative ommendations. In the event, the delegates lay with the iron working and mining dis­ framed a series of ulterior measures but tricts, and like Williams, and indeed called off the most controversial, a gen­ G.D.H. Cole, they emphasize the Welsh eral strike or "sacred month," substituting background to the rebellion. Both Jones in its stead a three-day "national holi­ and Wilks show how the insurrection day." Having moved towards confronta­ grew out of the highly polarized climate tion, the convention, harassed by the of the valleys in which a small group of arrest of its leaders, drew back, only to Anglicized coal owners and ironmasters. witness some militant demonstrations in socially linked to the gentry, presided over the north during the three-day strike and a predominantly Welsh-speaking work months later a massive rising in the val­ force in a fast growing boom and bust leys of South Wales. economy. These first generation proleta­ The march on Newport of the colliers rians enjoyed relatively high wages, but and ironworkers of the South Wales coal­ wages were whittled away by the high field has always been something of a mys­ cost of provisions, truck, and deductions tery. Carried out in the utmost secrecy, it for rent and tools. Industrial relations was a source of considerable contempo­ were also soured by the masters' indiffer­ rary speculation. Some Chartists believed ence to accidents and familial welfare. il was the work of agent* provintiteurs. Strikes were frequent in this raw, frontier William Cardo, the Marylebone delegate society. In 1816, 1822. 1830, and 1832 to the Chartist convention, claimed it was the mining of the whole South Wales coal­ part of a projected general rising field came to a halt, troops were brought organized by a small circle of ultras which in, and the leaders of the miners were included the Polish emigre and member of imprisoned. Efforts to unionize were the London Democratic Association. crushed by employers, giving rise in the Major Beniowski. Mark Hovel! took this Monmouthshire coalfields to the Scotch quite seriously: in his view, "the Newport Cattle movement. The Cattle were Rising was the climax of this secret prepa­ community-based secret organizations ration."' But David Williams, the biog­ which resisted wage reductions, back pay, rapher of John Frost, the leader of the ris­ truck by intimidation, and industrial ing, was more skeptical. He doubted sabotage. Outside the iron district of Frost's revolutionary intentions and he Merthyr Tydfil, itself the scene of open saw the march on Newport as a specifi­ rebellion in 1X31 when crowds wrecked cally Welsh affair. He concluded that it the local Court ot Requests and repos­ was "a great demonstration of strength" to raise Chartist spirits and to pressure the sessed impounded property, "Scotch law" government to release Henry Vincent, the was a major force in the South Wales coal­ West Country orator who had helped field up to and beyond the Newport rising.
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