Violence and Love: the Mobilisation of Karachi’S Mohajir Youth

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Violence and Love: the Mobilisation of Karachi’S Mohajir Youth THEME P a k i s t a n Once synonymous with the ‘revolutionary’ violence that galvanised Mohajir youth in the Karachi conflict (c.1985-2002), since 2002, MQM-in- government has pursued a modernising agenda of ‘progress’ and ‘development’, transforming Karachi’s youth culture. MQM’s new agenda is not just a question of militancy or modernisation, but rather strategic, historical practices with shared motives and outcomes. Practices reflecting common desires for social advancement, expressed simultaneously in the discourses and practices of violence and of romantic love. This paper is concerned with the ways individuals have been recruited to MQM’s agendas of militancy and modernisation. Violence and love: the mobilisation of Karachi’s Mohajir youth Nichola Khan designs for political power in diverse his- friends. I risked my life for strangers, so torical circumstances. they respected me like a hero. I was pro- he Muttahida Qaumi Movement tecting innocent people from killers. I T(MQM) is Pakistan’s third largest Eruption of violence: the locality had so much respect.” political party representing Pakistan’s This paper draws on fieldwork and inter- ethnic Mohajirs, the predominantly Urdu- views I conducted in a local context, in Third-class citizens into power speaking Indian Muslims who migrated Liaquatabad, a semi-formal Mohajir set- The intersection of these contexts of eth- to Sindh following the Partition of India tlement in Central Karachi. Known inter- nic conflicts, political mobilisation and in 1947, and their descendents. Originally changeably as Laluqhet, Liaquatabad runs violence, raises questions relating to the formed as the All Pakistan Mohajir Student alongside the Lyari River between ‘old’ diverse range of motives for violence and to MQM activists in A-Area Liaquatabad, 1995. Photography courtesy of the author. Organisation (APMSO) at Karachi Univer- sabzi mandi (vegetable market) and Teen the way violence is collective, idiosyncratic sity, MQM was founded by Altaf Hussain Hatti bridge, on two sides of S. M. Taufiq and variegated. For Shakeel, they revolved to generate new ways for creating power litigating against the road construction, in 1984, who has retained his premiership Road. It is separated from sabzi mandi and around economic gain and status: and sustaining support. In government, their former idealistic hopes that MQM ever since. the largely Pukhtun squatter settlement “We had many weapons and did rob- MQM supports state institutions it previ- would usher in an equitable, just society, Nashtar basti by a bridge. A historical site beries to finance buying more. We raised ously desecrated. In place of ‘exclusion’ in tatters. Mohajir militancy was associated not only of violent militancy, Liaquatabad experi- money for MQM but undertook ventures and violent reversal, current discourses with the anomaly inflicted by the unequal enced severe consequences in the conflict, to raise personal expenses. There was no emphasise a non-confrontational, mod- Deeper discontent development of centre-province power in the form of inter- and intra-ethnic riots law and order in those times. Our group ernising rhetoric of ‘progress’ and ‘devel- Thus, militancy and modernisation in relations, and a political generational and military repression. Many of Lalu- became renowned because we killed sev- opment’. Alongside the construction of MQM express diverse strategies and struggle between Islamic orthodoxy and qhet’s youth are poor and unemployed but eral influential police chiefs who had car- roads, bridges and malls, MQM is also desires for social advancement and soci- modernism, but also with the profound educated. Their frustrations were cited as ried out operations and killed our work- funding, convivially, ‘love’ marriages and etal transformation, at different historical failures in democratic political legitimacy a crucial motivational force for mobilisa- ers. We became famous overnight.” collective marriages (MQM News, 2005). periods, and have been instrumental- over the course of post-independence tion to violence within MQM, in a highly Young Mohajirs, and Karachiites, as Hasan ised differently by different social actors. history. In addition, explanations have contested ‘kalashnikov culture’. Now The militants used organised violence to (2007) notes, are increasingly pursuing MQM’s political shift from a stance of rad- accounted for the context of a city at break- that unemployment, overcrowding, food respond to the situation but also to develop an upward social mobility through activi- ical militancy to a more conformist posi- ing point. In the eighties this was due to and rent hikes are again urgent concerns a unique identity and gain circumscribed, ties that include status-consumerism and tion reflects the need to adapt its methods the proximal effects of massive economic for Karachi’s Mohajirs, sabzi mandi has but effective, power and autonomy. In romantic love. for acquiring political power to being in and demographic transformations, the become a centre for a dynamic, very differ- doing so, they became respected men of government. For individuals, violence ethnic competition in Karachi’s transport ent youth culture. the social and political community, usurp- These processes of social and cultural re- expresses variegated motives commonly and housing sectors, expanding arms and ing their fathers’ authority. Their interviews organisation in MQM have contributed to structured around desires for personal and narcotics trades, and extreme living con- Individual motives suggest that violence represents a solution the emergence of a new apolitical, urban political transformation. Romantic love, ditions; in the nineties, it was internecine The Mohajir-Pukhtun rioting of October- to problems they experienced relating to youth who are conspicuous in the rap- reflecting an individualist, progressive warfare and military repression (Gayer, December 1986 has been described as ethnic exclusion, poverty, unemployment idly changing landscapes of public space. agenda, involves similar concerns. Yet, 2007). These circumstances produced a virtual ethnic warfare, ‘unprecedented and military authoritarianism, especially This is strikingly evident in the city’s new as recent events indicate, development, dynamic, militant youth culture (Verkaaik, since the partition of the subcontinent’ brutal police practices and military crack- green spaces such as Bin Qasim Park in modernisation and romance within MQM 2004). Karachi’s Mohajirs first mobilised (Hussain, 1990). MQM mobilised violent downs, but also that the men played an Clifton and Sabzi Mandi Park, which was are in tension with continued violence, an organised, violent response to these responses and in Liaquatabad, Arshad active role in shaping practices of opposi- developed after sabzi mandi market was pointing to people’s deeper discontents, pressures in the Mohajir-Pukhtun riots of swiftly joined the momentum, marking his tion to their problems. moved to the city’s peripheries, ostensibly deep fissures in the city’s well-being, and 1985-6, propelling MQM into the political initiation as a political militant: to reduce the flow of heavy traffic. Here, MQM’s political struggles over power. limelight. “One morning in Aligarh Colony and Extreme violence and killings, beginning 20 years after the Mohajir-Pukhtun riots, Orangi Town the Pukhtuns killed more with the Mohajir-Pukhtun riots, may thus young couples enact romantic visions of Nichola Khan The advent of Pakistan’s ethno-nationalist than 280 Mohajirs in their homes. By constitute a rational response to conven- a better future, assisted by the ‘MQM’ University of Brighton Mohajir party, the Muttahida Qaumi Move- the evening all Karachi knew what the tional desires for social mobility, careers, security guard who ensures they are not [email protected] ment (MQM), to provincial government in Pukhtuns had done, so the Mohajirs status and respectability which have been disturbed. Irfan and Rizwana visit Sabzi Sindh in 2002 marked a shift in the oppo- stood up to kill. Our blood was hot, we effectively blocked. Violent action, during Mandi park regularly. They shun the former References sitional basis of political identity. Violence wanted revenge. I remember that night, conflict, was a potent lever to re-organise militant ‘heroes’ of the conflict and poli- Gayer, L. 2007. Guns, Slums and ‘Yellow had characterised its political and military it was 14 December 1986... We went to exclusionary, repressive practices, respond tics generally. Yet, in the light of MQM’s Devils’: A Genealogy of Urban Conflicts in involvement in around 15 years of conflict find some Pukhtuns, of course innocent to violent threats, and to achieve deep achievements in Karachi, they pledge their Karachi, Pakistan. Modern Asian Studies, 41 in Karachi. Comparing aspects of that con- Pukhtuns... We were fourteen boys in (personal and political) desires for trans- continued support. They dream of mar- Hasan, A. 2006. Urban Issues: Rights and flict with MQM’s term in government, this four cars. We killed as many as we could formative change. riage, owning a home, car, private educa- Responses for Life and Livelihood. Plenary paper explores practices and discourses find and it was reported in the morning The militants become the retainers of tion for their children and foreign travel. address to Sixth World Social Forum. Kara- around dynamic forms of social and cul- newspapers. That’s how I started killing MQM’s violent ethno-nationalist dis- The couples
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